Flashback and the Crazies
Late last year Benazir Bhutto, a woman, returned to Pakistan, defying a ban on her participation and numerous death threats and attempts. Her last moments are strange - lifting herself out of the car to make a better target. Why? No one will ever know. Our friend, the PM, announced shortly after that it was her own damn fault. It always is, I suppose. We all bring on our own deaths in one way or another, even if it's for a good cause.
When the crazies come out, no one is safe. Dozens of men, women and children are killed every day in Iraq. Most of them innocent of anything but wanting to survive, to protect their families. That's not enough. Crazies don't distinguish. They kill people of their own tribes, their own religious factions. Hillary knows this damn well. She's been attacked by crazies for a good 20 years. They're worse than Billy's grackles. There are crazy neocons who screwed our budget and foreign affairs for the next generation, and they simply don't care. They had an idea and they pushed it through, and they took down their party, fellow "conservatives", their own families, and whatever else happened to be in the way. Some of them are waiting for history to judge them better. Most simply don't care - they're comfortable in their overconfidence and incompetence. Anyone invoking the crazies as if they'll be a faithful partner is delusional. Crazies support their own weird agendas, the radio voices in their heads. Fortunately in this country, at least in our politics, they've been relatively quiet for over 20 years. But if they do come out, we know very well they can come out for anyone - against everyone. Hillary knows this. Obama knows this. They share the same danger. Crazies may seem to be racist or religious nuts or homocidically misogynist or some other problem. But their main distinguishing characteristic is that they're crazy. They work for no one. And if there's one thing that people seem to agree on, Hillary is quite the opposite of suicidal.
The following is a reference to 1992, as there seems to be some confusion about when Clinton was assured the nomination.
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Clinton swept nearly all of the Super Tuesday primaries, making him the solid front runner [similar to Obama - Des]. Jerry Brown, however, began to run a surprising insurgent campaign, particularly through use of a 1-800 number to receive grassroots funding. Brown scored surprising wins in Connecticut and Colorado and seemed poised to overtake Clinton.
On March 17, Brown forced Tsongas from the race when he received a strong third-place showing in the Illinois primary and then defeated the senator for second place in the Michigan primary by a wide margin. Exactly one week later, he cemented his position as a major threat to Clinton when he eked out a narrow win in the bitterly-fought Connecticut primary. As the press now focused on the primaries in New York and Wisconsin, which were both to be held on the same day, Brown, who had taken the lead in polls in both states, made a serious gaffe: he announced to an audience of various leaders of New York City's Jewish community that, if nominated, he would consider the Reverend Jesse Jackson as a vice-presidential candidate. Jackson, who had made a pair of anti-Semitic comments about Jews in general and New York City's Jews in particular while running for president in 1984, was still a widely hated figure in that community and Brown's polling numbers suffered. On April 7, he lost narrowly to Bill Clinton in Wisconsin (37-34), and dramatically in New York (41-26).
Although Brown continued to campaign in a number of states, he won no further primaries. Despite this, he still had a sizable number of delegates, and a big win in his home state of California would deprive Clinton of sufficient support to win the nomination, which Brown apparently thought would revert to him by default. After nearly a month of intense campaigning and multiple debates between the two candidates, Clinton managed to defeat Brown in this final primary by a margin of 48% to 41%




