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Superdelegates: Good or Bad?

I think they should be eliminated, or at least significantly reduced in numbers before the 2012 cycle begins.

They are essentially free agents, able to vote their conscience based on whatever criteria they choose. As a collective group, either they ratify the choice of the pledged delegates, in which case they're not needed, or (to borrow the Obama campaign's framing, back when he was trailing by over 100 SDs) they would "overturn the will of the people" as expressed by their duly elected pledged delegates, with the presumption being the latter action would clearly be undemocratic and unfair.

The present structure, where 20% of delegates are SDs, combines with the proportional nature of the caucuses and primaries to make it quite hard for any candidate to win an outright majority based only on pledged delegates in a tightly contested battle: you'd need to get 62% of the pledged delegates to secure the nomination. As Chuck Todd and other delegate counters have realized since Super Tuesday, that's quite difficult if both campaigns push on for the whole process.

And indeed here we are with two closely matched campaigns, neither of which can win a first-ballot nomination without a large block of SDs behind them.

I've heard it said that the SDs are a "safety valve", and/or that they can "save the party from itself". But I have a hard time envisioning a scenario where they might actually "save" anything. What circumstances could SDs decide en masse to back a candidate with fewer pledged delegates to "save" the party that wouldn't result in alienating the leading candidate and her or his supporters? I'm having a hard time seeing where they truly can help.

In a close election like this one, the presence of SDs who can vote their conscience, and change their mind, encourages a losing candidate to continue fighting a vigorous campaign longer, because he or she still has some hope of winning the nomination. Is this a net positive for the party's chances of winning in the fall? This year, even after all the voters have had their say, neither candidate will have the nomination assured without SD votes, so the contest continues as long as both sides want to keep going. And it's most likely to continue when two candidates are fairly evenly matched, potentially causing greater acrimony between sides, and hurting the chances for unity in the fall.

My other argument against SDs is that they skew the process from the outset. This could, I suppose, be called a feature, not a bug: we want presidential candidates who can garner support from party insiders for their campaigns. But insider support is valuable in other ways (contacts, fund raising, etc.) beyond simply a vote at the convention, and it seems to me giving these people a vote also gives a much bigger advantage to establishment candidates (ironically the opposite justification is given for starting the process in small states like Iowa and New Hampshire, where retail politics can overcome fund-raising and mass media buys).

So by my observation, SDs with direct votes for the nominee is bad for the process. They give advantages to establishment candidates, they encourage extending close, hard fought campaigns, risking party unity, and if they ever overturned the "will of the people", it would be described as an undemocratic coup by the leading candidate.

I'm interested in other views on this, especially justifications for SDs and scenarios where people think SDs would improve the party's candidate selection.


Comments (2)

I agree, absolutely, that having delegates who can change their minds all the way to the convention encourages the second place candidate to hang in there -- even if it is not the indefatigable Hillary Clinton. And whether they are so-called pledged, or SDs, seems to be only a question of semantics in that even pledged delegates can change their minds. So that the term, pledged delegates, is at this point, really an oxymoron.
Remember that famous Clinton campaign phrase from the 90's: "Keep it simple, Stupid." The nominating process needs to be simplified to avoid the drag on the presumptive nominee's momentum that the current system produces.
How to keep it simple?
First, it's a Democratic nomination process, for Pete's sake. So disallow Republican and Independent participation, period end. They get their moment in the General, after all. Isn't that basic to keeping it simple?
Second, the primary season needs to be shortened. It is not just the candidates, but all of us, who will need a vacation when this one is finally over.Three months is plenty.
Third, there is no reason I know of that the DNC could not assign a primary schedule, per election, balanced for regional diversity and number of days or weeks between events. This would prevent the glut of premature results from a Super Tuesday, as well as avoiding a long, agonizing stretch like the one that led up to Pennsylvania. If the order of primaries, state to state, needs to be rotated from election to election so that all states feel important, so be it.
Fourth, pick a metric by which to select the nominee and stick to it:
If it's to be delegate-based, then each delegate should be asked to sign a pledge that once he, or she, has committed, that's it. No possibility of vacillating back and forth, which only tempts the runner-up to be the thing that wouldn't leave.
Or, maybe it's time for the delegate metric to go, because it is counter-intuive, as it creates the possibilty of a split decision between popular vote and the delegate count. The popular vote could be a viable, legitimate metric if the apples-to-oranges problem between caucas results and primary results were resolved.
To accomplish that, why not have the number crunchers develop a census-based equation for converting a caucas result into a popular vote figure so that the numbers, all together, actually mean something. (Caucases are valuable to encourage grass roots participation in the process, and it would be a shame to eliminate them.)
Just thoughts.

Interesting thoughts. I like both compressing the calendar and switching to some sort of rotation among states, although I do think there is value in ensuring that you start in small states. If Texas, California, or New York ever went first, then it would largely be a media-driven fund-raising contest.

As to independent/Republican participation, in light of Operation Chaos (whether it was "successful" or not, it certainly generated attention), ruling that out Republicans and I guess independents makes sense. But I used the latter loophole myself this year: in New Jersey, if you were a registered independent, you could switch to a party on the date of the primary. Otherwise you'd have to change registration 60 days (or so) in advance to vote. Although I have always voted for Democrats in national elections, I had been registered as an independent until this campaign.

Obviously we shouldn't use anecdotes to make policy, but my personal experience explains why I'm partial to allowing independents to vote in a primary. In theory, I prefer open primaries, but after Operation Chaos (and, to a much lesser extent Markos Moulitsas's "let's have fun in Michigan"), I can see that it might not be wise to allow members of a different party to vote in your primary. But in states without official party registration (e.g. Virginia), there's currently no alternative.

Some can argue there is an equation now to balance caucuses with open, semi-open, and closed primaries: the delegates!

I don't think a particular formula would be any better, because then

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