Where’s the Democratic plan?


On Saturday, lame ducks Bush and Paulson presented their “plan” – a $700 billion blank check to the Treasury secretary with no guidelines, no oversight, and not even a reporting requirement. (Did Bernanke sign off on this plan?)

Today came the predictable Democratic hand wringing response to Bush’s audacity.

It’s a little late in the game to be surprised by the Bush modus operandi. He’s never been coy about his process: he refuses to negotiate with himself. His first proposal is always maximum, never acknowledging any interests beyond his own.

Here’s a thought: Democrats should treat the Bush plan with the contempt it deserves and ignore it. Does anyone really believe there is a political downside to ignoring a proposal to give the Bush administration a blank check for $700 billion?

The Democratic chairs of the relevant House and Senate committees should convene with their staffs and, most importantly, with Obama’s economic advisers who would be staffing the upper levels of the bureaucracy next year if he wins.

Produce a plan that deals systemically with the toxic paper, doesn’t let the financier perpetrators off the hook, and provides relief to homeowners stuck with their own, solitary piece of toxic paper.

A cogent, comprehensive Democratic plan puts Republicans on the defensive, especially Republican incumbents. It demonstrates in the most tangible way possible that Democrats are prepared to govern from the White House as well as the Capitol.

And let those Republican incumbents know that ads are ready to run in their districts and states touting their support for giving George Bush a $700 billion blank check.

Americans are traditionally wary of British-style shadow governments. But this is different, not only in terms of the depth of the crisis and the hopelessly incompetent players in office, but because of the timing. The election is little more than six weeks from now, and the Bush administration finally expires in four months. Even operating with absolutely no oversight, Bush cannot possibly wrap this up before he leaves office.

It will fall to the Obama administration the Democratic leadership in Congress to clean up this mess. May as well get started now.

Why is Newsweek publishing a TIME reporter's notes?


With the Bush administration it often feels as if it's somehow unseemly to state the obvious. Nevertheless, it's time to take a step back and recognize a truly mind-boggling development in the always astonishing Plame affair. 


A TIME reporter has first-hand knowledge of a scandal implicating the president's closest advisor with the exposure of a CIA operative's identity. When the courts force TIME to hand over documents and make its reporter available to testify before a grand jury, effectively compromising his pledge of anonymity to a source, TIME still declines to publish a story from that reporter which would reveal what he will tell the grand jury. 

Instead, someone leaks some of the TIME reporter's subpoenaed notes to... wait for it... Newsweek. And a TIME staffer helpfully verifies the documents. 

Maybe I missed it, but has anybody thought to ask Pearlstein why he didn't assign Cooper to write about this? 

An added bonus: Time's new lawyer, once the president's solicitor general, managed to maneuver his client into corporate liability for the reporter's notes. Its former lawyer, a first amendment specialist who continues to represent the Times on what appear to be, at least superficially the same issues, kept the legal focus strictly on the reporter.

Will Time publish Cooper's notes?


And if not, why not? If the privilege is broken, why should Fitzgerald see them and not us?

 
Nothing I've seen, including the NYT's long piece built around an interview with Pearlstine, addressed this question.  

So many known unknowns and dead certainty that there are plenty of unknown unknowns. Cooper may as well tell us everything he knows.

I also posted this question on Romenesko's Poynter Forum. 

Downing Street, the Post, the Times, and the Blade


Okrent was nervous and was doing something strange with his hands. This was one final obligation to be discharged before finally leaving a job he wished he'd never taken. Getler was calm. Neither were satisfied with their paper's coverage of the memo, but both were more or less reconciled to the idea that nothing more will be done on the subject. Okrent, though, had an odd pause before saying no when Smith asked him if he knew if any Times reporters were working on a story.

Smith taped the joint interview shortly before the Felt revelation, so the discussion of anonymous sources lacked a certain timeliness. It also meant that Okrent couldn't comment on Washington bureau chief Phil Taubman's "defensive" reaction to a query on the memo coverage by Okrent's successor, Byron Calame, published last Sunday. Nor could Getler comment on sub-editor Robert Kaiser's comment this week in a Post chatroom that Walter Pincus's 800-word piece published in mid-May on p. 18 had more than adequately covered the subject.

So it appears the two premier newspapers, the leading targets of any right-winger's attacks on the liberal media, have decided to sit out this one. Watergate and the Pentagon Papers are from a different era.

The go-to journalist then would normally be Sy Hersh. But if Hersh is still working on gulag stories, then what? How about the Toledo Blade, winner of last year's Pulitzer for a very long (and expensive) series on Vietnam atrocities? Is anyone covering corruption in Republican-dominated government better than the Blade's daily dispatches on the Ohio pension fund and 
the bizarre rare coin investments? 

Much has been written lately about the decline of newspapers and the rise of blogs, including this infant institution. (Thanks, Josh, I feel like a kid who's been given the birthday present he's always wanted.) But maybe the reality is more complex, with the internet also giving previously obscure newspapers the opportunity to compete with the big capital city dailies. 

Like the Post and the Times, the Blade is family-owned. But so far as can be determined from its web site, it doesn't have the regulated broadcast properties that make media executives wary of offending the regime. And the Blade has the local retail advertising monopoly that makes newspapers in mid-sized markets still a money printing machine.

Ambitious young journalists have always aimed for the Times and the Post. That's where the prestige is, but prestige lasts long after the reality has passed. Some people are still buying Cadillacs. The Post and Times derived their prestige from their influential readership. But who isn't following the Blade's stories as they implicate the entire Republican leadership of a key swing state in a series of scandals measured in hundreds of millions? 

The idea used to be, get the reporting job, then find the story. Now, we have the story, maybe a very big one, and all that's needed is for a reporter or two with good intelligence sources to find an ambitious editor to fund the work. They like to win Pulitzers too.
 
Of course, I could be wrong about the Blade. All I know are the Vietnam and the Worker's Bureau stories. Maybe it's the Louisville paper, which still has at least an institutional memory of the Bingham era. Or the San Jose paper. Or the Poynter paper in St. Petersburg. There are sources harboring hard feelings in London and Washington who are eager to talk. There's no need to wait for Keller and Downie. 



What this liberal believes


Liberals are interested in expanding liberty. The term originally developed in British politics, as England evolved into a constitutional monarchy. Liberals wanted to expand the franchise and conservatives resisted. In the U.S. the terms were most useful during the civil rights movement in the ’50s and ’60s. Everyone who believed African-Americans should have the right to vote was a liberal. Everyone who didn't was a conservative. There were no exceptions. Zero.

Adam Smith, too, was a liberal, because he wanted to expand economic liberty beyond royal concessions, and liberals remain market-oriented. The conundrum for liberals is that expanding liberty for those who do not have it inevitably pinches those who do, even if all it does is dilute their vote.

Liberals believe you should be able to do with your property as you please, unless you impinge on others. Conservatives, such as would-be appellate judge Janice Brown, believe zoning is theft. Liberals want to be confident when they buy a suburban house that their upwind neighbor can't turn the backyard into a hog farm.

Liberals believe labor should have the right to organize into unions, just as capital organizes into corporations.

Liberals believe liberty expands when people have reasonable expectations of each other through fraud and liability statutes; conservatives prefer caveat emptor.

Liberals understand that economic development sometimes destroys markets, leading to oligopolies and monopolies, and these must be regulated or commerce becomes extortion. Liberals don't resent Bill Gates for becoming wealthy by building a successful business, but they don't want him to have sole control of the software business, either.

Liberals have reluctantly concluded from the evidence that modern medicine has outstripped the privately financed, fee-for-service system, which now makes no more sense than private ownership of New York City streets.

Liberals understand that modern economies can have disastrous effects unforeseeable by even the most prudent. Poverty is poor soil for liberty, so they favor unemployment compensation and other temporary measures for those with the capacity to adjust, and a Social Security system for the disabled, dependents, and elderly, who cannot.

Liberals believe government should be constrained from interfering in private life. How we worship, what we read and watch, our reproduction choices, and how and to whom we make love (minors and coercion excluded) are private matters. The government need only acknowledge marriage as a boilerplate contract giving both parties certain rights and obligations. Whether they are the same race or same sex is none of government's business.

Liberals believe the public sphere should be governed by empiricism, which requires an intellectual discipline best developed through education and the free expression of ideas. Good public schools expand liberty for everyone, regardless of their parents' educational achievement.

Liberals believe that empirical utility is more likely to lead toward good policy than abstract ideology. Back in the day when SDS veered off into Maoism I never dreamed that conservatives would take so well to ideology, which used to be the province of Euro-socialists. Take David Horowitz, please.

Obama & Kerry


In case we forgot, Kerry is a loner, and he never showed a deep commitment to anything since the POW/MIA issue. Since when does he have any track record on health care or children? The names that come to mind are Kennedy and Clinton, but they're never mentioned. And why a specific proposal on children? Why not a general attack on Republican inaction on the uninsured, including adults, who, you know, actually can vote? And then there are small business owners, the people whom Republicans ritually mention. They still have no way to join together into larger pools. 


The language is flat and the issue is presented in the most abstract manner possible, with absolutely no effort to engage the reader, as if health care for kids is an idea that sells itself. It reads like some consultant cobbled it together from clauses out of the files. There's no attempt to personalize the issue, like talking about a hard-working small business owner who can't afford to cover his own family because he has a chronically sick kid. The way Kerry presents it, it seems he wants the government to step in and protect children from their negligent parents. That won't win a lot of votes. But it will reinforce every negative stereotype of liberals the Republicans proclaim as naturally as breathing.

Moreover, why even bother with a specific legislative initiative when you're in the minority and you won't get a seat at the conference? 

This sorry effort and Bush's plummeting popularity as measured in this week's ABC/Post poll reminds me that it was Kerry who was propping up Bush throughout the campaign. As soon as the election was over, Bush began to decline. 

Gore and Kerry both mean well. But they and their advisors have proven to be remarkably inept at national politics. Gore withdrew for a decent interval. It's time for Kerry to serve quietly in the Senate and encourage his donor base to give generously to House and Senate candidates. Kerry will not be the nominee in 2008.  

Mark Paul

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