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Irrepressible Culture


One of the arguments in Dinesh D'Souza's new book contrasts what he calls traditional Muslim attitudes with radical (and more militant) ones, proposing that America dial down what he regards as the trash of our popular-culture exports to prevent the traditionalists from being radicalized. One of the many problems with this way of conceptualizing the challenge of terrorism emerges in this dispatch from National Public Radio. When curiosity and needs for excitement and identification motivate members of other cultures to create cultural artifacts controversial within their own cultures, should we automatically side with whomever is angry with the latest innovation, for example by not exporting works that might spur on the Saudi avant garde?

Efforts to implement cultural conservatism as a tool of public diplomacy invite constant self-doubt and embolden increasingly censorious impulses among foreign commisars struggling to stem the raucous tide of cultural creativity. (How would reflexive capitulation to voices of fear and conformity really protect modern liberal societies in a globalized world? Who knows from what corner of our cultural life another country's cultural rebels will draw their inspiration?)

As I've implied, the entire project D'Souza advocates along these lines is not simply fraught with random difficulty; rather, it is likely be be counterproductive because it is actually incoherent. After all, the development Kenyon describes, occurring in one of the more culturally restricted settings in the Arab world, illustrates the prohibitive contentiousness of populist or oligarchic attempts to draw a meta-line, conceptually, between benign and harmful cultural products. Qualitative aesthetic judgment is crucial to many individual and social goals in any culture, but it best occurs in thought and conversation amidst the backdrop of a vigorous civic array of art, ideas, folkways, and other cultural forms, not as a matter of a necessarily stagnant canon of received wisdom. To set oneself, or worse, one's country, as fundamentally opposed to the dynamic nature of imagination and its unpredictable unfolding within a social context is to fight a battle that can only be won temporarily and partially by the imposition of totalitarian social organization (and heaven help the culture that "succeeds" in this task for any length of time). This losing-battle dynamic obtains within a country and also, essentially, across cultures. The concept of an open society carries more challenges, but also more uses and levels of meaning, than we often appreciate.


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The saying went like this: "when in Rome, do as the Romans do." It wasn't: "don't let the Romans look at any Egyptian stuff." If you're visiting another culture, it's good manners to acquiesce to it. However, it's their business as well what they restrict as imports. Those too restrictive will lose in a world of globalized information. Our own culture should reflect what it actually is, not what some propaganda campaign to make us look better than or worse than we are. Propaganda like that is simply not going to fly anymore.

You're right in thinking that the idea is absurd. Seems to me that you're almost twisting yourself into knots trying to find some merit in it.

In particular, a major problem holding back much of the Arab world is severe lack of literacy and severe lack of access to translated information from the rest of the world, information that the more successful parts of the world have access to, whether it be economic, political, or just about popular American sitcoms or hiphop or basketball. (See any of the U.N. human development reports on the Arab World, or Juan Cole.) We can't solve the problems of their culture by altering ours. Knowledge is power; if they want to be that isolationist in a cultural sense, we can't help the problems resulting from that beyond a variation of the old "Radio Free Europe" techniques, i.e., giving the "kids" a way to surf forbidden internet sites without getting caught.

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P.S. If what I have been reading and hearing about Dubai over the last year or so and their plans for the future is true, there's really no need for us to even get involved in the kind of thing he's suggesting, it's being done by them. Either the fury will be refocused on them for diluting Arab Muslim culture, or citizens of other countries will start demanding the same. While they are on a collision course with Salafist/Qaeda types, I have interestingly and amazingly noticed more than one quote from Sunni Iraqi jihadis that say they admire Dubai and would like Iraq to be like that someday.

As for much of the Shiite world, most notably in Iran, despite the mullahs and the chadors, there seems to be as much appetite for modern global culture, heavily influenced by America, ranging the gamut from "trashy" to highbrow (with trashy being more popular, of course) as there is in China.

There's no breaks on the locomotive. In a way, what I sense DSouza is really upset about is that he doesn't like what he considers the trashiness of his own culture and would like it to change. Well, tough, it's gonna to be a long haul changing that, might take longer than he's got, my advice: better move to France, then. :-)

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In a way, what I sense DSouza is really upset about is that he doesn't like what he considers the trashiness of his own culture and would like it to change.

It seems to me, as far as I have been following his line of argument, that it's rather transparently that he wants, independently, to change our culture.  Isn't this just another example of exploiting the external threat to get your way internally?  It's shameful, and it doesn't speak well of our ability to resist any actual threats we face. 

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To artappraiser and Devon,

If I remember right, Katha Pollitt also maintains that D'Souza's agenda is domestic. I agree that he has significant internal goals. He also explicitly deploys his cultural focus to defend the Iraq war, although this maneuver will hardly sway opinion more than the actual merits of the war and the reality on the ground there.

On the other hand, while his characterization of Islamist motivation neglects political grievances, I think cultural phenomena are part of the story. To me, D'Souza's one-sided characterization and Michael Scheuer's exclusively political characterization are both incomplete. I think cultural grievances, perhaps especially among radicalized Muslims in Europe, inform the political concerns (and vice versa). Muslims in some places do have legitimate cultural complaints in some cases in a different sense from the one I have been discussing; many have been alienated and sidelined from mainstream culture and left economically floundering.

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Culture is politics, of course. but D'Souza is campaigning for the same rigid social order that Islamists want, just a different flavor.

I'm not a fan of either flavor.

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