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Week of July 9, 2006 - July 15, 2006

Sound-bite version of Bush Administration policy on North Korean nukes


"Let's demonstrate our toughness by refusing to talk to them, say out loud as though we really, really mean it (but not to the North Koreans, of course) that we mean business about them not making nukes, hold our nose, and keep counting until they stop. Oh, and get China to get them to stop. That should work."

Look, mom--no hands!!

We've been working with our eight year old, trying to teach him more promising ways of dealing with conflict than this type of strategy as applied to his day-to-day concerns.

Josh's succinct summary is at: http://www.talkingpointsmemo.com/archives/008988.php

If you want a bit more detail and factual backup on this, although I found Nancy Soderberg's The Superpower Myth poorly written, edited and argued in a number of places (unfortunately, as it has a wealth of good information and is well sourced), it was good on this among other issues, and links to key documents.

Dangerously naive on national security policy. That's what they are...

The Fog of War, the book


I am just finishing up the book The Fog of War: Lessons from the Life of Robert S. McNamara.

Including excerpts from documents declassified during the 1990s and earlier this decade, it was edited and written by James G. Blight and janet M. Lang. They are two academics who served as advisors for the Academy Award-winning 2003 documentary film of the same name directed by Errol Morris, and who have written extensively about issues it explores. I am wondering if Josh knows either or both of them, as they teach at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Relations.

They utilize a method of history--not uncontroversial by any means--referred to as "critical oral history". Part of their work using this methodology has involved bringing together FTF decisionmaker participants at conferences exploring great events such as the Cuban Missile Crisis and the US entry into the Vietnam War. Participants are provided with extensive and shared briefing materials before these conferences, which have been held among other places in Cuba, Moscow and Vietnam as well as the US. Participants are encouraged at the conferences to do "interventions"--inquiring of a counterpart what their thoughts were at the time, or challenging them on assertions which they believe to be questionable or false.

The book is organized in the form of five lessons, drawn from the conferences and other work the authors have done going back 20 years or so.

Prompted by a MattY comment (I am unable to track down, sorry) making the point that just because appeasement didn't work in Munich doesn't mean it never works, here's just one little juicy tidbit (p. 1998, from an interview of "The Fog of War" film director Errol Morris by David Talbot of Salon.com, February 28, 2004.) Morris is here referring to the Cuban Missile Crisis:

Morris: "First of all, the Kennedy Administration had been given faulty information by the CIA. They had been told there were no Soviet warheads in Cuba. OK, so what should the President conclude? Perhaps the Joint Chiefs are absolutely right. Act sooner rather than later. Take out the missiles, take out the missile launchers and the missile sites before the warheads arrive. Although in fact several of these Joint Chiefs wanted to go a little further than Cuba, they wanted to go take out the Soviet Union and China as well. They had big appetites. But we now know that if LeMay and the other Joint Chiefs had had their way, and there was bombing and an invasion, the local Soviet commanders who had autonomy would have used those missiles with warheads against the United States. Can I say this with certainty? No. But was there a good likelihood if we invaded and bombed that they would reply? Yep. So that in this instance, 'appeasement' averted a catastrophe. The analogy to Munich isn't an analogy at all. People often make these analogies. What is Munich? It's a way of calling a leader like Kennedy a candy-ass. And because of your weakness, because of your policies, everyone will have to suffer. It will lead to an even worse catastrophe than you can imagine. In this instance--wrong! The diplomatic solution proved to be the correct one."

I highly recommend the book to the attention of those interested in the history of US foreign policy during the 1940's-1970s era or who might be interested in efforts to extract from that period lessons which may (in my view, do) have applicability to the conduct of current-day US foreign policy. To my way of thinking the book adds layers of rich detail, anecdote, and analysis to what could be addressed in the movie.

The Spinning of Lieberman-Lamont


Steven Clemons http://www.thewashingtonnote.com/ has a piece at his site noting a July 6 LA Times lead editorial headlined "Purging Antiwar Democrats".

He titles his entry "Purging Pro-Iraq War Democrats" and says: "First of all, editorialists should stop referring to everyone who opposes the IRAQ WAR as 'anti-war'...This is not a battle between pacifists and hawks within progressive circles."

Exactly.

I might go beyond that and say this is not simply a battle between pro and anti-Iraq war proponents within the Democratic party, although that is the root substantive policy issue triggering the battle.

Rather, it is a battle between, on the one hand, Democrats who go out of their way to trash (on this issue, the hefty majority of)those who disagree with them within the Democratic party and by implication the Democratic party as a whole, versus, on the other hand, those who find civil dissent within the party a highly problematical reality from moral, governing and campaigning points of view, but party-bashing wholly beyond the pale at this point and unacceptable.

The Democratic roots are fed up with party bashing and one of the meanings of the Lamont challenge is that those who engage in party-bashing are henceforth encouraged to take note.

There is, by contrast, nowhere near the level of antipathy towards a number of other Democrats who have supported the war in various ways but not engaged in party bashing. Examples are Edwards, even before he said he was mistaken and 'apologized' for his war vote, and Kerry, long before he has become aggressive in pushing for a timeline for troop withdrawal.

The level of anger among Democrats against fellow Democrats who have supported the war seems to be pretty much proportionate to the level of Democrat-bashing the individual has engaged in. Thus, Biden is despised by many within the party, although not quite as much as Lieberman, it seems.

The notable exception to this pattern at this point is of course Hillary Clinton.

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AmericanDreamer

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  • Location northern Virginia
  • Party Democrat
  • Politics idealist without illusions (what I work towards, at any rate, it being in the nature of illusions that one does not generally know when one has one)

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  • Favorite Books Too many. A few that come to mind are: The Irony of American History by Reinhold Niebuhr; Animal Farm and George Orwell generally; Cincinnatus: George Washington and the Enlightenment, by Garry Wills; RFK: A Memoir, by Jack Newfield; Hitler's Thirty Days to Power, by Henry Ashby Turner, Jr.

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