Cross-Posted FromThe End of the American Century.

I argue in The End of the American Century that the U.S. has already lost its global supremacy. But can it recover it? In a globalized and interdependent world, both the country and the world are better off without a superpower.  President-elect Obama seems to understand this, but it will take inspired leadership to lead the country into this new, diminished, global role.

There is, first of all, both a descriptive (factual) and prescriptive (value judgment) aspect to this question. Will the U.S. regain its superpower status? And should it do so? I believe the answer is negative to both questions, but the reasoning behind them are similar.

Some scholars have argued that the world needs a powerful and stabilizing force, and that the United States is the only country in a position to play this role. The British historian Niall Ferguson has made this case in his book Colossus, as has the U.S. political scientist Michael Mandelbaum in The Case for Goliath. And through much of history, there has been a big single power that has played this role in great swaths of the planet--Rome, Britain, Spain, the Ottomans, etc. All of those empires are now gone.

The 21st century world is different in several important respects. First, power and influence are more diffuse. There are numerous "rising powers"--China, India, Brazil, Iran, Russia, South Africa--and they are spread all over the globe. None of them want or need a super powerful country encroaching on their turf, or telling them how to behave.

Second, the world is more interdependent, particularly in economic terms--"flat" in Thomas Friedman's evocative phrase. Prosperity and security are being built on trade, cooperation and compromise. Some countries are bigger and wealthier than others and will naturally play a more substantial role in this globalized community. A "superpower"--economic or military--distorts and destabilizes such a system.

Third, the most important issues facing the globe now require cooperation, consultation, compromise and diplomacy rather than brute strength or intimidation. Global warming, environmental deterioration, epidemics, famine, and drought are the most pressing threats to humanity. All of them require the participation of all states, regardless of their wealth, power and ideology. A superpower, with its tendency to unilateralism and arrogance, can only hinder such cooperation.

For all of these reasons, the U.S. will not, and should not, play the dominant and directing global role that it did through most of the 20th Century.

In addition to these global factors are domestic U.S. ones. In the American Century, the U.S. had the world's biggest economy, its richest citizens, the best schools, the finest system of medical care, and the most successful democracy. It can no longer make such claims, both because of our own decline in the past two decades, and because other countries have been catching up. Most developed countries now surpass the U.S. in the quality of life, health care delivery, and education, and have much lower levels of poverty, inequality and violence. The vaunted U.S. economy (which for so long was a house of cards built on multiple levels of debt) has now begun an inevitable decline. Until the encouraging results of last week's election, even the U.S. political system was rickety, with low levels of voting and participation, very unequal representation, erosion of fundamental rights, and questionable electoral outcomes.

So whereas in the 20th Century, the U.S. carried global influence because of its own domestic model of success (in addition to its military strength), it can no longer make those claims of exceptionalism. The rest of the world has caught up.

The U.S. has already lost the status of sole superpower. Even if we wanted it, other countries don't recognize or accept it. And both the U.S. and the rest of the world will be better off if we don't regain it.

Yesterday, Fareed Zakaria and I were both interviewed on Canada's CBC Radio program "The Current" by the show's host, Anna Maria Tremonti.  She was exploring the task facing President-elect Obama in dealing with a world where the U.S. is no longer the sole superpower. 

Zakaria is the author of The Post-American World, which Senator Obama has apparently been reading.  I was on the show because of my recently published book The End of the American Century.  The interview can be heard at this link.

Ms. Tremonti asked Mr. Zakaria if he had written the book specifically for Obama.  Zakaria said no, but said that he had favored Obama from the very beginning of the primary campaign, and thought that Obama, more than any of the other candidates, understood the situation the U.S. is facing. 

Zakaria's book has the look of a foreign policy blueprint for the new administration, and concludes with a section on "New Rules for a New Age" which lists "six simple guidelines" for how the U.S. should deal with the rest of the world.

Zakaria himself is smart, articulate, and sees the big picture.  Like Obama, he is a symbol of a new global era.  He was born in India, came to the U.S. as a young man, and has flourished here.

Could he be a candidate for Secretary of State?

Cross Posted from The End of the American Century

I went to vote this morning at 6am. It was dark, and there was already a long line outside the polling place at St. Thomas Aquinas elementary school. My daughters went to that school, and as the line snaked through the main hallway, I studied the pictures of the (graduating) 8th grade classes from over the years, and saw their faces--young, innocent, happy and hopeful.

I have never seen such a line for an election in this country. By 7am, I had filled out my ballot and fed it into the optical scanner--it showed that I was the 89th voter in that precinct. My friend Mike, an election official, observed that this was more than one vote per minute since the polls opened.

This is an historic day, for many reasons, but first and foremost because Americans have reclaimed their democracy. After years of embarrassingly low voter turnout levels--far lower than most other democracies--record numbers of people are voting today. This in itself is good for America, and a sign of hope.

In the past, poor people, young people, and minorities were far less likely to vote than rich, older White people. This skewed the political system and made it unrepresentative. This was one reason Chapter 5 of my book The End of the American Century is titled "Ailing American Democracy." Today, all those groups are voting, probably in record numbers, restoring a truly representative democracy.

But it is momentous as well because of the person that has moved them to turn out today--a young, vibrant, biracial man with an unusual name, who speaks of "community" and says that change must come from the grassroots. When the United States elects this man as their President, it will send a message around the world that the U.S. has rejoined the global community.