Kgb999 and
diachronic had an interesting exchange on
Rutabaga's blog a couple of days ago. It was off-topic, so I didn't want to jump in there. But I would like to comment on the issues raised.
Kgb wrote:
But ultimately, like with the Zelaya situation, they [USSC]
are the arbiters of what the law means.
This is true to an extent, but it needs to be emphasized that In
Honduras it is Congress who is the final arbiter on Supreme Court
decisions. This wasn't so with the original constitution, but rather
resulted from a modification legislated in the past few years. I
apologize for not having a citation at hand - it would take a few hours
to find it - if it became a burning issue I would find the citation.
My point here is to support the conclusions of review organizations
have rendered that the Honduran Supreme Court is strongly politicized.
Wikipedia
actually has a very good page on the Supreme Court of Honduras. Of
particular interest is something that has been largely ignored the the
media, and that is that the Supreme Court which acted against Zelaya
had been seated on June 25, 2009 - in a midnight session of congress.
According to Wiki, it was a controversial appointment. In the first
place, the Zelaya Administration was pushing for the reappointment of
Justice Sonia Marlina Dubón de Flores , although the nominating board
had not chosen her. In fact, the selection of the nominating board was
in itself controversial. Instead of voting for individual nominees,
congress was asked to vote for two "blocks" of nominees, chosen by the
dominant National and Liberals (both politically right wing). The
leftist parties , United Democracy & Innovation, and the Unity
Party abstained from the vote in protest. Please note the date; June
25, 2009. It is the same day that the Honduran Attorney General issued
a secret detention order request against President Zelaya, and the next
day, June 26, the new Supreme Court secretly issued the requested
detention order. At some point between midnight on the 25th and the
end of the work day on the 26th, the brand new Supreme Court would have
had to consider all the facts in a complicated case and issue a
competent decision.
In response to kgb's point, diachonic linked to a
very good summary
of legal issues that point to inpropriety by the Honduras coup
participants, especially as it relates to international law. However,
I would like to take issue with one small part of Doug Cassel's article
- a point that does not diminish what the author is saying, but one
that is of utmost importance in the issue of the prelude to the Coup
d'etat.
On the day he was deposed, President Zelaya, in violation of a court
order, was attempting to conduct a referendum on whether to call a
constitutional convention.
In
common speech, "referendum" is often exchanged with "plebisite" and
even "public opinion poll." I don't know if this is true with Honduran
Spanish, but insofar as legal language, which ever attempts to be
precise as possible, the terms are not interchangeable. My own
Black's Law Dictionary
(which is showing its age) defines "referendum" in three cases: 1)
International law - a diplomat consulting her/his home government
in regard to matters presented to him which he is unable or unwilling to decide without further instructions; 2) constitutional law (Switzerland and elsewhere) -
a method of submitting and important legislative measure to a direct vote of the whole people; 3) Initiative -
Right
reserved to the people to adopt or reject any act or measure which has
been passed by a legislative body, and which, in most cases, would
without action on the part of the electors become a law.Black's defines
plebiscite as a type of referendum, but it is both radical and rare.
In
modern constitutional law, the name "plebiscite" has been given to a
vote of an entire people...expressing their choice for or against a
proposed law or enactment, submitted to them, and which, if adopted,
will work a radical change in the constitution, or is beyond the powers
of the regular legislative body.The argument goes like
this: If President Obama asked for a show of hands in a Town Hall
Meeting for everyone who supports the public option in National Health
Care, could he be charged with conducting an unconstitutional
referendum ? If DNC sent out a questioaire asking voters if they
supported single payer are they guilty of conducting a referendum
outside the legal framework which governs such things in the USA. Of
course not. Both cases would represent non-binding public opinion
surveys. Therefore, using the term "referendum" to represent a
non-binding public opinion survey is distortional and leads one to
believe that the Honduran questionaire is somehow illegal.
Kgb999 responds to
diachronic with several points that he observed were absent in Doug Cassel's article. He identifies two areas that concern him:
Thus far my focus has been two fold, #1 what was the legal basis for
the challenge against Zelaya's public consultation, and #2 what was the
basis for criminal charges being brought against him. In the first
case, the argument was that the proposed constitutional assembly (and
inherent dissolution of the existing constitution) was in violation of
Articles 373, 374, and 375 of the Honduran constitution. On it's face
that would seem to be an accurate complaint - hence the court issued an
injunction against the consultation until the constitutional issue was
argued in court.
Now #2 gets interesting. There is the simple layer, which is that
Zelaya was in contempt of court and took actions in direct defiance of
court orders and in violation of the law. But it's actually a bit
deeper than that. It seems that they also accused him of attempting to
violate Article 375 by dissolving the constitution. I think there is
some validity to the argument that the act of dissolving the
constitution would eliminate EVERY article protected under Article 374
... including those in relation to presidential term.
Here are the relevant constitutional Titles, Chalpters and Articles:
TITLE VII
AMENDMENT AND INVIOLABILITY OF THE CONSTITUTION
CHAPTER I
Amendment of the Constitution
Article 373
The amendment of this Constitution may be decreed by the National Congress, in ordinary
sessions, with two-thirds of the votes of all its members. The Decree shall specify for that
purpose
the article or articles that are to be amended, which must be ratified
by the subsequent ordinary legislature, by the same number of votes, in
order to take effect.
Article 374
The foregoing article, this article, the articles of the Constitution relating to the form of
government, national territory, the presidential term, the prohibition from reelection to
President of the Republic, the citizen who has served as President under any title, and to
persons who may not be President of the Republic for the subsequent period may not be
amended.
CHAPTER II
The Inviolability of the Constitution
Article 375
This
Constitution does not cease to be in effect nor does it cease to be in
force by act of force or when it is allegedly repealed or amended by
any means or procedure other than that which it itself provides. In
these cases, every citizen, whether or not invested with authority, has
the duty to cooperate in maintaining or reestablishing its
effectiveness.
Persons responsible for the events specified in the first part of the foregoing paragraph, as
well
as the principal functionaries of governments that may subsequently be
organized, shall be tried in accordance with this Constitution and the
laws issued in conformity therewith, if they have not assisted in
immediately reestablishing the rule of this Constitution and the
authorities constituted in accordance therewith. The Congress may, by a
vote of an absolute majority of its members, decree the forfeiture of
all or part of the property of those persons and of others who have
enriched themselves by supplanting the sovereignty of the people or by
usurping the public powers, to compensate the Republic for any losses
incurred on account of them.
As to issue #1, the
legal basis for outlawing the opinion poll was tenuous. To start off,
you have to confuse "opinion poll" with "referendum." Had the matter
gone to court, as the constitution requires, I'm sure Zelaya's first
line of defense would have been to challenge this conflation of terms.
Luis Alberto Rubí, the Public Prosecutor, did just that. In the first
of four allegations against Zelaya, Rubi argued offense against the
government, based on 328 No. 3 of the Penal Code. This asserts that any attempt to consult the public was prohibited except for those defined
as plebiscites and referenda, reserved to other government entities. [link]
Rubi's second allegation is treason, Art 2, 4, and 5.7 of the
constitution. 5.7, Rubi claims, prohibits referenda and plebiscites
that are a threat the stone article 347, which, if you look above, is a
term limit article. And this is important. Although the ubiquitous
article 239 appears nowhere until the post facto document from
Congress, citing 347 automatically implies 239, in that the latter
defines the former. Art. 2 deals with "treason" - The supplanting
of popular sovereignty and the usurping of the constituted powers shall
be considered crimes of treason against the Fatherland. Art. 4 deals with changing the form of government as treason.
Rubi's
third allegation is abuse of authorith; failing to comply in judicial
or administrative orders. And the fourth and final allegation usurping
the government, based on Rubi's idea that the public opinion poll
(which he already has accused of being treasonous and illegal) should
be carried out by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal.
All these
allegations rest on two things: that Zelaya was trying to run for a
second term and that a popular opinion poll was a referendum or
plebiscite. I believe that Zelaya's lawyers could have successfully
defended him had the case gone to trial. But it will never go to trial
since due process has been so severely abused by the coup leaders. I
would think a simple motion to demurr would do the trick.
I
personally believe that Zelalya was guilty of ignoring a court order,
but my goodness, put that in perspective. It's akin to Carl Rove
ignoring a congressional subpoena. The remedy? a public flogging in
the form of an admonishment. It doesn't rise to the level of treason
or even a trial.
Kgb666 asks an important question: One big questionmark is what the actual referendum Zelaya tried to pull off would have accomplished.
While not a "referendum" the purpose of the opinion poll was obviously
political. Zelaya was handed a petition with 600,000 signatures from
"the people" to have a constitutional assembly. In the Nov. 2005
election in Honduras, there were 3,988,605 registered voter, and only
46% showed up at the polls. That about 15% of registered voters who
expressed their desire for a new constitution. So how many other
Honduran are unhappy with the existing constitution? The result of the
public opinion survey would indicate this, one way or another. I don't
think anyone but the most idealistic believed that the the poll would
lead to the fourth ballot box. Look at the procedure involved. If the
majority answered in the affirmative, the matter would go to congress,
and congress have to decide with a 2/3rd vote to have the fourth
ballot. Chances of that, considering the political composition of
congress, are just about nil. The political power of the poll,
however, is substantial. Those politicians who serve the interest of
the oligarchs would have a difficult time boasting about how democratic
they are.