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Week of March 29, 2009 - April 4, 2009

Holy Crap. They Stole it All.


The implications of this article are stunning, even today.  Let me sum up:  Reinsurance is legitimate: company X sets life insurance policy for Y, then takes out policy from Z so that they're covered if Y makes a claim.   By taking out the policy, X removes the liability from its books and can write more contracts.  If this is on the up and up, then great.

What's illegal is writing "side letters", namely, secret agreements stating that the insured will not and has no intention of collecting.  In this circumstance, it's a form of financial fraud because the insurance company is simply lying to get liability off of its books so that it can write more policies and collect more premiums.  AIG, as Ritholz documents, was heavily involved in this practice, and got stung for it (to the tune of only $10 million by Bush's SEC--which should give you some idea of how bad it had to be for them to act).

Enter CDS's.  If Ritholz is correct, these credit default swaps also worked the same way.  It enabled banks and investment banks to get bad debt off of their books.  Since the value of the CDS securities depended on an ever-increasing housing market, they were doomed to failure from the get go.  Inestimably stupid, yes.   But not criminal.  

If the counter-parties signed these side letters, then they never had any intention of paying back the loans in the first place.  Which means that the money that we spent to "bail out" these sacred contracts is nothing more or less than a taxpayer-funded windfall on a series of well-orchestrated financial frauds.  The presence of these letters would also explain why Cassano did not want either AIG's risk officers or its auditors to know what he was doing.  They would immediately see the parallels to the reinsurance scam and alert the board, and then the gravy train would be over.

No matter how mad you are about this debacle, you're not mad enough.

Dude--Stick to Baseball. Or go Back to 1929. (Please?)


George Will has an op-ed today that resurrects one of the most hallowed of wingnut legal pipe dreams--the dismantling of the administrative state via the nondelegation doctrine.  The upshot of his piece is that the stimulus bill is unconstitutional.  

The doctrine--which has been narrowly applied in a few cases, essentially stands for the proposition that Congress makes laws, and the Executive enforces.  The Congress may not insulate itself from the political consequences of its lawmaking by pawning off that responsibility to the Executive.  

In many areas (the environment, banking, etc), Congress will dictate certain terms to the executive and leave it to the agency to implement the law.  Like the Lochnerites in the 30s, there is a certain amount of wingnuttery that views the EPA et al as unconstitutional aberrations.  And, no doubt, your average polluter would freaking love it.

But the examples that Will uses to prove his point are too stupid for words.  The piece is entirely incoherent, but this hypo takes the cake:

Suppose Congress passes the Goodness and Niceness Act. Section 1 outlaws all transactions involving, no matter how tangentially, interstate commerce that do not promote goodness and niceness. Section 2 says that the president shall define the statute's meaning with regulations that define and promote goodness and niceness and specify penalties for violations.
Surely this would be incompatible with the Vesting Clause.

This hypo was actually suggested by a law professor, which is surprising, as it's both practically irrelevant and pedagogically useless.  To wit: if Congress did have a statute and a lawsuit was brought on the basis of the "nondelegation" doctrine, there might be an even bigger problem with goodness and niceness (such as the First Amendment).  If that statute had criminal provisions (fairly inferred from the word "outlaw"), then the vagueness of the terms would get it thrown out in a matter of days.

The second problem is, of course, that Congress doesn't legislate that way except in hypotheticals orally presented by law professors to dim students (because something that dumb would never show up on an actual exam).  

The third (and perhaps most important point--see dim student, supra) is that a -spending- ($$) package receives a far different analysis from a -legislative- ("thou shalt not") package.  What it did was, for the most part, say "here's $$ to promote [various values and programs].  The executive has much broader discretion in this context.  There could be unconstitutional particular provisions in there, but Will doesn't name ANY of them--he's claiming that the entire spending package is unconstitutional.    Seriously, if a first year law student wrote this, it would be an F.  (And don't even let me get started on standing).  It's one of the most intellectually lazy pieces I've ever seen him write--which is saying something.


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rumpole

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