The Department of Defense several weeks ago released many documents related to the military analysts and their role in disseminating propaganda. Scott McClellan's newly released book essentially argues the President was directing a "propaganda" (his word) campaign.
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* Barlett's Parsing, Incomplete Denial
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Politico shares an interesting tidbit about former White House counsel Dan Bartlett and his reaction to McClellan's accusations [_emphasis_ added]:
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Bartlett said the book is “fundamentally wrong” and says _he would not _personally_ have participated in a propaganda effort_.

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Bartlett would have us believe that he was not _personally_ involved in the "propaganda effort." However, this is the same parsing we heard from Feith. Bartlett does not deny that there was a propaganda effort, he only says that he was not personally participating. He, like the Vice President on FISA violations, could have been working through intermediaries.
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Bartlett's parsing does not eliminate the possibly knew or should have known that Feith and the Vice President were working _through the military analysts_
to conduct this propaganda effort. Bartlett has also not expressly
denied that he was at any planning meetings with any of the military
analysts, Libby, or the President.
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* Bartlett's Name On DoD Military Analysts Emails
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The DoD emails do not support Bartlett's assertion that he wasn't involved with the propaganda effort. The DoD emails include an email to both McClellan and Bartlett discussing the military analysts. See page 120 of 120 The email show McClellan's name, Bartlett's, and others connected with the National Security council. This link highlights the key names for you.
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The email with Bartlett's name is short, does not provide any background information, and suggest Bartlett was well involved with and fully aware of the military analysts, which McClellan describes as the President's "propaganda".  The email does not provide background information, strongly suggesting
Bartlet had been long aware and was involved with many meetings with
military analysts. Had Barlet not been involved or unaware, the email with his name on it
should have had detailed information discussing what the military
analysts were doing..
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* Iraq Discussions Implicate Bartlett
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One of Feith's groups was involved with motivation the nation to march to war (At 6 and 7) One clue to where Bartlett might have been when he was with the President discussing this propaganda effort is another DoD email. The DoD emails show the President was had a meeting where the White House staff and President discussed the "outreach program.  Specifically, one of the military analysts present says key White House staff were in the room taking notes. One of them was Hadley. Page 6414 of the NYT to the FOIA expressly mentions two Bolten and Hadley being in the same room with the military analysts. (For some discussion of that specific military analyst disclosure, here are some details.)
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Bolten would have most likely have discussed with Bartlet the military propaganda because Bartlett disclosed his knowledge of the debates over Iraq -- the subject
of Feith's propaganda campaign -- when Bartlett commented on Tenet's
book to the NYT [_Emphasis_ added]:

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Dan Bartlett, the counselor to President Bush, on Friday offered a mild
rebuttal of Mr. Tenet’s assertion that there was never a “serious
debate” of the Iraqi threat or the consequences of a prolonged
occupation. _“The president did wrestle with those very questions,”_ Mr. Bartlett said on NBC’s “Today” show.

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The NYT reported at 10 the Vice President would have to approve any issue
before it reached the White House The DoD emails show the President
had at least one meeting with military analysts and White House staff
to discuss the outreach program. (The WH "outreach" program is disclosed at 5369, and showcased here for you.)
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This means that the Vice President, Libby, and Rove would have discussed the military analyst program, and been aware of the discussions on the White House about the propaganda effort.
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Had the Vice President not been involved, (1) there would never have been a meeting between the White House staff, Bolten, and the Military analysts; (2) Bartlett would never have received a status email about the military analysts discussions with the White House; (3) Feith would never have been given any authority to organize the disinformation efforts through the military analysts; and (4) nor would any military analyst receive an open invitation to visit the White House.
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(TPM readers: If you have time, and would like to see how the NYT information, Politico revelations, McClellan's book, and the DoD emails are coming together and pointing at the Vice President, here is an overview, and example NYT articles painting a grim picture for the Vice President, Libby, and Addington on the President's propaganda program.)
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* Barlett's Burden in light of DoD Emails
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Bartlett needs to explain why we should believe he didn't participate, but he was receiving emails which provided no background information. Bartlett appears to be lying, and this raises questions about whether he and others as legal counsel have been involved with misrepresentations. These could be issues which the DC Bar may, if the weather if favorable, consider reviewing.
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Bartlett' problem is the DoD emails and military analyst report contradict what Bartlett is saying about McClellan and the President's propaganda effort. But it gets worse. Once we examine the NYT reporting since 2001 on the Feith-related groups, we'll see how the DoD emails, McClellan's book, and the Bartlett's inadequate denials shed light on something very important: How the President worked with military analysts and Feith to disseminate information through the White House Iraq Group, the ISG, and the Feith Counter Terrorism Evaluation Group. (Details, NYT references at 5 and 6 )
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* Bartlett Indirectly Implicates Addington, Subpoenaed To Judiciary
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Bartlett's denials have been discredited, and brought additional attention to the Vice President, Libby, and Addington: The Vice President role in reviewing the military analsyts, before Feith and others were given the Vice President's approval to present this information to the President. One staffer disclosed in the DoD emails Feith required the military analysts to coordinate information through him for his approval. ( "Feith wants to see anything we do and clear it first": See 6513, and commentary  on Feith's approvals-coordination on military analyst-content and disclosures.)
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Bolten has done nothing to justify confidence in himself nor defend the President. Rather, he's opened up Addington, Libby, and the Vice President to direct questions about the propaganda effort.
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Addington has been subpoenaed before the House Judiciary Committee. If you are inclined to contact Congressman John Conyers or hist Committee Staff, please encourage them to notice how the McClellan disclosures, Bartlett's denials, and DoD emails raise reasonable questions about Addington's cooperation with Libby and the Vice President on this propaganda effort.