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Popular Vote

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    We all know that delegates, not cumulative popular votes, elect the nominee.  And while it's also true that electors, not popular votes, elect the president in November, the primaries are different from state to state and held over almost half a year, so the many reasons for caring about the popular vote in the general election are lessened in the primaries.  Still, the idea that Clinton received more popular votes than Obama is a very compelling one to those of us who believe strongly in democracy, even in a primary contest.  I'm inclined to agree that it's absurd for the person who received less votes to win any election, and it certainly diminishes that person's legitimacy as winner.  So I don't think that "delegates elect" is a proper response to the claim by Clinton and her supporters that she won the popular vote.  And while Eric Kleefeld posted about the final math, including a paragraph saying that Obama won the popular vote unless you count Michigan and don't give Obama the uncommitted votes, I think this point needs to be emphasized more clearly to end any question about Obama's legitimacy as the Democratic nominee going into the general election.  The mainstream media seems to have settled on the idea that Obama won because he played by the rules and that Clinton's claim that she won the popular vote is at least plausible (on CNN last night Wolf Blitzer showed 3 different ways of counting the popular vote and concluded that in 2 of the 3 Clinton did indeed win, without comment as to which of those 3 was most accurate).  But it is not plausible.  Any reasonable tally of the popular vote, even in the light most favorable to Clinton, shows that Obama won.
    According to RealClearPolitics, Obama was the clear winner of the popular vote without counting Michigan.  Setting aside the fact that the Michigan primary was not a legitimate reflection of voter preferences, let's assume that the 328,309 people who voted for Hillary did intend to vote for her over all the other candidates.  Then she leads the cumulative popular vote by 176,465 (including the caucus estimates).  Let's round that up to 180,000 to allow for possible favoritism towards Obama in the caucus estimates.  There were 238,168 votes for uncommitted in Michigan.  On top of that, we learned at the Rules and Bylaws Committee hearing that there were approximately 30,000 write-in votes that could not be counted.  Let's round that down a little since it was only an estimate and say that there were about 265,000 votes for someone other than Clinton, Kucinich, Gravel or Dodd.  Is it reasonable to assume that over 180,000 (68%) of those votes were intended to go to Obama?
    According to the exit polls, had all the candidates been on the ballot, Obama would have received 35% of the total vote.  594,398 votes were cast altogether in the Democratic Primary (not including write-ins).  So according to the exit poll, he should have received 208,039 votes.  But only 79% of those votes would have come from the uncommitted total.  That's 164,351.  Again, let's round down a little to favor Clinton, especially since exit polls are not always accurate.  Let's say 160,000.  So he still needs 20,000 votes.  In the exit poll data, the columns showing where the intended votes came from all add up to 100% (for example, Obama would have received 18% of his votes from Clinton's total, 1% from Gravel's, 2% from Kucinich's, and 79% from uncommitted's).  So it obviously doesn't include the 30,000 write-in votes.  Were 2/3 of those intended to go to Obama?  Since the exit polls show that Obama would have received almost 3 times as many votes as Edwards (35-12) if they'd all been on the ballot, it's more than reasonable to assume that 2/3 of the write-ins were for Obama, even if we assume some write-in votes were for non-candidates, some for Bill Richardson (who apparently would have only received just 1% if his name were on the ballot), and some for Joe Biden, who had already dropped out.
    In sum, any reasonable tally of popular votes, even in the light most favorable to Clinton (counting all her Michigan votes even though the exit polls show that she wouldn't have received them had the other candidates all been listed, rounding all numbers in her favor), shows that more people intended to vote for Obama than Clinton.  Some Clinton supporters may still argue that Obama himself needlessly removed his name from the Michigan ballot and that only actual votes for him should count.  But when talking about the popular vote, the value we are considering is voter preference, irrespective of the actions, wise or unwise, of any candidate.  It would be difficult to argue that on the one hand people are being disenfranchised by not having their votes counted in an unofficial primary, but that on the other hand people in that primary could not possibly vote for a given candidate.  By any reasonable estimate, more of the people who voted in all the Democratic Primaries intended to vote for Obama than for Clinton, and his legitimacy as the Democratic nominee is therefore not tainted by the popular vote.  This is, I think, very important going forward.


Comments (7)

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I appreciate the work that you have done on this, but the bottom line is that there are hundreds of possible permutations. The reason is that you had caucuses and primaries, different kinds of primaries, and non-legitimate primaries.

If you simply count the convention representatives or people who turned up at the caucuses (when such numbers exist), you would be doing a serious injustice to the folks in the caucus states. The causes system simply doesn't allow for as many votes. And until the Democratic Party tells states that they can't have caucuses, this would be unfair to their citizens.

See, "The Popular Vote Myth (or why caucuses may be hazardous to your representation"
http://msa4.wordpress.com/2008/03/05/democratic-primaries-caucuses-and-the-popular-vote/

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the point is that of the people who actually did vote in all the primaries, it looks like more voted for obama than for clinton. i agree that the system is flawed. i'm not even a democrat, and i don't believe in the party system at all. but there is a debate about who "won" the cumulative popular vote, and while i agree that that has limited usefulness, i do think it's important to show the clinton supporters who think the nomination was robbed from them that clinton did not in fact receive more votes. you can argue about the caucus system, but we can really only guess what the numbers would have been otherwise.

I disagree with your characterization that "...of the people who actually did vote in all the primaries, it looks like more voted for obama than for clinton."

I don't think either candidate can categorically claim a popular vote victory. I think that most will agree that the Dem Party gave the victory to Obama and that it is within their power to do so.

Here is the RCP analysis of the popular vote.

Obama's "legitimacy" as the Democratic nominee was only an issue to the extent that Hillary -- having little else to go on -- tried to make it an issue.
It was irrelevant then, and it's even more irrelevant now.
He IS the nominee.
Vote for him, or don't vote for him.
Base your decision on his character, his policies, or some combination of the two.
But STFU about the legitimacy of his nomination.
There are just TWO candidates left in the race: Obama and McCain.
And don't waste your time talking to anyone who refuses to understand that.

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actually, there will be at least 4 candidates on the ballot in november, and many people who do think there's a legitimacy problem may be tempted to vote for someone other than obama, even if they agree with his policies more than mccain's. obama supporters (and obama himself) have said all along that the superdelegates should not overturn the will of the people. and to some, if clinton received more cumulative votes than obama, that's what the superdelegates did, even if obama did win more pledged delegates. obama, i believe, consistently said that the superdelegates should endorse the winner of the pledged delegates. and as i indicated there are several problems with simply adding together all the primary votes as if they were all the same. but the fact remains that many people will believe that the nomination was robbed if the "winner" of the cumulative popular vote is not the nominee. i think it's important to point out that that was not the case here. you may be right in saying that it doesn't matter, but you probably realize that other people think it does.

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There are some issues besides the lack of comparability between caucuses and primaries.

The Democratic Party bases delegate allocations on Democratic strength, although many of the open primaries include crossover voters who, in some cases, are party raiders that have no intention of voting for the Democrat in the general election. Normally, the addition of extra voters is considered a benefit, and proportional allocation makes it difficult for raiders to have much effect (unlike the winner take all systems used by the Republicans), but treating the votes in a hotly contested open primary as fungible with a caucus state's votes is absurd.

Unlike the general election, there can be huge differences in turnout due to factors other the caucus v. primary difference. Contests fluctuate when seats are open, and when referendums and initiatives are on the ballot, and the variability is so high at the nomination stage that some states would find their influence outweighed by a state with higher turnout and lower population.
States that hold late contests would find their voice in the process dramatically reduced because their contest occurs after the nomination has has been decided. Inequities like these have led to the apportionment formulas currently used by both major parties.

A system that allowed states to inflate their 'weight' would suffer even greater problems than the already large problem we have now, as states vie to join the first-tier contests in order to increase their importance.

One of the biggest problems with a state unilaterally deciding to queue-jump lies in the possibility that its move could be part of an effort to improve the chances of a "favorite son" candidate. As is usually the case, setting the rules for oneself, whether in regard to when the vote is held or how it is measured, tends to result in a corruption of the process. Changing the rules after the fact is usually transparently so.

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i agree with everything you say (except that i think all primaries should be open since i'm not a registered democrat), but again i think it's important to respond to clinton's claim not only with a somewhat complicated explanation of why it doesn't matter, but also with the simple fact that it's not true.

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