Are We Sure John McCain Is A Neocon?


It goes without saying that the Obama camp must do its best to press the insinuation that four years of McCain is akin to "four more years of Bush."

I get that.

But what I cannot seem to grasp is the left's notion of what a "Neocon" really is.  Being a Libertarian who happens to despise both McCain and Obama (at least as a potential Chief Executive), I find it ironic that many of the Democrats that I know (or read on this site and others) seem obsessed with the term "Neocon" and the faces which represent the word, i.e. Bush, Dick Cheney, Karl Rove, Paul Wolfowitcz, etc; but they seem to not know exactly WHAT Neocons are actually after.  Money, for sure, but given their track record, it must be more than just personal profit.

Indeed, if you read most of the posts here, you would think they're nothing but a group of rogue criminals who simply take glee in smashing the sacred American institutions of government and law/order.  While part of this may be true, surely they have an ultimate goal in mind at the end of the day, right?

Correct me if I'm wrong, but hasn't it become obvious that the true strategy of the Neocons has been to change things?  More specifically to:
1. Use foreign policy and war as a diversion in an effort to clandestinely reform the domestic agenda.
2. By reform, I mean to siphon the ruling authority (power) out of Washington/Congress and into the Corporations of the private sector (where most of these "Neocons" will slink back to in January when Bush's term ends).
3. Hence, in the future, the government will be wholly dependent on the services rendered by the private sector to enact any and all of its laws and regulations.  Oil companies and energy companies will thus have the ruling authority and will be in a position to set the Congressional agenda.

Isn't that what the Neocons are all about? Am I missing something?

If so, John McCain must be the most ill-fitting Neocon in the history of Neocons.  Being a military man all of his life, he hasn't had much time for private enterprise.  Indeed, he's been heavily scrutinized lately for being clueless as to the extent of his wife's enormous estate.  Tell me, what Neocon wouldn't know every facet of his/her assets?

I'm certainly not saying John McCain would be any more attractive a candidate if he were just, say, a regular "old" Conservative instead of a Neocon.  I'm just saying, what if?

Middle East Conundrum: Where Are We Going?


Of course we are all aware of the delicate volatility which currently plagues the Middle East.  I was reading the Wall Street Journal last week, however, and a map of the region in the article struck me as being particularly dire.  In short, there was a map of the Middle East with arrows placed on Palestine/Israel, Syria, Iraq, and Iran.  Next to the arrows there were text boxes listing briefly the economic/military unrest which is present in each of these territories.  Although we certainly know where these nation's are located, it puts things into perspective when seeing that all four of these "hot spots" are closely connected to each other.  Putting the Bush Administration and the Iraq War aside for a moment (these problems, of course, were around long before Bush took office and will be around long after he is gone), I am curious as to what will happen in this region. 

Naturally, Israel has the most to lose.  Although they have made threats towards Iranian President Ahmadinejad, they have done a reasonable job at containing their anti-Islamic biases within their own (and Palestine's) borders.  To the west it would appear that any option is on the table so long as it does not lead to a unified Middle East.  Granted, locations such as Jordan, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emerates, etc. are much better at understanding what is in their own best interest than is Syria or Iran.  But what long-term strategy should be employed in the region? 

 

Harry Reid Should Consider An Early Retirement


I would never blame Senator Reid’s daily rhetorical gaffes on age, but perhaps there are greener pastures ahead for the cantankerous Nevada Senator.  Today Mr. Reid argued that U.S. cities are at risk of another large scale terrorist attack because the Bush Administration is pre-occupied with its current political problems.  This, despite his outcry over the Bush wiretap program which he himself asserted was a case of the president over-stepping his Constitutional bounds.  These two assertions, by definition, are hypocritical.  It doesn’t make the erstwhile politician look particularly bright when both of these conflicting claims were made in the same week.  If Senator Reid has anything productive to say, perhaps he should consult his staff.

Where is our New World?


   Reviews for The New World have, for the most part, been favorable.  Most critics are unanimous in their widespread appreciation for the beautiful and breathtaking cinematography.  Their praise, however, is checked by seemingly ubiquitous admonishments with regard to the pace of the film and the unattached, seemingly distant characters.  Aesthetically speaking, these observations are valid.  The running time of the film is 150 minutes and there are several lengthy montages which feature little or no dialogue.  Additionally, the characters in this film are not as charismatic and affable as we have become accustomed to with regard to Hollywood films.  Do not, for example, expect Collin Farrell’s character, Captain John Smith, to be the Kevin Costner (Dances with Wolves) of an earlier era.  But keep in mind that this is no mistake on the part of Malick.  Moreover, there are no unintended coincidences in this film. 

   Great films, unlike average ones, do two things spectacularly well.  The first is the ability to entertain the masses.  Even for an eccentric, philosophical director like Terrence Malick, entertainment is what the studio must get in return for providing funding.  The second aspect, however, and the one area that separates a director from an auteur, is the ability to also promote (alongside the basic plot) a subversive, esoteric text with an inherently scripted ideology.  The point, of course, is that the majority of moviegoers will never comprehend the latter aspect but may still be entertained by the film.  For those of us who are fortunate enough to read the art in the film, the reward is tantalizing.

   In light of the modern situation consisting of terrorism, war, aggressive capitalism, disease, etc. this film resorts to where man will go.  Malick’s glorious, sweeping vistas of America’s scenic beauty are not merely an embellishment for the eye.  Neither is the retelling of the John Smith/Pocahontas story just another stylized adaptation.  Indeed, if the characters are so distant, and the pace of the film is so slow (as critics argue), is that not sufficient evidence that Malick does not exaggerate the premise?  What Malick does in this film that is so unusual is that he actually makes the subversive ideology the MAIN aspect of the story (more significant, in fact, than the plot or the characters themselves).  Even classic films such as Citizen Kane or Casablanca are plot first, ideology second.  That is not the case with The New World.  Pocahontas, in fact, is a perfect allegory toward man’s seemingly insatiable appetite for self-appreciation and his unfailing ability at exploiting, consuming, and destroying everything he comes in contact with; even himself.  The characters in this film are merely pawns on Malick’s chessboard—a sort of means of providing a context by which his argument may be waged.  The fundamental question he offers (and the one that makes it relevant in today’s culture) revolves around man’s place on Earth.  All of Malick’s films touch on the idea that Earth’s natural bias is not toward mankind, but toward nature; which pre-existed man and will no doubt post-exist him.  Will man ever recognize his rightful place behind nature; or more importantly, will mankind ever realize that this question will likely determine his fate as a species?

   Bush and the neoconservatives seem to not concern themselves with the long term consequences of their actions.  As many of you know, I am a staunch Bush supporter, but I must point out that I only support him in light of the modern political situation.  In actuality, reform is something which should be cherished an strived for.  The New World is a beautiful and haunting narrative as to why mankind must place itself not at the head of the line, but in its rightful place.   

Democrats Obsessed with Bush


  The fascination with the president by those on the left is something which we have not seen in the U.S. in quite some time.  Indeed, the paranoia being promulgated by liberals is eerily reminiscent of McCarthy-era politics during the Red Scare.  I challenge one single individual to come forward who has in any way been affected by Bush's "spying" program.  Like most Democratic senators on Capital Hill (Russ Feingold in particular) it appears as if most Democrats enjoy hearing the sound of their own voice.

Successful Iraqi Elections Quiet the Left


With the Iraqi elections being praised as an undeniable success, the Democrats have suddenly grown strangely quiet on the issue.  The unexpectedly high Sunni turnout led to a one hour extension of the voting hours.  It would appear as if Iraqi's, even those in the "disgruntled" minority, embraced these elections as a sign that permanent reform is indeed upon them.  The Bush Administration certainly took the road less travelled in reaching their destination, but it appears as if the end is in sight.

Ahmadinejad Nothing But A Rabble Rouser?


We should be skeptical of President Ahmadinejad for different reasons than what we would normally think.  With Khomeini being the ultimate arbitor for the nation, it appears more and more likely as if Ahmadinejad is little more than a figure head for the "suits" behind the scenes.  Indeed, with the incredible rhetoric being spewed out of Tehran with regard to "wiping Isreal off the map," and "death to America," it almost seems as if Amadinejad's sole purpose is to provoke military or economic action from the western alliance so as the clandestine nuclear program of that nation becomes inherently legitimized.  It appears, thankfully, that the European Union and the United States seem to acknowledge this possibility.  As hard as it is to keep mum on the issue considering the incredulity of the comments, perhaps the "cold shoulder" is the best option at this point.  It seems to have worked with North Korea (knock on wood). 

Media Spin, Not Bush, Doomed Iraq War


Fred Barnes of The Weekly Standard points out in a recent article that the many months of quiet from Mr. Bush with regard to the Iraq War was certainly a flaw in strategy, but it was intentional on the part of the Commander In Chief.  Indeed, Barnes writes, "Bush had made a conscious decision after his reelection to be "nonpolitical" on the subject of Iraq. It is a decision he now regrets. And has reversed."

 The argument has not been waged by the right that the war has been properly managed.  Flawed execution, poor intelligence, and a lack of contingencies has created an altogether less-than-great situation in Iraq.  And the media, for their part, goes to great lengths to show the chaotic, unstable situation which plagues the so-called "Sunni Triangle" region of Iraq.  Roadside detonations, ubiquitous insurgency, and mounting casualites are the points of emphasis of broadcast and print media.  It seems not to matter that true progress is indeed being made in Iraq--as various senators and congressmen substantiate after travelling to the nation.  These signs of progress, however, are largely neglected by the media.  Last week Senator Joseph Lieberman wrote an article which appeard in The Wall Street Journal.  Senator Lieberman's article stressed two main points: 1)Cutting and running on the part of the United States would be a grave error and would risk creating a failed state in Iraq, thus leaving an open wound for the entire Middle East region to deal.  2)The situation in Iraq is not nearly as bad as the media, and those on the left, seem to think.  In point of fact, Lieberman described how the Kurdish areas to the north, as well as the Shiite regions to the south, have actually advanced both economically and technologically beyond where they were prior to Saddam Hussein's ouster.  He also said that it is really only the Sunni Triangle region which suffers from a pandemic of violence and intolerance.

 Lieberman, as one might expect, was assailed from those in his own party as being a traitor and a Bush cronie.  Blatant McCarthyism on the part of the Democrats undoubtedly.  But it serves the administration well.  President Bush, as Barnes points out, attempted to look toward the future in Iraq by going several weeks without responding to the mounting spin being promulgated by the media and those on the left.  So baseless were most of these claims, however, that he was forced to go on the offensive himself.  Barnes interviewed an anonymous White House aide who put it this way: "Obviously the bombardment of misleading ads and the earned media by MoveOn et al. had an impact," the Bush aide says, "and culminated during the Libby indictment and the [Democratic] stunt of the closed session of the Senate" on prewar intelligence. "That's when we pivoted."

 The tragedy of this is twofold: 1)The Democrats seem not to grasp the true significance of the war in terms of its economic importance.  Indeed, the "Bush lied" theme being strewn about daily by those on the left seem to confirm this suspicion.  2)If Democrats secretly do understand the real reasons for war but maintain a false offensive in the name of "Bush lied," one cannot help but feel terrible for the men and women who are putting their lives on the line every day.  It is impossible to support the troops and not support the job the mission they have been sent on.  This is a paradox by definition.  That the Democrats would rather see Bush fail than have the U.S. be successful in Iraq goes a great distance to understanding the true identity of that party.  The media, in its own right, shares the responsibility for this over-spun, nationally detrimental media blitz aimed at dishonoring a sitting president.  Is this not treason?

Murtha's Lack of Common Sense


REP. JACK MURTHA has had a distinguished congressional career. But his outburst last Thursday was breathtakingly irresponsible. Nowhere in his angry and emotional call for the immediate withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq did the Pennsylvania Democrat bother to ask, much less answer, the most serious questions his proposal raises. What would be the likely outcome in Iraq if the United States pulled out? Does Murtha actually believe the Iraqi people could fight the al Qaeda terrorists and Saddam Hussein loyalists by themselves once American forces left? He does not say. In fact, he knows perfectly well that the Iraqi people are not yet capable of defending themselves against the monsters in their midst and that, therefore, a U.S. withdrawal would likely lead to carnage on a scale that would dwarf what is now occurring in Iraq.

But that would be just the beginning. If U.S. troops were withdrawn and the Iraqi people were not able to defeat the terrorists and Saddam loyalists, what would happen? What if Zarqawi and his al Qaeda allies were able to make common cause with the Baathists to turn Iraq into a terrorist state or to provide a haven for terrorists, complete with an oil supply to finance their global activities? And what of Iraq's neighbors, which include Iran, Syria, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia? They would likely decide that they could not afford to let a vacuum develop in Iraq or allow their adversaries to establish a base there. All these nations would contemplate military intervention <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="10" align="left" border="0"><tr><td><img height="300" alt="" src="http://www.weeklystandard.com/banman/ads/Animated-effort-1.gif" width="250" align="center" border="0">
</td&gt</tr&gt</table&gtin Iraq, directly or indirectly through the arming of allies. The possibility of a regional conflict erupting among any or all of these powers could not be excluded. Is this is a tolerable outcome for the United States?

In fact, Murtha does seem to be aware of the disasters that are almost certain to follow the immediate withdrawal he demands. He calls for the creation of "a quick reaction force in the region." He calls for "an over-the-horizon presence of Marines." And he calls for the United States "to diplomatically pursue security and stability in Iraq." We have too much respect for Murtha to believe that he seriously imagines we would be able through diplomacy alone to bring "security and stability" to Iraq. But the question is, when the inevitable disaster unfolded as a result of his proposed withdrawal, what would be his plan for the "quick reaction force" and "over-the-horizon presence" of the Marines? It seems he would have us withdraw our forces, hand a monumental moral, political, and military victory to the terrorists in Iraq and all over the world--only to take us back into war when the inevitable disaster began to unfold.

Murtha, of course, claims that the U.S. occupation is the primary problem in Iraq and that "our troops have become the primary target of the insurgency. They are united against U.S. forces, and we have become a catalyst for violence." This is nonsense. For many months now, the insurgents have been shifting their attacks away from U.S. and coalition forces and directing them at Iraqis instead. Iraqis now make up the overwhelming majority of casualties resulting from insurgent attacks. This shift is evidence not only of the effectiveness of our protective measures, but also of the growing vitality of the Iraqi political process, which the insurgents, according to their own statements, fear and hate more than the U.S. military presence. As for the rise in the number of "incidents" against U.S. forces to which Murtha points, those numbers do not distinguish between incidents initiated by insurgents and those initiated by Americans. Recent U.S. operations have generated a large number of incidents, indeed--almost all of them supporting the coalition's goals and harming the insurgents.


We do not pretend that all is well in Iraq, although things are starting to look a bit better. We agree with Murtha, and have written repeatedly, that the military is stretched thin and needs to be increased. The congressman, however, is in a position to do something about that. We, for one, would support any legislation he offered to increase the size of the Army and the military budget in this time of war.
In 1946, George Orwell remarked that "the quickest way of ending a war is to lose it, and if one finds the prospect of a long war intolerable, it is natural to disbelieve in the possibility of victory."Victory is in fact possible, though it will require a longer war than anyone would like, but not so long a war as to be intolerable. What would be intolerable would be to lose to the terrorists in Iraq. Immediate withdrawal from Iraq is a prescription for catastrophe. Far from extricating ourselves from a crisis, we would have driven ourselves into an even deeper crisis. It is no favor to the members of the armed forces who have served or are serving in Iraq to declare now that all their efforts and sacrifices are in vain. The way to honor their sacrifices is by winning.

--Robert Kagan and William Kristol

The REAL Reason for War in Iraq


The answer is not sexy or polarizing.  For those of us who follow American politics closely, and have studied the persuasions of past administrations, the present Iraq War is fairly simple to analyze.  Democracy, oil, and WMD are only contributing factors.  You must keep in mind why the United States is actually in Iraq.  Is it, as Bush proclaims, to "spread Democracy and freedom to an oppressed people?"  In reality, absolutely not.  Two years into the administration of Richard M. Nixon the president was sold by his economic cabinet "ministers" on the idea of Keynesian Economics, or, supply side economics.  In the Reagan White House it became known as "Reaganomics" and its most famous definition is "trickle down" economics.  The Administration of George W. Bush continues to promote these ideals (and perhaps rightly so), Karl Rove and Dick Cheney in particular are staunch Keynesian disciples.  Very briefly, the design is for government intervention of the economy to artificially stabalize prices--thus helping workers by controlling prices.  Like Marxism, this theory has only been partially realized.  For one, Jimmy Carter and Bill Clinton were not proponents of the system and did much during their 12 years to eradicate its effects.  With Reagan, Bush I, and Bush II, the government has essentially ceded its interest in the equation to the authority of big business.  The logic being that large corporations can better stabalize supply and demand, thus prices, better than government control (which any Republican despises).  This is where the pro-Big Business GOP agenda comes into play.

 Returning to Iraq, our market system is one which is hurt by uncertainty, namely, terrorism.  The Iraq War is Bush's attempt at stabalizing not only domestic markets, but those of our economic allies as well.  Oil is certainly an incentive, but it is not the be-all-end-all reason why we are in Iraq.  To be sure, the United States will get its hands on Iraqi oil regardless of who controls that nation.  In the end, the war has been horribly managed and chaos is evident in certain sectors of the country.  But if you keep in mind the real reason why the United States is there, the FINAL result (which we may not know for several years) may not be a total failure.  At least not to Republicans who seek stable markets.  In fact, the blundering management of the war is secondary.  GOP leaders in the end will be able to say, "yes, it was a poorly handled war but in the end we got what we want."  Are the soldiers who fight the war still heroes?  Absolutely.

Bill Kristol on the state of Bush


LAST WEEK THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION'S second-term bear market bottomed out. On Monday, Bush nominated as the next Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke, who of all the leading candidates will be the central banker least hostile to tax cuts and least likely to direct monetary policy to any end other than combating inflation. At the end of the week, the Commerce Department announced that economic growth in the third quarter had been 3.8 percent, suggesting that, thanks in large part to Bush's supply-side tax cuts, our economy may remain strong enough to overcome the twin hurdles of high energy prices and rising interest rates.

   Meanwhile, the political process in Iraq continued in a relatively promising direction, as some Sunni groups seemed increasingly reconciled to pursuing their goals through politics rather than betting on the success of the insurgency. On the military front, the joint U.S.-Iraqi effort to fight an effective counterinsurgency seemed to be making some progress. And the prospects for less troublemaking by Syria seemed to improve as well, with the Assad regime thrown back on its heels by a U.N. report implicating it in the assassination of the former Lebanese prime minister.

   On Thursday, Harriet Miers withdrew her candidacy for the Supreme Court, producing a massive sigh of relief from Bush supporters and conservatives throughout the nation. Now the president has the chance to pick a strong nominee and to rally his supporters for a winning fight on his or her behalf.

And then, of course, on Friday, Special Counsel Patrick Fitzgerald's two-year <table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="10" align="left" border="0"><tr><td>
</td&gt</tr&gt</table&gtinvestigation came to an underwhelming conclusion with the indictment of Vice President Cheney's chief of staff, Scooter Libby--not for any underlying crime but for impeding the investigation through perjury and false statements. This is a distressing development for those of us who have known and admired Libby for many years. If Libby is guilty of purposely lying to a grand jury, that cannot be excused or minimized. But let's not forget that he has not yet had his day in court.

   The larger story on Friday was that Fitzgerald indicted no one else. The wrongdoing leads in no way beyond this one individual and what he allegedly said to FBI investigators and the grand jury. There was no conspiracy, high level or otherwise, at the White House, or involving the Defense Department or the State Department--all scenarios that enemies of the administration had been fantasizing about for months.

   It may sound odd to call this good news for the president. But go back and read the fevered anticipations and lethal expectations of Bush's critics over the last month. This was going to be the moment when the case for war was discredited. This was going to be the moment when the supposed venality and corruption of the Bush administration was going to be exposed. This was going to be the moment when the whole criminal conspiracy would unravel. This was going to be the moment of paralysis and disgrace for Bush and Cheney and the assorted warmongers in their employ.

   This does not mean, of course, that the Bush White House and its supporters should heave a sigh of relief and relax. It does mean that the administration and its allies have a chance now to go on the offensive: to make the tax cuts permanent, to look for occasions to insist on spending restraint, to make progress in restoring constitutional jurisprudence, and above all to make strides toward winning the war in Iraq, and the broader war on terror.

   With the dénouement of the Miers fiasco and the Fitzgerald investigation, President Bush's beaten-down political fortunes should be ripe for a rebound. As we've said before, the recipe for starting a rally is straightforward: Get back to basics on the economy, the courts, and foreign policy. Go on the offensive in all of these areas. To regain the ground that was lost and to forge further ahead will require energy, discipline, and boldness from the Bush administration, and from the president himself.

- William Kristol 

 Spin can go both ways people.  Things may not be great, but they are not as bad as everyone on this site seems to think.

Share
Close Social Web Email

"To" Email Address

Your Name

Your Email Address