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Reasons We Stay In Afghanistan


Afghanistan is one of those things I just feel guilty about because after 9/11 I supported it. I thought it was a necessary war and that it would end quickly and would wind up bringing Osama bin Laden to justice and so far as the Taliban was concerned, I really thought that Air Force and Navy bombardment couldn't happen to a more worthy group of guys. I was angry and out for a quick solution to the Al-Qaeda problem. Oleeb thinks through the issue of what we should do now quite clearly here.

At no point in my early support for this war did I think that we'd be talking about this in 2009.  I was surprised, in fact, that we were talking about it in 2004. We tend to blame the continued Afghanistan war on the distraction we created in Iraq. While I agree with that, I've also come to believe that we blew it by invading Afghanistan in the first place. At the time it seemed we had no other options. But we did. We could have isolated and contained Afghanistan rather than attacking it and we could have led a global police effort to catch bin Laden and to disrupt Al-Qaeda, which I think would have worked.  The global community didn't disrupt the Italian mafia by sending in the Marines, it was police work that did the job. We treated Al-Qaeda as if it were a state power when it's really a criminal organization.

There are two reasons, I'm told, why we're still in Afghanistan and neither of them compel me to support this war or even to support a temporary troop increase.

The first is that leaving Afghanistan as a failed state is bad for our security. That failed states become havens for terrorists was the mantra of this decade and it seems to be right. But it's not as if there are no failed states other than Afghanistan.  Terrorists could as easily spring from Somalia as from Afghanistan. Are we to invade and occupy all failed states in the name of our security?

Besides, there's another problem with this: terrorists can also function, and function well, in established, stable states. The fact is, terrorism can flourish anywhere. There can be terrorists in Kabul but also terrorists in Toronto or in Columbus, Ohio. So I really don't buy the idea that pulling our troops out of Afghanistan exposes us to any danger that we're not exposed to already.

The second reason we stay in Afghanistan is that we're afraid of "looking weak" and losing. As much as I hate to admit it, American military power is important to our role in the world.  But are we a little too sensitive to the notion that people might realize the truth, which is that we can't do everything as if we were a nation of powerful magicians? What do we think will happen if we pull out of Afghanistan?  Do we think that terrorists are the world will decide that they can act with impunity?  That won't happen because the kind of power we have that they fear isn't the kind of power you use to invade a country -- they're afraid of Navy Seals coming to get them in the night or, more likely, afraid that they and everyone they know will be blown to bits  by a remote control plane when they throw their daughter a wedding. Does anyone seriously think that China is going to say "Oh look, the US pulled out of Afganistan, what wimps!" and then invade Taiwan?

Fact is, we don't have anything to prove on the power front and the world would probably appreciate it if we stopped acting like we did. Hence the Nobel for Obama.

We don't need this war, there are far better uses for the money and there are better ways that we can use our military to keep us safe.  Time to stand down and to let Afghanistan either stand up on it's own or... well, or not. I'm happy to leave that challenge to them.

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In my view, permanent occupation of Afghanistan and immediate withdrawal are equally unrealistic options. The link above to the post by oleeb has some further comments I made on the topic, but those comments also link to a more detailed analysis in still another thread describing my reasons for believing that premature disengagement would be disastrous. For here, I'll only mention that a completely destabilized, Taliban-dominated Afghanistan would threaten the stability of Pakistan, a nation with nuclear weapons coveted by terrorists.

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But Pakistan isn't all that stable now, Fred. Maybe the mistake we made was in supporting the Musharaf dictatorship. But disengaging from Afghanistan doesn't mean we can't re-engage in Pakistan.

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By the way, Fred, I don't think I've taken the time to thank you for your comments around the site. I very often disagree with you but I love reading your thoughts and I think you're an excellent debater.

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"a completely destabilized, Taliban-dominated Afghanistan would threaten the stability of Pakistan, a nation with nuclear weapons coveted by terrorists."

This is scare-mongering with the best of the neocons, Fred. It also was, if you recall, almost precisely the same rationale used for our invasion of Iraq.

I've seen no indication that the Taliban has even been anything but a pawn of the Pakistani military and intelligence services. The idea that they are going to topple the Pakistani government and take over the country is ridiculous. And, in the event there is a possibility of such a takeover, it seems obvious to me that the way to prevent it is to strengthen the Pakistani forces which oppose the Taliban, rather than trying to occupy a country of 30 million people, and build a nation where one has never existed.

Of course, why use common sense when there's billions to be made off of endless war, and you have ostensible "liberals" like Fred Moolten making the same arguments we used to get from Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney?

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Play nice, brew. Fred's an actual liberal, this issue is just a but complicated. I'm with you on the conclusion but we shouldn't be driving people away from this debate, there's much to discuss.

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He's been making the same "points" on several threads, yet never really addressing the issues, simply asserting things not in evidence (namely, that Pakistan is in dire peril with a resurgent Taliban - never mind we didn't mind the Taliban running the country prior to 9/11), and calling people who disagree "ideologues," and generally pooh-poohing escalation opponents with a healthy dose of condescension.

After twisting himself into pretzels defending Obama's abandonment of the public option in the health care debate, I'm starting to detect a pattern here.

I, for one, would like some real "evidence" that Pakistan is in danger of anything but being taken over by its military - for the fifth time in its 60-year history. I don't appreciate fear-mongering, and that's all I've seen from those advocating an escalation in central Asia.

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I'm with you, Brew... I think Pakistan's problems are Pakistan's problems and I think more of our issues with Pakistan have to do with our support of Benazhir Bhutto, an elected official who stole billions from its Treasury and Pervez Musharraf, a dictator, than anything else.

But Moolten is no fifth columnist in this debate. He's honestly bringing up some concerns. I think we're better off debating him, don't you?

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He's right. Fred has just been tossing up boilerplate talking points and won't engage anyone who brings up credible tactical or strategic points that counter his unproven assertions except to call the debater is an ideologue (in multi-paragraph screeds).

IMO, the question isn't one of disengagement vs. escalation. It's one of counterinsurgency vs. a more effective tactic. We simply don't have the resources to wage an effective counterinsurgency, nor does that course of action really further our real goals. Pakistan is now engaging the final AQ strongholds out of their own institutional self interest. Our goal should be to support those efforts and hold the border to keep any large-scale AQ forces from reestablishing in Afghanistan and to prevent the leadership from having an escape route to Somalia.

I too agreed with the decision to attack Afghanistan. I don't feel any guilt over this support at all. But our war is with Al Qaeda, not the Taliban. It's time to start to make peace with the Taliban and focus on turning them from a military force into a political one while creating a strong self interest to eliminate their association with AQ. The militarized Taliban in Afghanistan was always a product of the ISI; they were used to protect training grounds for militants attacking Kashmir. We need to enhance the factions that are focused on Afghanistan exclusively and give them the upper hand over the international jihadist factions.

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Please explain how Taliban destablizes Pakstan when it was the Pakistani intelligence service that created them and sustained them when they were the government? The Taliban remains an ally of the intelligence services of Pakistan. Pakistan's civilian government is always threatened by the military and particularly by the intelligence services that are only a shade better than the Taliban and Al Qaeda to begin with.

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One development that seems to be have happened and needs to be taken into any final decision is that over the last eight years there is now seems a strong jihadist element in the taliban that wasn't there before. Prior to the invasion, the taliban were simply focused on Afghanistan. This new element that has resulted from eight years of war does lend itself to notion that the new taliban leadership will work with Pakistanians in the east of the country to destabilize Pakistan's government.

To the extent that this true doesn't dictate one approach or another for the US in Afghanistan. But it does need to be included in the overall discussion.

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One thing: the ISI supported the Taliban in Afghanistan because they wanted operatives willing to wage jihad against India in Kashmir. I don't think they ever intended them to take over huge swaths of Pakistan proper. That is what changed IMO. Now the ISI has to live with the assholes and they are totally uncontrollable. They tried a truce agreement and the Taliban just used it to launch assaults and take over more territory.

It almost seems like that jihadist core originally cultivated by the ISI is in Pakistan while the factions in Afghanistan are operating pretty much in their own national self interest.

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I was just going off one reporter who had just come back from Afghanistan and who spent considerable number of years there. I'm not sure how accurate it really is, but he was talking about the youth being recruited today in the Afghanistan countryside are more aligned with the ideology of Al Queda than in the past. So there is a possibility that the Taliban controlling Afghanistan in 2010 would be a different entity than the Taliban in 2000, and needs to be more further researched.

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Your last sentence is an interesting observation.

"Pakistan" is a state riven by factions, in which the ISI and military have acted independently of the civilian government, and have often deposed civilian governments. And it is rated by Transparency International as one of the most corrupt states in the world. So, while I offer this only as a speculation, it is plausible that a given faction, or factions, would find such fanatic jihadis useful in accomplishing domestic aims.

A second thought: Our intelligence is shit, everywhere. Consequently, we rely on other sources, such as the ISI, out of necessity. This in itself raises so many problems that it makes it all but impossible to conduct a war with rational aims in the region.

I have not seen much mention of the latter topic, but it is extremely important.

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We treated Al-Qaeda as if it were a state power when it's really a criminal organization.

Ahhh, destor. There's a nail you just hit on the neo-con head. Wolfie, Feith, Rummy, Cheney, Libby and the neo-con pundits truly believed that terrorists had to have state sponsors. Here is that little worm Feith defending his feithdom*** in the Pentagon that produced such bad intelligence:

...it was looking at global terrorist networks and the full range of state sponsors.. Its main conclusion was that groups and states were willing to cooperate across philosophical, ideological lines.
...what we have been stressing is that September 11th highlighted the special dangers that come from the connection of weapons of mass destruction to state sponsors of terrorism.

As many experts have noted, states aren't going to give terrorists access to their WMD for two good reasons: Terrorists aren't particularly known for their loyalty and unlike terrorists, states have a known address and location where retaliatory WMDs can be aimed and sent with devastating consequences.

Besides, there's another problem with this: terrorists can also function, and function well, in established, stable states.

One of the militant insurgents in Afghanistan has pointedly noted that the 9/11 terrorists did not come from Afghanistan and did not train there, either. The 9/11 terrorists, in fact, were mostly Saudis that trained in Europe and the United States. It is also true that AQ does not need Afghanistan anymore. After its retreat out of Afghanistan, it has further decentralized its operations so that it is spread out in small cells over the globe, making it hard to find and less vulnerable to total disruption of the entire organization. They adapt much quicker than we do to the realities on the ground.  

It is very hard for Americans to accept that 19 men armed with only box cutters were able to inflict as much damage as the 9/11 terrorists inflicted in one day. Our refusal to face the truths that came out of thin air that day has led to our ongoing eight year quagmires on the ground today.

***Office of Special Plans. (They were special alright -- they were all wrong, every one of them.)

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One thing that's weird to me is how surprised we were by 19 people and box cutters. Our independence is based partly on tactics that would now be labeled "terrorist" and we faced guerilla tactics many times before and after and, of course, we've dealt with massive criminal organizations before too -- I tend to liken Al-Qaeda to the early and midcentury Italian mob but there's also the Russian mob, the yakuza and the Crips and the Bloods. We've seen all this before and we've dealt with it all without resorting to military action.

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I know destor. Weird to me too. But nothing produces such instant mass derision from the right as a suggestion that agencies other than defense are more appropriate to handle the bad guys.

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Yeah... and yet actual military strategists would probably tell you that the military is not the solution for everything.

Good to see you still commenting here, seashell!

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It's always good to see you, destor. As long-timers in the Cafe, we have had many good conversations.

I still cherish the time you told me I was right (after exchanging many posts one day)!

:-)

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Well, plus the oil pipeline from Turkmenestan through Afghanistan to India, etc. Too many links, too little time, but here's one.

http://www.sott.net/articles/show/159883-US-backed-oil-pipeline-through-Afghanistan-gets-green-light

The mini-war with Georgia/Russia over South Ossetia had some Oil overtones, too.

Gads, let's fund some decent alternatives to get away from this oil nightmare.

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The only thing I might contest in your post is your statement that Al Queda in Afghanistan could have been dealt with through any means other than military action. In the initial phase of the war, the Taliban very much protected Al Qaeda and shared a symbiotic relationship with that organization. Bin Laden had only recently orchestrated the assassination of the Taliban's top rival from the Northern Alliance. A somewhat cooperative government, or at least a government not openly abetting the suspects, is a precondition to even beginning police work. The mafia, gangs, and even the drug cartels still had to operate under the shadow of somewhat legitimate governments.

What police solution would we have for dealing with people who could openly transit to and from Afghanistan across he borders of both Iran and Pakistan? Open to suggestions.

Otherwise, great stuff from all.

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cain097,

In the initial phase of the war, the Taliban very much protected Al Qaeda and shared a symbiotic relationship with that organization.

While there were close ties between Taliban and AQ, "symbiotic" might be too strong a word for it. The Taliban also had close ties with the Pakistani ISI but it would be incorrect to say they were simply their puppet. As acamus points out, the Taliban have become more integrated with global jihadists since the war started. The war has forged the weapon Osama promised Omar was already in his sheath.

Nonetheless, you present a fair challenge to the idea of a "police" option being possible. The issue goes to the heart of what state sponsorship amounts to.

The U.S. demanded that the Taliban "hand Al Qaeda over to them." Failure to do so was to be understood as the Taliban's acceptance of the charge that they were a part of the AQ organization.
The Taliban refused to hand over AQ until they were presented with sufficient proof that these people inside their country were the criminals who perpetrated nine eleven.

As you say, it is not like the Afghan government of that time would have cooperated with teams of foreign investigators. This limitation was used to rule out out all talk of "police" operations and so the invading forces insisted there was no choice but to override Afghan sovereignty as a state in order to get to Al Qaeda.
Since you asked for alternatives to the above narrative, I offer the following:

The international community could have drawn up an international warrant for the arrest of individuals connected to AQ. It could have said: "If the forces carrying out the warrant are not resisted by the state, the state will not be attacked or fired upon."

Now setting conditions down in this way could (and probably would have) turned a police action into a military one. But beginnings are important. The U.S. chose to make the fight a matter of honor from the outset. We decided later that the conflict was about something else.

The enemy combatants have better memories than we do.

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Good post Destor!

You are exactly right about Al Qaeda being a criminal syndicate! They are the modern day equivalent of the pirates the US fought at the beginning of the 19th Century albeit it far more dangerous. We need to deal with them and appropriately. The armed forces of the US are not the best primary weapon to use against those thugs and cowards.

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Destor - Thanks for your generous comment above.

Rather than repeat all my views here, I invite anyone interested to read them in other threads, including the "All The King's Horses" thread and the "Fatal Choices in Afghanistan" thread.

The Taliban are an indigenous Afghan movement, supported at times by elements of the Pakistan ISI and military, but not a creation of the Pakistanis as suggested above. Their alliance with Al Qaeda in Pakistan has been perceived even by the Pakistani military as a threat, hence the recent efforts at suppressing these insurgencies. Part of the complexity revolves around the fact that Pakistan has been focused on suppressing the Taliban in Pakistan while some elements have continued to support them in Afghanistan.

Anyone recalling the history of Pakistan during the past several years is aware of instability in that country, in part resulting from the previously uncontained insurgency there. While that situation is improving, with American help in the form of drone attacks, I don't think anyone is confident that Pakistan's future stability and the security of its nuclear arsenal are guaranteed in the face of uncontested Taliban domination in Afghanistan. The threat is not immediate, but it is real, and potentially catastrophic.

For other reasons reinforcing current decisions to remain engaged for the foreseeable future, with an intent to build up indigenous replacements that will allow our withdrawal, please see my comments in the other threads. As a practical matter, we will not disengage any time soon, because the need to remain is not the province of "neocons" but of all segments of the political and foreign policy community with expertise in the matter, including unreconstructed liberals.

A comment was made above regarding analogies with healthcare debates. There are similarities, but also a striking difference. Any enterprising individual can garner sufficient information to form a wise judgment not only about the goals of healthcare reform, but also about the means. Not so when it comes to military/diplomatic strategies. The experts in these areas are not always right, and their opinion about goals is no better informed than anyone else's, but when it comes to how to reach those goals, they should be listened to with respect. President Obama is now doing that, and he will ultimately make the decision himself. He was right about Iraq and has consistently argued that our focus should have been and now should be on Afghanistan. That strikes me not as ideology, or "neocon philosophy", but simply as something that appears to make the most sense in this complex situation.

Finally, for one perspective from a native of the region who is a long time Taliban expert, who once lived with the Taliban, and who is intimately familiar with the the views of Afghan civilians, it's worth reading Ahmed Rashid's WaPo article:

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/09/04/AR2009090402277.html?sid=ST2009090902222

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President Obama . . . was right about Iraq . . . .

Unsurprising position to take by a state senator from Illinois' instinctively suspicious 13th District and by a politician having no skin in the game. Based on his later record there is no reason whatever to assume that had he been a United States Senator on October 16, 2002 he would have voted any differently than did other presidential aspirants.

Obama's decision in respect to his Afghanistan policy will be governed -- as all other policy decisions have been governed -- by his judgment of how that decision will impact his hopes for reelection in 2012.

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Bingo. Those who think Obama is operating based on a sense of moral obligation are fooling themselves.

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Thanks for reading Obama's mind, Ellen. Not being a mindreader myself, I count on those like you who are skilled in the art to keep me up to date.

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I was also sucked into Afghanistan. Now I wonder too.

God we watched the Ruskies get stuck in there...

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Yes, I too was, as they say, sucked iton Afghanistan. And in the immediate aftermath felt doubly justified as the truth of the way the taliban ruled became more clear.

Ultimately I beleive we need to begin to withdraw and I agree with you about how this failed state won't necessarily make us any less safe, nor diminish us as a power. In fact, without the drain on our military, most countries will realize that it will technically make us a stronger force to contend with.

The one facet, however, that we need to come to terms with, individually and as a country, is what the aftermath will potentially be for the civilians. Government forces are about 200,000, and the Karzai government is not going to just walk away from the seat of power. Chances are the Taliban will win, but there will be plenty of armed ex-soldiers, combined with the opium trade, to potentially lead to a much more bloody warlord power struggle. Again it will be the civilians that really suffer. And then there are those girls who only want to go to school...

And we in America will have to sit back and watch it unfold. In the end, it is for the Afghan people to work out. We cannot as you say go running into every failed state. But there is a connection to Afghanistan that isn't there with other countries (8 years of war will do that) and I have to admit I have a residue of a feeling that we have some moral obligation to the Afghan people to help them not fail (even though I know it pretty much hopeless and they don't want our help).

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The moral obligation is pretty compelling. But I don't think it's compelling enough to guide our policy. I'm afraid we need to be practical even if it means being a little heartless.

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I agree. It is just that sometime it seems some of those who advocate withdrawal (not you) do so with notion that once we leave that life will go back to being peachy keen for the people of Afghanistan. I have sick feeling about what the fall of Kabul is going to actually be like (Beriut anyone?), let alone the means by which the Taliban will reassert its authority.

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Life was NEVER peachy keen for the people in Afghanistan. It's that simple. We've been trying to impose something on the nation that never existed before. In my mind that makes a huge difference in the calculation. Now it almost seems like the best way to enhance human rights would be to engage the Taliban and create a self-interest through peace that includes addressing some of their most egregious practices prior to invasion. Shy of staying in Afghanistan forever, this seems to be the only solution that might create long term results.

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I realize that it was never a walk in the park for them. And I agree that in the broad calculation that it would be better to follow an approach that you outlined.

Yet from what amounts to opinion polls, both the Taliban and the Karzai government don't have a legitimate claim for control. So we have to let them sort it out, which means through the barrel of a gun. I'm just acknowledging the feeling that since we created this mess of two well armed sides, each believing they should be in control, that we are somehow responsible to try and fix it. The problem is that we can't. It is broke and that's that.

And before the time when we can engage the Taliban, a lot of blood is going to be spilled, a lot more (in my opinion) than what is being spilled right now. It is part of the calculation. And we just need to acknowledge the likelihood of it when we talk about withdraw.

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There are now too many Afghanistan blogs running concurrently. I feel like I'm to put out brush fires running from one to the other to explain why I think premature disengagement from Afghanistan would be very dangerous, and why the White House is therefore not about to do it.

The above tone was facetious, because I don't pretend to have all the answers - only respect for an Administration that is asking the right questions before proceeding - but my convictions are sincere and as objective as I can make them. I've provided details above and elsewhere explaining why I think as I do, and anyone interested can go back to read them. To repeat them would be to contribute to the repetitiveness that these discussions tend to exhibit.

Although I don't want to prolong the discussion itself, I believe the existence of these discussions is important as a means of alerting non-TPM readers that this site, despite its admirable inclination toward a liberal perspective (in which I join), is not monolithic on Afghanistan and other major issues. The readers can review what each of us says and make their own judgments.

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I appreciate your well articulated comments on this and other topics. Although I do like discussing issues with people who have a similar liberal paradigm, I don't wish to participate in an echo chamber. And while there are some issues that I believe one should have a particular perspective in order to call oneself "liberal," whether to withdraw immediately from Afghanistan is not one of them. If one's goal is the greater peace, prosperity and the well-being of all people, a case can be made that in the long run it would be better to stay in Afghanistan.

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The Petraeus calculation refers only to regions of active counterinsurgency efforts, a much smaller area than the entire nation. He has made that point on a number of occasions.
So, what portion of Afghanistan would you say would be exempt from the need for active counterinsurgency efforts? And how are you defining this?

My analysis stands. IMO you don't actually answer posts that challenge your squishy assertions.

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Without necessarily agreeing or disagreeing with the McChrystal assessment, based on Petraeus, that we need about 40,000 more troops, that assessment is based on the extent to which the Petraeus formula would need to be applied (in McChrystal's view) for a successful counterinsurgency strategy.

My point here is not to defend a particular troop strength estimate, but to make clear that these estimates did not ignore the principles that Petraeus laid out. You can disagree with McChrystal, but he's not stupid.

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The Petraeus formula calls for 20-25 troops per thousand citizens. The population in Afghanistan is 32 million. Over 600,000 troops would have to answer the call in order to fulfill the formula.

McChrystal asked for the number of troops he thought he could get.

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Please see my reply above, seashell. The Petraeus formula, as described in his counterinsurgency manual, is only for regions where an active counterinsurgency effort is undertaken at any given time. That entails far less than the entire nation, at least in the assessments made since the beginning by those advocating a counterinsurgency strategy.

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There is zero good reasons to remain in Afghanistan.

The former Soviet excursion into Afghanistan tells us of the difficulties facing an outside force. In the case of the Soviets, that force was notably larger than our present one.

The possibility of a long term stable political regime is unlikely because the number of regional factions within national borders prohibits an effective central government. Decentralized power will remain no matter what.

Geographic inaccessibility to troubled areas, especially poppy growing regions, makes law enforcement an all but impossible task.

Citizen loyalties are centered on tribal cultures and customs and that will be honored before any allegiance to a central government.

Nothing short of a well equipped and well trained national force of 500,000 can ever hope to control the mountain border regions open to terrorist infiltration.

There is no viable economic influence to provide jobs for a sustainable economic unit.

The national population consists of Tajiks, Hazara, Aimak, Uzbeks, Uyghur, Turkmen and other small groups. Unification of these diverse ethnic groups is all but impossible.

Afghanistan is basically and ungovernable land. It has been that way forever and isn't going to change. Any thought of doing so on the cheap is ridiculous. Our generals or politicians who think it can be done are flat stupid. Or, more likely, their reasons for our presence in Afghanistan have nothing to do with any actually achieveable goal. No matter what is said, you can be sure it is a lie. The Bush legacy of preemption as a foundation of foreign policy is a failed idea that needs to come to an end.

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Because of Bush era neglect, the task of averting a total Taliban domination of Afghanistan is much harder than it might have been, but is still necessary as part of a combined Pakistan/Afghanistan strategy that requires us to protect both nations against insurgent domination that would eventually threaten the security of Pakistan's nuclear weapons.

It would be false, however, to cherry pick historial examples to claim that no outside intervention can succeed in Afghanistan, even if its goals are appropriately limited. In 2001 after 9/11, we became engaged in Afghanistan despite warnings that we would become bogged down and fail miserably as had others before us. Instead, we scored a quick, decisive, and rather easy victory over the Taliban. We're hearing the same warnings now. If they merely stated that we face substantial difficulties because we neglected Afghanistan during the past 8 years and allowed the Taliban to regain momentum, they might be taken seriously. Simply as arguments that our efforts must inevitably fail, I don't believe they deserve more credence than they did in 2001.

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History is not on the side of outside forces in this region. No cherry picking necessary.

We are in no position, economically or politically to commit the resources necessary to alter the traditional circumstances of this region. Even if it were possible.

The dumbest part of this all is we think we can change them and their view of the world. It's not gonna happen Fred. You evidently can't see that. I suggest you go live there or to any foreign country for a year or two and then maybe you'll understand.

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Regarding various comments above, Pakistan has serious economic problems.

Pakistan imports 80% of its oil to generate electricity and to run agricultural equipment. But shortfall and load shedding along Pakistan's electrical grid has compromised their textile industry, their main export business and largest employment sector. And like many other Asian countries, they have water problems.

In summer of 2008, Saudi Arabia forgave, or deferred, $6 billion of Pakistan's $12 billion dollar bill for oil. I haven't heard whether lower oil prices relieved that pressure this year, but now they are talking about "renting" powerplant kits from foreign firms:

http://in.reuters.com/article/oilRpt/idINISL22378020090917

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