How Influential is Robin DeJarnette, Executive Director of the Virginia Conservative Action PAC?
Very. VCAP Executive Director Robin DeJarnette is also the executive director of the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund. As such, DeJarnette has played a major role in the GOP's national campaign to disenfranchise poor and minority voters.
Richard L. Hasen recently wrote an excellent article for Slate about the American Center for Voting Rights and the affiliated American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund, "The Fraudulent Fraud Squad - The incredible, disappearing American Center for Voting Right."
It seems that Robin DeJarnette wants to downplay her role as executive director of the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund (the Center) with Virginia voters. DeJarnette's online VCAP bio omits any mention of her association with the Center:
"Robin DeJarnette is the founder and Executive Director of the Virginia Conservative Action PAC. Robin has been involved in advancing the conservative movement in Virginia for 15 years. She was the Government Relations Director for The Family Foundation for 10 years. Robin has also consulted and been involved in numerous local, state and federal races throughout Virginia, to include managing Jay Katzen’s campaign for Lt. Governor. She also represents and lobbies for various pro-family groups before Congress."
In 2005, VCAP's $29,832 contribution to Christopher G. Oprison's Virginia State House campaign was the second largest donation to Oprison's campaign. Oprison lost the race but went on to become White House Associate Counsel. His name recently surfaced because he was copied on a controversial email sent by Tim Griffin to Karl Rove.
Robin Dejarnette's involvement with the national politics dates back to at least 2003 when she and Jill Holtzman Vogel, formerly known as Jill K. Holtzman, teamed up to create the VOLPAC-VCAP Victory Fund in 8/03. According to FEC records, the Fund was a joint fundraising effort between the Volunteer PAC and VCAP-Federal. Holtzman was treasurer and DeJarnette, assistant treasurer.
The Volunteer PAC, of course, is associated with former Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist but VCAP-Federal does not appear to have ever been registered with the FEC. In any event, the VOLPAC-VCAP Victory Fund, the Fund was terminated by Holtzman Vogel in a 12/03 letter to the FEC.
Jill Holtzman Vogel is a partner along with her husband, Alex Vogel, in a law firm. Holtzman Vogel PLLC. According to her bio, she was named Chief Counsel of the Republican National Committee in February 2004. Prior to founding the law practice, she served as Deputy Counsel at the Department of Energy and prior to that, she was Deputy Counsel at the Republican National Committee.
In 2003, Holtzman Vogel raised money for a Virginia State Senate campaign but dropped out of the race. She is running again for the same senate slot and has already raised $464k, according to the Virginia Public Access Project (VPAP).
Between 2005 and 2007, VCAP has contributed $28k to Jill Holtzman Vogel's campaign, making it the campaign's fourth largest donor.
Robin DeJarnette's involvement with the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund may very well stem from her relationship with Alex and Jill Holtzman Vogel. Holtzman Vogel PLLC provided more than $70k in legal services to the American Center for Voting Rights in 2005 alone and may have provided legal services to the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund as well.
More importantly, Alex Vogel's consulting firm, Mehlman Vogel Castagnetti, acted as the executive director of the American Center for Voting Rights in 2005. Alex Vogel was Senator Frist's Chief Counsel and is still counsel to First's Volunteer PAC. Prior to his job with Frist, Vogel was General Counsel for the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC)and prior to that, he was Deputy Counsel for the Republican National Committee.
One hand washes the other in Washington DC and thereabouts. Alex and Jill Holtzman Vogel probably helped Robin DeJarnette become executive director of the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund and, in turn, Robin DeJarnette's Virginia Conservative Action PAC provides financial support to Jill Holtzman Vogel's campaign. VPAC's support for Holtzman Vogel began in 2005 which was the same year that the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund was founded.
What does Robin DeJarnette know about election law that everyone else doesn't? Not much, according to her 2/16/06 interview with the US Election Assistance Commission. See p. 12. Jason Torchinsky, assistant general counsel to the American Voting Rights Center, did all of the talking.
Torchinsky, formerly with DOJ Civil Rights section, is now an attorney with Holtzman Vogel. Prior to his stint with the DOJ, Torchinsky was with the Republican National Committee Counsel's Office where, presumably, he worked for Jill Holtzman Vogel.
In the EAC report, Robin DeJarnette is identified as a political consultant for C4 and C5 organizations and Executive Director of the American Center for Voting Rights. That makes her an expert in election law?
Robin Dejarnette and everyone else associated with the American Center for Voting Rights are so dishonest, they permitted Pat Rogers, American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund secretary and director, to identify himself as a "private attorney" in New Mexico during a 3/3/06 EAC interview. See p. 26 of the EAC report linked above.
Pat Rogers, of course, is now better known as one of the thugs who was instrumental in getting USA-NM David Iglesias fired.
More to Come.
Jill Holtzman Vogel's campaign turns dirty with an assist from Robin DeJarnette.
Somebody ought to ask DeJarnette about her take from the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund and whether Jill Holtzman Vogel arranged the ACVRLF deal in exchange for DeJarnette's support for her state senate run.
Why else would Robin DeJarnette be named executive director of the American Center for Voting Rights Legislative Fund? What could DeJarnette possibly have brought to the table?
Smacks of bribery, if you ask me.
Leesburg Today
By Charlie Jackson
5/25/07
"Allegations Against Tate Remain Unclear"
Very little is known about what exactly 27th District state Senate candidate Mark Tate (R) has allegedly done illegally, days after a Loudoun grand jury handed down an 11-count indictment exactly three weeks before voters in the district are scheduled to choose its Republican nominee.
The vagueness has allowed the Tate campaign to go on the offensive, suggesting a widespread conspiracy led by Republican opponent Jill Holtzman Vogel's campaign is behind the timely criminal charges.
The nine perjury indictments, according to court records, took place between January 2003 and January 2007, and stem from Tate's campaign finance disclosure filings with the State Board of Elections. No specifics are known, but Tate has been fined on more than one occasion for making mistakes on his reports. Tate, co-owner of Coachstop Restaurant in Middleburg and former vice mayor in that town, has admitted making the mistakes, but, according to his attorney Ed MacMahon, criminal intent will be needed to obtain felony convictions on those counts.
The other two charges allege election fraud. But available court records shed little light on the specific charges. The indictments state that between October 2002 and October 2003 and between February 2006 and May 2007, Tate "willfully committed election fraud."
Loudoun County Commonwealth Attorney Jim Plowman, a Holtzman Vogel supporter, began the investigation after a compliant was filed with his office by another Holtzman Vogel supporter. Plowman handed the investigation off to another prosecutor after a subpoena for Tate's financial records indicted wrongdoing, he said. Plowman said earlier this week the motion to subpoena Tate's bank records would shed more light on the charges, but according to the Loudoun County Circuit Court Clerk's office, that motion, and all other files related to the case--other than the indictments' bare-bones listing of the specific state code sections alleged to have been violated--have been sealed.
MacMahon said Friday, "I know nothing," when asked about the specifics behind the election fraud charges. "I can't see in the indictments anything other than a statute. We'll be filing some motions to try and learn more about this."
He also took a jab at Plowman. "It's odd to me that Plowman is talking to you about this case. I thought Plowman recused himself."
The best insight into the charges against Tate comes from the original complaint filed by Laurie Letourneau, a volunteer for Holtzman Vogel. The complaint, sent to the State Board of Elections in February, suggests Tate's campaign finance reports show a "disappearance of thousands of dollars in campaign funds." The complaint also alleges Tate failed to report the names of donors who gave to his campaign, though SBE has weighed in and said he wasn't required to because no donors were identified for the period in question. According to a response from SBE's Chris Piper, some discrepancies were attributed to numbers being incorrectly entered into the SBE database by the SBE staff. Piper adviser Letourneau that SBE did not have purview to audit Tate's campaign, and that she could pursue her complaint with Plowman.
While much remains a mystery as to the extent of Tate's malfeasance, his campaign has gone on the offensive against Holtzman Vogel's campaign and her supporters. The Tate campaign would have you believe the 11-count indictments are a byproduct of an extensive conspiracy.
The Tate campaign also has taken shots at Plowman for beginning to look into the complaint. Plowman believes he did the right thing in passing the investigation off after securing the subpoena to obtain Tate's bank records. Yet, Tate's campaign suggests Plowman should be silent about the case now, which he hasn't been.
But Plowman is just one Holtzman Vogel supporter being fingered by Tate.
The Virginia Conservative Action PAC, a group that is supporting Holtzman Vogel, stated in a news item on its Web site May 1, citing "reliable sources," that Tate "is under intense criminal investigation for serious campaign finance fraud." But Robin DeJarnette, executive director of VCAP, said this week that her organization only knew that a complaint was filed with the SBE and that it was suggested to Letourneau she could bring the complaint to Plowman. DeJarnette denied ever speaking with Plowman, Holtzman Vogel or Letourneau about the investigation. But Letourneau has admitted speaking with Holtzman Vogel about filing the complaint. Letourneau said she asked Holtzman Vogel about Tate's finances and suggested filing a complaint. Letourneau said Holtzman Vogel said she wanted nothing to do with it.
Holtzman Vogel's campaign has been virtually silent since news broke concerning Tate's indictment Tuesday. Her campaign sent out a statement late Tuesday denying that it was involved. It states:
"Mark Tate's attempt to shift the blame for his 11 felony county indictment is shameful. A special prosecutor from another county investigated Mark, a circuit court empowered the investigation, and a grand jury indicted Mark for eleven counts of criminal behavior. No amount of name calling or blame shifting can change that fact."
That salvo hasn't stopped the Tate campaign from assigning blame.
Tate campaign supporter Kay Gunter, a member of the state Republican Party's Central Committee, said DeJarnette had predicted the date that Tate would be indicted. DeJarnette flatly denies that allegation.
The conspiracy talk reaches even the highest echelons of the state Republican Party. RPV spokesman Shaun Kenney said Chairman Ed Gillespie--a longtime acquaintance of Holtzman Vogel--phoned Tate after reading "scuttlebutt" on the Internet and asked Tate about his situation. Tate's campaign suggests RPV knew of a pending indictment, but Kenney denies that. Rick Gorka, Tate's campaign manager, said he was propositioned by Matthew Wells, RPV's political director, to leave the Tate campaign. Wells, Gorka said, told him if he left the Tate campaign an "soft landing" would be provided, indicating he would have assistance finding another job. Wells said he recalls speaking with Gorka, but not the conversation Tate's campaign manager alleges.
"We had heard through the pipeline there was an investigation, second hand hearsay," Kennney said. "There was a conversation between Mark Tate and Gillespie. We want to take care of our candidates in the primary cycle and the general cycle. If something was going on, it's best to take care of himself first."
Meanwhile, two other candidates for the 27th state Senate seat are sitting back and watching the fight between the two Republican rivals. Independent Donald Marro of The Plains and Democrat Karen Schultz of Winchester have remained silent on the issue.
But those acquainted with Tate and Holtzman Vogel have not.
Sen. H. Russell Potts Jr. (R-27), the retiring senator Tate, Holtzman Vogel, Marro and Schultz would like to replace was quick to suggest Tate should drop out of the race. Potts isn't a fan of Tate's, or Holtzman Vogel for that matter.
"He's a slimy politician," said Potts, who survived a primary challenge from Tate in 2003. "I also absolutely truly believe he is guilty as charged with impropriety in his campaign reports. He went, what, two years and never filed his campaign report?"
Del. Joe T. May (R-33), a Tate supporter and friend, said he "disagrees strongly [with Potts]."
"I support Mark," May said about Tate's decision to fight the charges and continue the campaign. "Based on the information available to me at this point, I stand by Mark. In the absence of any real evidence to suggest to the contrary, it would appear to be Mark has been hung up on some accounting details. Those indictments weren't very illuminating."
The charges against Tate, if proven, are punishable by a prison term of one to 10 years in prison per count.
May 27, 2007 11:50 AM | Reply | Permalink