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Prominent Economists Endorse Employee Free Choice Act


 

Lots of distinguished names on this list of signatories endorsing the Employee Free Choice Act (scroll down below the article for the full list).  Notable for their absence are Krugman and Stiglitz--perhaps a fellow denizen knows the stories there. 

The Employee Free Choice Act is Needed to Restore Balance in the Labor Market

by Richard B. Freeman, Frank Levy, Lawrence Mishel

Although its collapse has dominated recent media coverage, the financial sector is not the only segment of the U.S. economy running into serious trouble. The institutions that govern the labor market have also failed, producing the unusual and unhealthy situation in which hourly compensation for American workers has stagnated even as their productivity soared.

Indeed, from 2000 to 2007, the income of the median working-age household fell by $2,000- an unprecedented decline. In that time, virtually all of the nation's economic growth went to a small number of wealthy Americans. An important reason for the shift from broadly-shared prosperity to growing inequality is the erosion of workers' ability to form unions and bargain collectively.

A natural response of workers unable to improve their economic situation is to form unions to negotiate a fair share of the economy, and that desire is borne out by recent surveys. Millions of American workers - more than half of non-managers - have said they want a union at their work place. Yet only 7.5% of private sector workers are now represented by a union. And in all of 2007, fewer than 60,000 workers won union status through government-sanctioned elections. What explains this disconnect?

The problem is that the election process overseen by the National Labor Relations Board has become drawn out and acrimonious, with management campaigning fiercely to deter unionization, sometimes to the extent of violating labor laws. Union sympathizers are routinely threatened or even fired, and they have little effective recourse under the law. Even when workers overcome this pressure and vote for a union, they are unable to obtain contracts one-third of the time due to management resistance.

To remedy this situation, the Congress is considering the Employee Free Choice Act. This act would accomplish three things: It would give workers the choice of using majority sign-up--a simple, established procedure in which workers sign cards to indicate their support for a union - or staging an NLRB election; it triples damages for employers who fire union supporters or break other labor laws; and it creates a process to ensure that newly unionized employees have a fair shot at obtaining a first contract by calling for arbitration after 120 days of unsuccessful bargaining.

The Employee Free Choice Act will better reflect worker desires than the current "war over representation." The Act will also lower the level of acrimony and distrust that often accompanies union elections in our current system.

A rising tide lifts all boats only when labor and management bargain on relatively equal terms. In recent decades, most bargaining power has resided with management. The current recession will further weaken the ability of workers to bargain individually. More than ever, workers will need to act together.

The Employee Free Choice Act is not a panacea, but it would restore some balance to our labor markets.  As economists, we believe this is a critically important step in rebuilding our economy and strengthening our democracy by enhancing the voice of working people in the workplace.

Statement Endorsers

Henry J. Aaron, Brookings Institution

Katharine Abraham, University of Maryland

Philippe Aghion, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Eileen Appelbaum, Rutgers University

Kenneth Arrow, Stanford University

Dean Baker, Center for Economic and Policy Research

Jagdish Bhagwati, Columbia University

Rebecca Blank, Brookings Institution

Joseph Blasi, Rutgers University

Alan S. Blinder, Princeton University

William A. Darity, Duke University

Brad DeLong, University of California/Berkeley

John DiNardo, University of Michigan

Henry Farber, Princeton University

Robert H. Frank, Cornell University

Richard Freeman, Harvard University

James K. Galbraith, University of Texas

Robert J. Gordon, Northwestern University

Heidi Hartmann, Institute for Women's Policy Research

Lawrence Katz, Harvard University

Robert Lawrence, Harvard University

David Lee, Princeton University

Frank Levy, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Lisa Lynch, Brandeis University

Ray Marshall, University of Texas

Lawrence Mishel, Economic Policy Institute

Robert Pollin, University of Massachusetts

William Rodgers, Rutgers University

Dani Rodrik, Harvard University

Jeffrey D. Sachs, Columbia University

Robert M. Solow, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

William Spriggs, Howard University

Peter Temin, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Mark Thoma, University of Oregon

Lester C. Thurow, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

Laura Tyson, University of California/Berkeley

Paula B. Voos, Rutgers University

David Weil, Boston University

Edward Wolff, New York University

 


8 Comments

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Thanks for bringing this to our attention.

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You are most welcome, BevD!

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I agree with most of what is in the Employee Free Choice Act. I am concerned about the provision I've heard about where there would no longer be a secret ballot.

I'm afraid that a strong personality, either management or worker, could unduly influence the vote.

The other provisions are fine. Punish employers who don't play by the rules. But keep the secret ballot.

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Thanks for your thoughts, sooze.

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OK - there are lots of economists on the signature page. But who cares? I think it's common sense that someone's "vote" shouldn't be made public. Could you imagine what it would be like if somebody was in the voting booth with you when you were voting for President? C'mon - I don't see how this "free choice" act isn't going to influence how people vote.

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It is not true that the Employee Free Choice Act eliminates the secret ballot in union elections. Big corporations aren't spreading that like about secret elections because they care about fairness in the workplace. They're spreading the lie because they know the Employee Free Choice Act will make it harder for them to intimidate their own workers. The truth is that the Employee Free Choice Act would allow secret elections if 30 percent of workers say they want secret elections. Teamsters have been through enough difficult organizing campaigns to know just how nasty and widespread union busting has become. Back in the '50s, only a few hundred people got back pay because they were improperly disciplined for trying to form a union. In 2006, that number rose to 32,000, according to the National Labor Relations Board. Most Americans support fairness in the workplace. A majority (78 percent) of Americans favor legislation to make it easier for workers to bargain with their employers for better wages, benefits and working conditions, according to a January 2008 poll by Hart Research Associates. They want Congress to pass the Employee Free Choice Act. They obviously see through the dishonest corporate campaign against it. Many Americans also want to be union members. Almost 60 percent of non-managerial American workers would join a union if they could, Hart Research Associates found. Unions raise workers' wages and make their workplaces safer. Union workers are more productive and more innovative than non-union workers. Strengthening unions is the way to rebuild America. Creating more good union jobs is the way to get our economy growing again.

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That's a first-rate smackdown, m50rider.

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The fabricated bruhaha over the "secret ballot" is just more of the same Republican propaganda that has brought us to our current state of economic suicide. The secret ballot will not go away if this bill is passed... it is simply a right-wing, big business ruse. And I must ask: why exactly would big business care if the ballot were secret or not? They claim to want to protect their workforce, but had they been doing that, this entire argument would be moot, no?

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  • Location northern Virginia
  • Party Democrat
  • Politics Pro-equitable educational opportunity, pro-labor and pro-union (not because labor and unions are always in the right but as part of a necessary counterweight to overweening and destructive corporate power in our day), build-a-21st-century-safety-net, pro civil rights modern-day populist/egalitarian liberal on economic issues; moderate to left of moderate on most social/cultural issues; anti-militarist cross between a liberal internationalist and a realist on foreign policy issues (as I interpret these two traditions they lead to very similar conclusions). Civic republican (lower-case "r"). Good-government progressive. There. Aren't labels unhelpful? Moderate by temperament, which basically means I try to be civil and find it constitutionally hard not to hear out other points of view, although I am opinionated and occasionally startle others who come to assume I can't do anything except nuance. I try to think independently and if a conclusion I reach seems inconsistent with any of the above labels, I'm not bothered by that. I used to be, but that was many years ago.

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  • Favorite Books Four that are especially pertinent as I write in August 2010 are: A Presidency in Peril, Robert Kuttner; The Fireside Conversations: America Responds to FDR During the Great Depression, Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine; The Spirit Level: Why Greater Equality Makes Societies Stronger, by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett, and Washington Rules, by Andrew Bacevich. A few that come to mind are Walking with the Wind, John Lewis (perhaps the living "famous person" I most admire); Hitler's Thirty Days to Power, Henry Ashby Turner; Cincinnatus, Garry Wills (on George Washington and restraint in the exercise of power); Everything for Sale, Robert Kuttner (clearest and most sensible presentation on pluses and minuses of markets I've read); Animal Farm and other works by George Orwell; A Hope in the Unseen, Ron Suskind; The Arrogance of Power, William Fulbright; The Irony of American History, and Moral Man and Immoral Society, both by Reinhold Niebuhr; The Divine Right of Capital, Marjorie Kelly; RFK: A Memoir, Jack Newfield (on the possibility of growth in senior public officials while serving in office); The Cultural Contradictions of Capitalism, Daniel Bell.
  • Favorite Quotes (lately; it changes): "I used to make these speeches and denounce public officials with such fervor and such a lack of facts."--former fiery, self-critical, and effective labor and civil rights leader Jerry Wurf, speaking of his younger, less effective days. "Two pins shared a balloon. Watch out, said one of them, I'm going to prick a hole in *your* half."--Tor Age Bringsvaerd, courtesy website of Thomas Hylland Eriksen. "Let us develop a kind of dangerous unselfishness."--Martin Luther King, Jr. "The question is not 'If I stop to help this man in need, what will happen to me?''If I do not stop to help the sanitation workers, what will happen to them?' That's the question."--Martin Luther King, Jr.; "I wouldn't urinate on you if you were burning at the stake."--a New Jersey resident, in correspondence to President Franklin Roosevelt

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