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Reframing Iraq

Though I haven't done an exhaustive analysis of all available polls, those that I have seen can be generalized as: Democrats think the invasion of Iraq was the wrong thing to do and prefer immediate withdrawal; Republicans think it was right and they're willing to keep going for as long as necessary; Both of these groups cancel each other out for the purposes of the polls and it's the Independents, who decide the finding. Almost always, these voters favor a timetable by a very significant margin.

Of course this is an oversimplification because no group is 100%, but in the fall, it'll most likely be the Independents who will also decide the election.

Now, if you look at a report generated from the "March Tracking Poll" by the Gallup organization, without worrying about which Democrat does better with which subgroup because though that could be helpful when considering electability, it isn't my purpose here; But, if you look at the age brackets in general, you'll see that those 18-29 favor the Democrats by the same approximate margin as those over 65 prefer McCain.

Those in between are pretty much evenly split, so once again, it'll be them who'll probably decide the election.

The 1970s were some of the most tumultuous times in our nation's history. Racial and sexual barriers were being broken down on a regular basis. Young people, who had seized some degree of power during the Civil Rights Era and from the Anti-War movement were trying to reshape the country with radical new ideas and older Americans sometimes felt marginalized and would occasionally push back.

And, while there was a general state of unrest here at home, we also developed something Republicans from Henry Kissinger to George H.W. Bush called "Vietnam Syndrome".

To a V.F.W Hall during the campaign of 1980, Ronald Reagan famously said;

"For too long, we have lived with the 'Vietnam Syndrome'.  Much of that syndrome has been created by the North Vietnamese aggressors who now threaten the peaceful people of Thailand.  Over and over they told us for nearly 10 years that we were the aggressors bent on imperialistic conquests.  They had a plan.  It was to win in the field of propaganda here in America what they could not win on the field of battle in Vietnam.  As the years dragged on, we were told that peace would come if we would simply stop interfering and go home."

"It is time we recognized that ours was, in truth, a noble cause.  A small country newly free from colonial rule sought our help in establishing self-rule and the means of self-defense against a totalitarian neighbor bent on conquest.  We dishonor the memory of 50,000 young Americans who died in that cause when we give way to feelings of guilt as if we were doing something shameful, and we have been shabby in our treatment of those who returned.  They fought as well and as bravely as any Americans have ever fought in any war.  They deserve our gratitude, our respect, and our continuing concern."

And though I haven't bought access to the whole article, a quick Google produced the following opening paragraph from a piece in Winter 91/92 edition of Foreign Affairs;

By God, we've kicked the Vietnam syndrome once and for all!" So said President George Bush in a euphoric victory statement at the end of the Gulf War, suggesting the extent to which Vietnam continued to prey on the American psyche more than fifteen years after the fall of Saigon. Indeed the Vietnam War was by far the most convulsive and traumatic of America's three wars in Asia in the 50 years since Pearl Harbor. It set the U.S. economy on a downward spiral. It left America's foreign policy at least temporarily in disarray, discrediting the postwar policy of containment and undermining the consensus that supported it. It divided the American people as no other event since their own Civil War a century earlier. It battered their collective soul.

Though those born in '78 were still toddlers when Reagan took office and they were only thirteen at the end of the first Gulf War, as you go up the age spectrum, people only get older and they're more apt to remember the times that Jimmy Carter addressed in his famous "Malaise Speech";

"The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our Nation."

"The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America."

"The confidence that we have always had as a people is not simply some romantic dream or a proverb in a dusty book that we read just on the Fourth of July. It is the idea which founded our Nation and has guided our development as a people. Confidence in the future has supported everything else -- public institutions and private enterprise, our own families, and the very Constitution of the United States. Confidence has defined our course and has served as a link between generations. We've always believed in something called progress. We've always had a faith that the days of our children would be better than our own."

In addition to the older Americans, it is those who remember the post-Vietnam era that Sen. McCain appears to be targeting with his "Never Surrender" theme. The commercials that he's been testing in New Mexico, both show him as a POW, lying on his cot, one highlights him struggling to speak and they both declare that America will never give up.

It is that sense of pride, Reagan is often credited for restoring that McCain will be trying to harness and not only will he be speaking to those who thought that if we had just kept fighting, we could've eventually "won" Vietnam, but he's also going to be going after those in the middle, who just remember the general funk which hovered over the nation like a dark cloud, as we recovered from some of our most trying times and one of our greatest military defeats.

The other day, LisB offered a post which distinguished between "occupation" and "war". During his time for questions at the Senate hearings, Barack Obama inquired about what would make us happy or what is the minimum that we'd be willing to accept, before we can get out of Iraq. I've long held and actually posted to my now-dormant blog years ago, we should've declared victory and pulled back to the Murtha line.

George Bush has continually moved the goalposts; In the beginning, the stated goal was regime change, then we decided to get them a government and elections, now we're looking for stability: At every station along the path, we could've said that our job was done, but Colin Powell's "Pottery Barn" became the rule and there's no doubt that unless something dramatically changes or unless we find another solution, some degree of genocide could easily follow.

If the Democrats are going to want to successfully defeat McCain on the battlefield of Iraq, we aren't going to be able to keep pointing toward a speech from '02, repeat the phrase "100 years" and say that we were wrong. We're going to have to frame withdrawal, not as a defeat, but that our soldiers did what they were asked and now it's time to bring them home with honor. But, perhaps most of all, if the country implodes after we're gone, it's going to take a lot more than a throwing up of hands to assuage our nation's guilt. It's memories of that emotion which McCain is likely to also raise, therefore we're going to need an easily understood and clearly articulated answer before our political victory can be assured.


Comments (6)

Great post. I wrote a similar one a bit ago, and I wondered out loud if all this Never Surrender!!! business wasn't a leftover of Vietnam. Your post does a good job of answering that question for me.

Chuck Hagel has lately been making the point that we can't view the situation in Iraq as win/lose. It's just not that cut and dry. I refuse to let the GOP run the show this time around. They don't get the mantel of fiscal responsibility or foreign policy as far as I'm concerned, without a fight.

http://tpmcafe.talkingpointsmemo.com/talk/2008/04/reframing-the-war.php

Thanks for the kudos and a special thanks for the link. I had missed your post (they really should do something about that) and as you probably gathered from my rant above, I agree that we'll need to redefine victory, especially if we want the result to be accepted by the masses.

As you may or may not have gathered from some of my comments, I currently live in New Mexico and the "Never Surrender" ad runs a couple of times a day here, at least. The whole tone and everything about it seems like he could be arguing for the continuation of the Vietnam War, as much as it's about Iraq and this "global war on terror".

Of course this makes sense because so much of McCain was defined by his time in captivity and it allows him to say that he's faced some insurmountable odds, but he stayed the course and was the eventual victor. To him, quitting or surrendering has to be personal and because the last time we had to do something similar, the country fell into that extended period of demoralization (though, it really was caused as much, if not more by our divisions and the sudden changes), I could see how he could try to use the comparison to his favor, unless we get further out in front on the issue.

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Obama's sharpest argument for his withdrawel plan is that the risk difference between his plan and the Administration's is minimal at worst. Petraeus did say that the decision to withdraw is all about risk assessment. When Obama cogently called for "measured" withdrawel, he meant something like what Petraeus means when he calls for a 45 day assessment following an intevention. The key is in how you intervene after you withdraw each brigade. You come in massively with diplomacy and guidance as the stakeholders' anxieties and catastrophic fears increase. Obama has in mind working through the problems that arise as each phase of the withdrawel occurs and not proceeding to withdraw if the problems threatening the "messy" stability are not solved. That's a compelling plan. Other presentations of a plan for withdrawal leave open the charge that something sudden and precipitous is going to happen. That's why the Republicans have control of this fundamental, make-or-break-a-candidacy issue. They keep casting the other side as a dangerous, precipitous plan, and only Obama has decisively countered that fear-mongering. Most Americans won't buy the Lefty idea that our presence evokes violence and is a recruiting motivation for extremists and that post-withdrawal violence is somehow tolerable; that view may be correct, but it's not sellable. The "measured" withdrawal is, because it counters the fear that withdrawal equals catastrophy, which is the main argument against a phased withdrawal.

I've heard Obama say more and more about the concept of "measured withdrawal", but if you were to poll people about his position, they'd say that he opposed the war from the start (like their impression of McGovern) and that he's going to pull the troops out. I really feel that before we start losing this issue, we (the Democrats) need to say more about the concept of a timetable. I mean, the chatter after 2006 was that the Dems were wanting to withhold war funding, so that we could turn tail and run.

I also think Obama did well by asking Crocker what he'd consider an acceptable situation, but we really haven't heard those kinds of specifics from the candidate. There's been increasing comments about using diplomacy and aid in the intervals between the withdrawals, but there's really been no public communication about what these negotiations are going to decide and what we'd incent them to do, other than what we've been asking all along. And, if they were to fail to achieve these goals is he going to continue with the withdrawal and leave them on their own? If that's the case, then he really should start preparing us for the eventuality.

I feel that unless we get in front and get very public and more specific with these plans, there's a famous scene of helicopters evacuating people from a (Saigon?) rooftop and some other instantly recognizable scenes from that era that would most likely have an effect on a lot of people over 40, if they were packaged into a television ad. (Remember in '04, we saw several photos of Kerry, while he was protesting the war)

Don't quit until there's peace; Americans never give up is probably the simplest plan for people to understand and something nuanced, which hasn't been properly defined for the American people or a plan with no known measurable benchmarks seems pretty easy to distort. Because if you cut right down to it and if the Iraqis don't live up to their end, we're either going to have to leave them to their own devices or we're going to continue our presence, which the Republicans could try to distort into the Democrats not supporting the troops.

As I tried to point out in my post, underneath all of this talk about withdrawal, there's a generation who are evenly split and many of them didn't feel good for more than a decade after Vietnam. I don't know that they could easily be talked into going through such a thing again and though I don't think that's what Obama actually has in mind, he really should paint a better picture.

This election has more at stake than any since 1964. One can feel the nervousness in the energy surrounding the contests. With the war, healthcare, economic decline and issues of race and gender at play, the election (and even the democratic primary) represents the greatest shift of philosophy and potential chance since that '64 contest.


As results were made known in '64, people wandered around in Times Square, overwhelmed that it was over, and many angry at the result. The feeling was chaotic, a feeling I have rarely felt in America except during the civil rights movement and the post JFK, RFK and Luther assassinations. Indeed, the JFK assassination made that '64 election so filled with power-angst.

McCain is a sort of hero to me, but is also a scary fellow. I can't help admiring someone who has fought for the country, so many who haven't have too much to say. I can't help remembering grand coalition that landed at Normandy. But that was then.

McCain he seems like a Goldwater to me. Sometimes I think the most effective add against him would be the famous nuclear button ad that helped take down Goldwater.

But I think you are quite right about how the war issue will be framed by the Republicans and how Democrats might best respond.


Sadly, I believe that the powers behind Bush will not let the country go without drastic measures. After all, these are people who have negated the constitution, even something Goldwater would have protested.

So I think they will attack Iran. There is also the issue of Israel. Israel can't take on Iranian nuclear power without help of the US, and would prefer that the US do it.


These are very powerful forces in the world. I really fear that all the debates about Hillary and Obama will be a footnote to a greater terror. I wish it weren't so.


A few things:
I found it interesting that during the Committee hearings, Obama made the point that "we all want a successful resolution to the situation in Iraq," and then pushed for a definition of success from Crocker. I think he should have pounded Crocker a little more but nonetheless I suspect it is a question he would be continually posing to McCain in the general, and one that I have yet to see McCain define.

Second, I saw a clip yesterday of Obama talking what he means by the withdrawal, in which he bluntly told the audience that by his plan of drawing back by I think it was 1 brigade a month, it would take a full two years to get out. I think one of the things the American people want the most is a President who won't bullshit them on what's going on over there. (such as Bush's rousing speech from yesterday.) I also think it's an early way of combating one of the Republican's favorite talking points: that Democrats favor a precipitous withdrawal. I don't think two years is anyone's definition of precipitous, so I think this may be a good start to that.

Also, I think it's incredibly important that Biden got Petraeus to admit that the more important "front" for terror was the border of Pakistan. This will allow the Democrats to make the point, when McCain continues to tell us we can't give up the fight on terror, that the real war on terror really isn't centered around Iraq.

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