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Honduras, Myth vs. Reality - a challenge to journalists.


Not since the Iraq war have so many journalists written so many stories based on facts that simply don't add up. From Fox news to our own TPM, assertions are being presented about the Honduran situation as fact that can only be described as grossly inaccurate.  So, before going into the details, let start by listing a few of the popular myths and the correction:

#1
Myth: The Honduran court declared the referendum proposed by Zelaya illegal.

Fact:
The issue was never tried on it's merits. The Honduran court issued a temporary injunction against the referendum. It found that without an injunction, remedy for the plaintiff would become moot and public money spent on the poll would be unrecoverable in an event where a hearing on merits found the referendum illegal and it had already taken place. This injunction was upheld on appeal.

#2
Myth: Zelaya was removed from office for trying to extend his term.

Fact:
Zelaya was removed from office for what amounts to contempt of court because of ignoring the injunction and subsequent court orders.

#3
Myth: The legal challenge to the referendum was based on an allegation that Zelaya wanted to extend his term in office.

Fact: The argument against the referendum was based on two issues, one statutory and one constitutional. The statutory argument involved jurisdiction: if Zelaya had legal authority to authorize the expenditures and conduct the poll, or if the authority is granted to a different government organ as alleged by the plaintiff. The constitutional argument is based on the nature of the November ballot question proposed in the referendum.  Based on the Honduran constitution, certain articles can not be changed. Additionally the method for legal changes to the constitution is strictly defined in Article 373 which itself is one of the protected Articles. The court cites constitutional Articles 373, 374, and 375 as the basis for the legal challenge. Article 239, limiting presidential terms, is simply not mentioned or used as the basis for any legal argument.
Please note. This is not to assess the merits of the argument they are putting forward. Instead this is an attempt to provide a factual report of the actual allegations against Zelaya from the Honduran establishment's point of view.

So, what's the basis for saying this?

At some point after Zelaya's removal and before Honduras' own ejection from the OAS, the Honduran courts issued a legal explanation (.pdf) for the decision to remove Zelaya. The undated document outlines 12 points describing the progression and legal situation that led to the events on June 28, 2009 and provides the supporting court rulings. Though it can't necessarily be "believed", it certainly seems to accurately reflect the legal argument the transitional government is advancing.

Unfortunately for myself, and apparently the entire industry of journalism, it's in plumb-foreign Spanish. After frittering around for a month hoping someone in the newzes or the internetz or places with teachingz, who could actually speak the language, would bother to make it readable to we shlubby types ... well ....let's just say "nada".

In this environment, there are two real sources: right wingers and leftist activists - both of which are consistently full of spin and baloney.  Everyone else seems to be regurgitating whatever these two groups say, with source choice based mainly on ideological prejudice.  So ultimately it was to the online translators for me. By running text through several sites, it's possible to get pretty close to understanding what the documents say. Here's what I got out of it:

Explanation from the Honduras court.

Going through the Honduran court's document from the top; they open with a "Howdy", pointing everyone's attention to Article 2 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. The opening basically says: we also believe in government with all branches functioning in mutual recognition of limits to authority - that's why Zelaya was removed. A standard formal intro paragraph.

Then it's on to the points at issue:
1. On May 27, 2009, the Administrative Law Tribunal issues a ruling in relation to [the request an injunction be imposed on] Executive Decree PCM-05-2009. The court dictated a "sentence interlocutoria" ordering the suspension of the proposed consultation by the President or any of his subordinates in the administrative structure.
This is what starts the whole thing from the court standpoint. It's an injunction. There is no issue determined other than if an immediate injunction is warranted. Clunking through it, it is amazingly standard stuff. The ruling ultimately rests on weighting the assumption of legality concerning the contested action against the harm to the plaintiff if the action is not stayed yet ruled illegal when the case is heard on merit. The plaintiff argued if the referendum were taken and later proven illegal, there was no remedy that could erase the act, and that the referendum would be held at state expense and the expenditure would also be unrecoverable.

From the injunction ruling on page 10 of the linked .pdf:
WHEREAS (4): That in this sense it is important to note that when the request is resolved suspension of the contested measure has been taken into consideration that the remedy is not effective if the final rule, it is difficult or practically impossible satisfaction of the claim contained in the demadnda, so the correct decision of this application requires balance and harmonize the two conflicting principles, on the one hand, the effective judicial protection, and secondly, the effectiveness of administrative action, that the presumption of legitimacy of the act, seeking to avoid beginning with implementation of the act of injury difficult or impossible to repair, the absence of a suspension of the act is challenged, so when order the suspension of the effects of a particular act which is to provide that when issued a final ruling is merely declaratory and inefficient with respect to the plaintiff's claims.
In the citation section of the ruling, the constitutional and statutory references all point to the authorities and requirements for deciding the question of an injunction

Moving on, the court declaration highlights the court sending a clarification to the Presidency on May 29, 2009 informing that the injunction covered any action of the general or specific nature of a public consultation, and that changes in "denomination" would still fall under the definition of the injunction. This was followed up with a June 3, 2009 notice of legal requirement to abide by the court injunction. The next major occurrence was Zelaya's appeal of the injunction which occurred on June 16th.

4. On June 16, 2009 the Court of Appeals unanimously upheld the May 27 injunction. Rejecting the request presented by President's Council Velasquez Diaz to overturn the Administrative Law Tribunal ruling. Lawyer Rosa America de Galo representing the Soliciter General presented the argument in favor of upholding the court order. The appeals court confirmed the legality of the May 27, 2009 injunction as well as the additional clarification issued on May 29. 2009.
On June 18, the Administrative Law Tribunal issued a second notice to Zelaya reiterating the legal requirement to comply with the court orders. At the same time, they issued a court order that Zelaya confirm his intent to comply with the ruling in writing to an appointed officer of the court within five days.

6. On June 18, 2009, the Administrative Law Tribunal issue third communication to the Presidency through the Secretary General to order to respond within five (5) days to the court with jurisdiction acknowledgment of intent to comply with the "sentence interlocutoria" as clarified in the May 29, 2009 notice.
Five days later (not counting the weekend), was June 25th, the day the Constitutional Court overruled Zelaya's removal of the military chief.  On June 26, 2009, Zelaya had not given a response and the court decided to take action based on the Presidency's decision to ignore the court order of June 18.

8.On June 26 the court found that the Presidency had not complied with the June 18 court order to provide acknowledgment of intened compliance with court injunctions within five days, which expired on June 25, 2009. The court found that Jose Manuel Zelaya Rosales, as leader of the executive branch was in contempt of court orders and was responsible for the crimes against the GOVERNMENT FORM, TREASON TO the MOTHER COUNTRY, ABUSE OF OFFICE AND USURPATION OF FUNCTIONS that damaged the administration. The panel found unanimously that the President would be suspended for contempt on June 30, 2009 in the event of continued noncompliance. The Supreme Court designated a magistrate to contact the Presidency and determine the status of the required filing. The court issued formal charges and a warrant for arrest.
This seems to have given until June 30, 2009, at the latest, for Zelaya to address the court and avoid sanction and also granted the court authority to act prior to that date. Also on the 26th, the court notified the military that the proposed referendum was illegal and that they should suspend all activity related to consultations or surveys and should seize any materials that had been produced for a June 28 poll in specific. The court also prepared and issued notification to a large number of South and Central American nations alerting them to the legal jeopardy and the courts decisions.

On June 28, the court executed the arrest warrant and notified the international community as well as the Honduran public that the military was acting on court authority. And the rest is history.

So, that's the legal progression that led to Zelaya's removal. Notice, not one time does the issue of term limits even enter the picture. Specifically, Article 239 of the constitution is not a factor at all. It seems that Zelaya was officially removed for placing the Presidency above the Judiciary - not for trying to secure multiple terms.

What about the case against the referendum?

This is an interesting situation. The popular meme, repeated ad infinitum by the media, including here at TPM, is that the referendum was challenged on the ground that it was seen as an attempt by Zelaya to remain in power. Well, that is simply wrong. This was never a specific point of legal debate in Honduras as far as the courts are concerned.

The real issue had to do with an entirely different part of the constitution - the part of the constitution that spoke to it's own existence and the legal process by which it could be modified. Essentially it boils down to this: Article 373 explains the method by which the constitution can be modified - by 2/3 majority vote of the legislature in two successive legislative sessions. This article further states that this is the sole means by which the constitution may be changed.

Briefly, Article 374  declares the portions of the constitution that are "set in stone". This includes both the presidential term limitations as well as Article 373. Article 375 speaks to the protection of the constitution itself and basically says: if anyone attempts to take power by eliminating the constitution that the constitution is still in force and it is the responsibility of all Hondurans to work for it's restoration - and authorizes the penalty of property seizure against any official who had supported the constitution's overthrow.

From page 72 of the linked .pdf:
...In this regard, the convening of a Constituent National Assembly, it is clear that it intends to repeal the current Constitution, acts constituting the crime at issue in light of the provisions of Articles 373, 374 and 375 of our Constitution not lost its validity, or no longer fulfilled and can not be subject to modification, but by any other means and procedures other than that she has, therefore, under no circumstances may dictate and approve a new constitution because this would with the reform of stone articles, which can not be reformed in any case.
That's a very brief teaser on the argument against the legality of Zelaya's referendum. The issue is quite interesting, and now that it is confirmed this indeed was the point of law that was brought against the referendum, there will likely be followup post exploring this argument in detail. It should be reiterated, this question was never adjudicated. The legal track to a trial on the subject was derailed when Zelaya abandoned the legal framework and attempted to conduct the poll based on his own authority in violation of a court injunction.

A Challenge:

I hereby challenge anyone who wants to assert Zelaya extending his own term was the basis for actions of the Honduras court: provide documentation of this assertion (an actual court filing/ruling). Here I am, a booglie-eyed anonymous avatar who doesn't even speak Spanish ... it should be pretty easy for someone "real" to clarify where my assessment is off base. As best I can tell, the "debate" so far centers around one great big strawman.

Anyone who relies on the product of journalism for information should be asking a big question: what process has the media used to confirm the "facts" that are being tossed around? It clearly wasn't by analyzing the arguments before the Honduran court or documents that have been publicly available since these events occurred. How did they get the basics so wrong? Even if the facts don't change the illegalities of Zelaya's removal, isn't there a basic requirement to give an accurate account and to discuss the legal issues based on what was actually in litigation?

The point of this post is to simply present the actual legal arguments being made by and before the Honduran courts, and not opine; but needless to say, I *do* have an opinion here ... that's for another thread. So, I'll just leave this with a question: who benefits most from misinformation on this topic being accepted as reality?

22 Comments

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Excellent post and excellent work.

The only two questions that are left unanswered in my view are what was the reason and the motive for Zelaya to:

(1) seek a Constituent Assemby so ardently, that he decided to

(2) defy the court

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That's the $64,000 question. Sort of like "why did Palin quit". It seems to be "to help the poor". Though Zelaya has not presented any specific changes he is seeking. The whole pitch seems to be "The rich suck and have too much power ... would you like to dissolve the constitution?"

If this was really the culmination of a bitter struggle for reform - you'd figure there would be some mention of what the movement was thwarted from achieving through the legislative body charged with amending the constitution. There is no mention of constitutional changes Zelaya hoped to accomplish in any of this - simply that he should be restored to the presidency (and the indignant assertion term limits were NOT the goal).

It may have just been to set up a conflict between his supporters and the establishment. In order to have a revolution, first you have to make the people feel isolated from the system you want to overthrow. Zelaya must have known there was no legal way for the courts to allow constitutional changes by the process he led his followers to demand. Weather the referendum happened or not, Zelaya followers were certain to feel disenfranchised. I'm starting to think that was the real point.

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Perhaps.

My own view on this is that court documents are dealing with legality of specific actions in context of the Constitution and not with the intent.

However, the issue of intent is the vital and critical issue here.

Personally, I would be suspicious of any politician's intent as a matter of principle. And 10 times more suspicious of intent of Chavez's friends.

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Constitutional reform has been a hot issue in Honduras for many years, it's certainly not Zelaya's invention. Historically, it goes beyond even the 1982 constitution, but starting with 1982, the disaffection with that constitution begins with Honduran communities who felt their voice was not heard in that Constituent Assembly (there was a large struggle at the time between political parties and community groups over who got to sit in the assembly, and of course the oligarchy obtained the lion's share of representation.)

Maybe you missed the link I posted to the single piece of evidence about the intent of Zelaya's poll, i.e. what constitutional changes are desired. Here it is again:

http://hondurascoup2009.blogspot.com/2009/07/why-promote-constitutional-reform.html

You probably would prefer more specific items, but that's impossible due to the nature of the mechanism for creating and implementing the constituent assembly itself. Once formed, it's hard to say what they would consider changing, so political parties and social groups only speak in general terms such as the Zelaya document cited above does.

You already know that I disagree with you about there being no legal way to change the constitution. The poll that set this off was perfectly legal under the Citizen's Participation Act of 2006. But that is why some have characterized the Court's findings "absurd."

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All the things in that list sound nice, and all but point "j" (the ability to dissolve the constitution) could be accomplished through the current structure. And that's my point in responding to Lalo. There doesn't seem to have been a major effort to get the social change issues accomplished through the current framework. No mass demonstrations or strikes, no failed publicity campaign to pressure lawmakers into doing it through the mandated process. The Zelaya mass-movement seems to have STARTED from the proposition the only solution is to scrap the whole thing.

Even now, if I were in Zelaya's position, I would be presenting the slate of reforms demanding the legislature adopt at least some in exchange for dropping the Constitutional Assembly idea. It would certainly be a pretty good negotiation (and reconciliation) issue if that were the actual point of the actions. He's got the biggest pulpit in the world and isn't even mentioning reforms except in the abstract (notice it's the military that released this document, not his supporters). There is one main issue in the negotiations from Zelaya's standpoint, and it has nothing to do with constitutional equality - he agreed to dump that idea in exchange for restoration of power.

To the point of legalities, how can a legislative act (Citizen's Participation Act) overrule the constitution? The question is if a public consultation can be held with the mind to bringing about an action that would itself be illegal. Would it be legal to hold public consultation on a plan to remove all indigenous people by force - maybe a 10% Spanish blood requirement?

But that's not even the actual legal issue. The courts never ruled on any argument of merit at all. There was a procedural temporary injunction ... which IMO was the correct decision under the law. It happens all the time in the US - temporary injunctions are a major tool used by environmentalists.

In what way did the Administrative Tribunal err in finding that if the referendum occurred, there would be no remedy available to the plaintiff? While you may be right, that the Public Participation Act would keep the referendum from running afoul Articles 373, 374, and 375 of the constitution, there sure seems to be a prima facie case for the plaintiff that deserved to be heard. That's really standard legal stuff, hardly an indicator of an unfair court.

The situation reminds me of the scene in My Cousin Vinny where Joe Pesci expects to argue the case on merits at Ralph Maccio's arraignment hearing. There actually IS a legal procedure that most humans - even Presidents - are required to follow.

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I think you're making some assumptions that are not very well supported, kgb. What do we really know about grassroots social movements in Honduras? Our media outlets certainly don't keep us informed about this detail of Honduran life, and it requires a great deal of effort to dig out information on the Internet. That said, why assume that the "movement" is something Zelaya has created and/or is orchestrating? I see it in reverse - existing grassroots political movements are using Zelaya as a focus for political mobilization. What better issue could you hope for than a military coup if you were a political dissident in Honduras? To support this assumption, there is the recent "united front" merger of several Honduran grassroots rights group under the banner of returning Zelaya to power. Secondly, the mass protests of Zelaya supporters have been expertly organized and executed - something that Zelaya and his immediate entourage could not accomplish under the present circumstances.

Now, the Civil Participation Act of 2006 was ratified by congress and passed the muster of the judiciary. It is the law of the land. If any Honduran court wanted to legally outlaw any of its provisions, then the act itself would have to have been nullified under the same constitutional provisions that the public poll was. Otherwise you have courts that violate the laws handed to them by congress to uphold - which, unfortunately, is the case here.

Thorensen discussed this, but if you read the language closely the question about the fourth ballot box was about writing a new constitution, not modifying or reforming the existing constitution. So there's a hairy legal argument there: do the "immutable" articles of the 1982 constitution prevail, or are they moot insofar as drafting a new constitution is concerned? Since the Honduran constitution is silent on the subject of drafting a new consitution, it can't be illegal contemplating a new constitution. I mean, thinking about a new constitution means that you would automatically be frog-leaping those articles that say it's illegal for you to think that way. ;-)

But the whole thing is moot anyway. Seriously, even if the poll was had and 80% of the people expressed their choice for a new constitutions, what are the chances that it would happen? Zelaya's out of office, and his successor will be just another center or far right president. Congress won't be any different. These guys aren't going to form a constituent. The only thing that was avoided is that it would be a matter of public record that the overwhelming majority of Hondurans want a new constitution, and it would be more difficult for the ruling elites to prop up the facade of "democracy" in the future.

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The Civil Participation Act permits consultations on issues of "public policy."
It's disingenuous to argue that this law somehow authorizes a poll that could circumvent the two-thirds-majority rule in the current constitution.
The only way a Constituent Assembly could be empowered is a two-thirds vote of Congress inserting that revision method into the constitution.
To argue (as you do) that rewriting the constitution from scratch is not a form of modifying or amending it is simply nonsense.
I'm pretty sure even you know that.

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acanuck, the poll ONLY asks the public what it thinks about the issue - it circumvents nothing. It doesn't even mean that the referendum would automatically appear on the November ballot, but it would be politically useful for those who wish to form a constituent assembly. And yes, a new constitution is a matter of public policy. (although "politicas" in this instance is better translated as "measures.")

I'll hold that writing a new constitution is different than revising an existing constitution. I don't see why you think that is "nonsense." Is repairing your old car or buying a new car the same thing?

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Look, boho, argue if you will that Honduras needs to change its political structure and that the existing constitution favors the powers-that-be. You might well be right.
But your contention that Zelaya's "non-binding referendum" was constitutional is pathetically flawed.
The constitution (I think it's Art. 375) explicitly rules out any method of changing its provisions other than by two-thirds congressional vote. Also banned is any attempt to change that amendment procedure.
The question Zelaya proposed in June was, as I understand it, ""Do you think the November 2009 general elections should include a fourth ballot box in order to make a decision about the creation of a National Constituent Assembly that would approve a new constitution? Yes or No."
So his "non-binding resolution" would somehow establish an alternate means of altering the constitution, despite a strict constitutional ban on same!
To see how ludicrous that idea is, imagine Barack Obama ordering a public survey on whether people wanted a new constitution, bypassing the veto of both Congress and individual states.
He would, quite rightly, be immediately impeached. Honduras, unfortunately, has no impeachment provision.

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See, all of you legalistic suppositions are definitely valid. Had Zelaya decided to follow the law and have his day in court - he very well may have prevailed (but I tend to think you gloss over a few issues that may have tripped his case up). But he didn't go that route. Instead he defied the court injunction - that simply said "don't do anything until you prove your case in court". For what ever reason he felt compelled/empowered to do that.

You say:

What better issue could you hope for than a military coup if you were a political dissident in Honduras? To support this assumption, there is the recent "united front" merger of several Honduran grassroots rights group under the banner of returning Zelaya to power.

As I mentioned to Lalo, I am increasingly coming to think that is the most plausible objective for Zelaya's action. That's what I meant when I said:

Zelaya must have known there was no legal way for the courts to allow constitutional changes by the process he led his followers to demand. Weather the referendum happened or not, Zelaya followers were certain to feel disenfranchised. I'm starting to think that was the real point.

What you and I seem to be approaching agreement on is that this was never about constitutional reform it was about creating the conditions for a populist revolution - peaceful or violent doesn't seem to matter; the people are just fodder.

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Great work, kgb. It must have been exhausting. Personally, I applaud your fine work.

The question remains, however, why didn't the Supreme Court issue its warrant, or even a ruling, on the charge that you have demonstrated? In the 86 pages in the package you have linked to, there are only 8 documents that were produced by the Supreme Court itself. I won't go through them here, but you can find them translated on Raj's blog.

http://hondurascoup2009.blogspot.com/2009/07/honduran-supreme-court-in-its-own-words.html

But that's why I, and others, have abandoned any effort to find any sense to the actions of the Supreme Court, lower courts, and the congress. It's purely political, in my view.

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Gee, thanks Neo. One thing to bear in mind: the combination of Raj and the Family Research Council is what set me off on my own. He only translates that which suits his own purposes (and we won't even get into the sloppy-ass wingnuts).

I am a little unclear what you are asking. So I'm sort of construing it based on Raj's post. He poses this similar question about a "ruling", which seems obvious to me:

What is clear, then, is that the Supreme Court never issued a ruling about the crimes imputed to Zelaya.

Check me on this .. but isn't that how it's supposed to work? Had they issued a ruling on his alleged crimes, it would mean Zelaya had been tried in absentia. My understanding is the process works something like: arrest order, formal charges, preliminaries, an actual trial (if it goes that far) and THEN a final ruling. Not exactly a mystery there.

As for a warrant, if you want to question weather a signed detention order from a Judge "counts" ... I can't answer that. Usually, that's the definition of a warrant. Even Raj's post highlights the detention authorization dated June 26th - and subsequent orders to the military.

One thing that Raj isn't saying is that the charges are spelled out in 16 pages of detail in the Public Prosecutor's referral to the Supreme Court (I'm actually starting to be able to recognize some Spanish :-). Raj simply translated three sentences from that document that suited his purpose. This detailed filing is mentioned in the supreme court order on the 25th and "accepted" in the judge's order on the 26th - I think that's called "integration by reference" or something. Just because legal basis for the charges is not in Raj's "translation" doesn't mean it's not in the documents. Hell, has he even acknowledged the Article 373/375 case against the referendum yet?

I love discussing this stuff with you - but I think Raj is slightly less than honest the way he presents information. You would do well to maintain a critical eye to his work IMO.

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Raj is actually a woman, kgb, and I believe she lives in Costa Rica (I had originally believed she was blogging from Honduras.)

I don't have any problem with her translating parts of documents that are relevant to what she is discussing...any more than I would have a problem with your own editorial habits (that file was 86 pages long and you didn't translate the whole thing...naughty naughty).

But you have anything specific about Raj's writing that deserves skepticism, I'm all ears.

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Damn! I usually try go gender-neutral in referring to posters to avoid just such mistakes. Glad I didn't do it to her "face". :-)

I hardly would call what I did here "translating" ... more of "deciphering". The small portion thus far accomplished is a product of my lack of fluency, nothing more. The real question in my mind - did I do a reasonably thorough job of presenting the entire contents of the 12 point Honduran court summary and at least ground my "Myth/Fact" point #3 in some documentation (with acknowledgment that the whole issue deserved a more in-depth explanation)?

I don't have a problem with excerpting for relevance. My issue is with advancing an argument based on a translated document but failing to disclose germane information that pertains to the position being advanced. For instance, arguing that the Honduran government's position is full of crap because there is no evidence of Zelaya violating Article 239 ... while looking at a document that shows the Honduran government never made that argument. Again, I ask: has Raj ever acknowledged the Article 373, 374, 375 argument that formed the basis for the case against the referendum? If not, to me that is simply repressing inconvenient information. She has on multiple occasions made assertions to the lack of validity in the case against the referendum - it seems to me in a post of that nature the actual legal issues raised in litigation against the referendum are critically germane.

Now I'm sort of regretting deleting the multi-paragraph takedown of Raj's post in my reply to you. Not sure if it's worth it to recreate ... we're probably the only people on this thread; and I'm unlikely to convince you no matter what.

One example: is she seriously questioning if "judicial detention be decreed" means the same thing as "place under the order of Judicial Authority" or "place him under the command of the corresponding authority"? That sounds like a birther saying "Birth Certificate" is not the same as "Certificate of Live Birth". IMO that captures the essence of her entire analysis.

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In retrospect. I DID skip point 12:

12. On June 29, 2009 the court found that the Presidency was in violation of the deadline set on June 26. The formal charges of crimes against the government form, treason to the mother country, abuse of office and usurpation of functions in damage to the Public Administration and the State of Honduras were brought by unanimous vote. Orders were sent to the Penal Court with notification of the charges and instructed to procede under ordinary procedure under the Penal Procedural Code. Zelaya Rosales is declared no longer of character of high civil employee of the state.

The action seemed to confuse Raj. The court presents it as just tying up the loose ends left by the June 26th court order.

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Convince me of what, kgb? I've already said that my position on this is that it is all political. The legal arguments are interesting, for sure, and your mighty effort is impressive. What's obvious to me about Raj is that she's not a constitutional expert or even an astute politician for that matter. I think she's probably a liberal arts person - artist, author, poet and well connected with the Central American intelligensia. Whatever - I think she's giving us something unique - an on the ground play by play with translations, and posting the writings of Hondurans and others in Latin America who are addressing these topics.

If you wish to throw all that out the window, it's your choice, of course.

It reminds me of the attack on Rigoberta Menchu by the right, who accused her of conflating her testimonials about the killings in the Indian communities of Guatemala in the 80s. It just so happens that is the way the Mayas of Guatemala tell history - it's cultural, seriously. So wingnuts were able to say then that she wasn't telling the truth because she conflated two events that actually happened a week apart, thus pretending that 200,000 Indians weren't murdered.

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Convince you that Raj isn't exactly 100% honest in the way she presents information.

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I certainly wouldn't want her voice to be silenced, and see much value in what she does. But at the same time - I don't think repeating her analysis or presenting it as nuanced (or even based on a complete presentation of relevent facts) is fair to people you direct to her site. You tend to use her analysis as a point to support your arguments without caveat.

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I don't like that term "populist revolution" at all, but I think we're on the same page here. I mean, sheesh, 70% of Hondurans are of the underclass, with just about zero representation in the national government. Obviously, given a vote, 70% are going to vote in their own interest, so the idea of democratic institutions is untenable to the ruling class. It's oil and water, and every means available to repress the underclass will be employed.

Incidentally, if you're interested in the International Commission of Jurists evaluation of the Honduran judicial system, you can read it here:

http://www.icj.org/news.php3?id_article=4389&lang=en

I might just as well post it.

"The Honduran Judiciary remains deeply politicized with the highest judicial offices still being distributed between the two main parties as illustrated by the election of Supreme Court Judges in January 2002, and the election of the new Prosecutor General in February 2004. Judges do not enjoy security of tenure since they can be removed at the discretion of the Supreme Court President, who is alleged to be guided by political considerations. After a legal struggle with the Supreme Court, Congress amended the Constitution in order to confer upon itself the right to have the final say in the interpretation of the Constitution. Official corruption within all state institutions, including the judiciary, remains a serious and unaddressed problem. The Office of the Prosecutor experienced a crisis after about 200 prosecutors went on strike following the removal of ten of their colleagues from office for criticizing a decision of the Prosecutor General in October 2004. Threatened with being removed by Congress over alleged irregularities in the functioning of his Office, Prosecutor General Navarro resigned on 28 June 2005 and was replaced by Leónidas Rosa Bautista. Having entered into force in February 2002, the new Code of Criminal Procedure is expected to improve the fairness and efficiency of the criminal justice system. However, impunity, particular with regard to the rising number of violent child deaths, continues unabated."

You can download the full report.pdf at the bottom. And an earlier assessment:

http://www.icj.org/news.php3?id_article=3103&lang=en

"A high degree of politicisation infringes upon the proper functioning of the Honduran judiciary and legal profession", stated a team of legal experts sent by the International Commission of Jurists' (ICJ) Centre for the Independence of Judges and Lawyers (CIJL) on a fact-finding mission to Honduras.

In its preliminary conclusions, the ICJ/CIJL mission found that the most serious problem facing the Honduran judiciary and legal profession is their extreme politicisation. Administrative decisions, such as the appointment of judges, are tainted by political considerations and judicial rulings are sometimes also prone to being affected by such considerations, which in certain cases leads to impunity. Further, there are a high number of cases of corruption pending against several members of the judiciary, the Office of the Attorney-General and lawyers.

Judicial delays and a selective choice of the cases that will be heard within a reasonable time frame are further shortcomings of the Honduran judiciary. This state of affairs should be remedied in order to be compatible with national and international standards of fair trial and other judicial guarantees. Ensuring the independence of the judiciary vis-à-vis other branches of power, as well as other political or economic groups, and fighting corruption and impunity are necessary conditions to guaranteeing equality before the law for all persons in the Republic of Honduras.

The mission also observed positive judicial reforms that have taken place in Honduras, among them the newly established procedures to nominate judges and the extension in the mandates of Supreme Court judges to exceed a Government term. These measures are likely to contribute to a more independent judiciary. But for these reforms to be successful, all relevant actors must commit themselves to not allowing political considerations to affect the said appointment procedures.

Among the recommendations that the ICJ/CIJL mission presented to the Government of Honduras were the promulgation of a new Organic Law on the Judiciary and the creation of a Council of the Magistracy (Consejo de la Magistratura) that would be in charge of, among other things, the selection and appointment of Magistrates.

Regarding the crisis that started last year at the Honduran Bar, the mission concluded that it was due to a power struggle. However, the mission believes that bringing criminal proceedings against a number of lawyers for their imprudent actions, such as requesting the removal of all Supreme Court judges, results in a criminalisation of dissidence which is contrary to the norms that are fundamental to the Rule of Law. Further, the Honduran Bar should adopt clear and concise rules regarding conflicts of interest and effective procedures to supervise the ethical performance of its members.

Regarding the exercise of the profession of notary (Notario), the ICJ/CIJL mission concluded that, as a Notary possesses the authority to attest to documents and facts, it is appropriate to maintain a degree of control over this profession. In addition, the examinations to qualify as a Notary must possess all guarantees of suitability, impartiality, transparency and equality for all candidates.

The ICJ/CIJL mission visited Honduras from 17 to 24 September and was comprised of Mr. Alejandro Artucio (Uruguay) ICJ Commissioner and team leader, Ms. Mónica Pinto (Argentina), Vice-Dean of the Law School of the University of Buenos Aires and Mr. Oscar Schiappa-Pietra (Peru), an international expert on judicial and legislative reform.

Further findings and a full report of the ICJ/CIJL fact-finding mission to Honduras will be released before in the coming months."

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Apologies - this one was suppose to attach to your comment above where you used the phrase "populist revolution." I did something wrong.

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Excellent work, kgb. Agree on all points.
Based on your thoroughness here, I look forward to what you have to say about the political rights and wrongs of the affair.
You've done research here that the whole of our mainstream media hasn't even bothered to attempt. What, nobody in the media speaks any Spanish? Honduras aside, that systemic failure is the key fact readers should take away from this crisis -- our media are failing us (and their civic duty) abysmally.
As for Zelaya's proposed "referendum": Honduras truly needs social and economic change. The idea that the key to bring that about is by rewriting the constitution strikes me as ass-backwards.
Some kind of revolution may ultimately be necessary (hopefully bloodless) but Zelaya is not the person to lead it. In any case, his mandate is virtually over; bring on the new elections.
One final point: I understand Latin America's revulsion at military coups. That is categorically not what happened here. The military played a legally mandated role (with a glitch or two), then withdrew.
Constitutional democracy survives.

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Thanks for the kind words. And also for taking one of the main points that I hoped to highlight - our media is failing to live up to their mandate in a BIG way. And sadly, I think there might not be anyone in the media establishment proper who speaks Spanish - that seems to be one of the things they outsource to "regional experts" ... which means leftist activists or old-school CIA shills.

I don't think the constitution in Honduras is at the heart of the problem. There is actually quite a lot of really good stuff in there - some that the poor of America would kill for. It seems to be more a product of the government organ's failure to maximize on the provisions and the judiciary's unwillingness to hold them accountable. Not sure how changing the constitution would fix that.

Also, you may be right that a revolution of some sort might be necessary to bring change. It's the strange line being walked by Zelaya and his supporters that raises red flags for me. Their legal position seems to be: the laws we like are valid and must be enforced, the ones we don't are invalid and so we don't have to follow them. The most stunning has been the line "the constitution is just a guideline" ... often in the same paragraph with "the government violated the constitution". If you want to stage a damn revolution against the constitution - have some fucking balls and call it what it is ... don't try to pretend bringing down the current form of government is legal.

On your last point: I don't see this as a military coup at all, that's just marketing by Zelaya's folks. I can see the argument for it being a political coup, but that's a different animal. IMO it's best described as preempting a constitutional coup.

Based on what I've read about the history of the Honduran constitution, what Zelaya tried to do is a major taboo. Through 1984, every time a new ideology achieved power in the executive, their first move is to rewrite the constitution to cement their ideology. That seems to be the entire point of Article 375 - to stop the use of the constitution as a political weapon. At the same time, control of the constitution is the political weapon of choice for the "Bolivarian Revolutionary" model that Zelaya was seemingly trying to emulate. It seems like the perfect storm for a clash of epic proportions - it was really trying to stick a square peg in a round hole.

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kgb999

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