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2008 Iraq NIE Deconstruction

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The Official 2008 Iraq NIE from the National Intelligence Council has not been formally released to the public. However, they didn't realize there was a way to reconstruct the still-classified Iraq NIE using open sources.

This information, relying on open sources, will attempt to create the 2008 NIE; and provide commentaries.


Comments (32)

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Key Findings

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Overview

The information below is open source information related to the still-classified, non-released 2008 Iraq NIE. The information below should not be construed to be reliable. This is speculation.

The information below does not claim to be reliable, accurate, or intended to replace key judgments within the Iraq 2008 National Intelligence Estimate.

The information below will attempt to guess the likely issues raised in the still-classified NIE; then comment on the likely flaws or problems with the assessment.

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This information is unclassified. You are free to use, reject, or incorporate this information with or without citation.

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Basis of Development

A close reading of the FY08 Intelligence Appropriations Bill does not reveal any requirement for a 2008 Iraq NIE. The only specific requirement is for an NIE for Iran and Korea; and another for Climate Change. We view the exclusion of Iraq from the list of formally required NIEs as important given US combat forces remain in the middle of a civil war. We remain open to guidance that there is other language requiring an Iraq NIE for 2008. A formal requirement in Congressional language would trigger FOIA options.

The FY08 Intelligence Appropriations Bill includes commentary on problems with the 2007 Iraq NIE. Despite these concerns, it appears the Congress agreed to not specifically request this Iraq NIE. We judge this to be important, barring evidence of specific language in re Iraq NIE.

The President issued at Dayton several glowing comments about Iraq. Our technical analysis of the President's language, and a review of other unclassified documents from DoD strongly suggests the President misled the public, knowing key, adverse judgments would be privately, in secret provided to Congress.

Recent discussions about the success or non-success of the surge are important. These discussions reflect, in our view, not just political debates, but different views within the political-intelligence community how to present information and policy. This is not the same as an NIE or raw intelligence.

The President's speech writers made a key error, attracting attention to the very things the President neglected to mention. Without other information, we conclude this deletion is a key finding of the NIE: Factors of the 2007 NIE have not been abated; the 2008 NIE continues mentioning the trends in the 2007 NIE; and the spreading civil war is important.

Key public comments suggest Congressional leaders are not surprised by the Iraq 2008 NIE; but they are not pleased with the surge progress. The DoD statements on progress in Iraq suggest the problem is far worse than imagined. It is our view the Congress knows real debates within the Intelligence Community could spark an open discussion in the United States about a military draft. There is insufficient time to mobilize US personnel; yet, even as the situation deteriorates, the US cannot quickly withdraw.

Of concern are the largely neglected recommendations of the Baker-Hamilton Report. These recommendations, combined with the 2007 NIE strongly suggest the President has backed himself into a corner: Too many problems, not enough time or resources. His only option appears to be to spin the good news, and suppress the spreading civil war. Key leaders in Iraq, which this President is reported to have supported removing, are suddenly getting favorable comments. Key manning data does not trace to subsequent explanations on key charts.

The next President will be confronted with a difficult decision: Despite promises in 2006 to the voters to withdraw, the President may have to consider either a military draft, or substantially compromise US foreign policy goals relative to Iran, not just Iraq. We judge this debate is one both the Congress and the President would like to delay until after the 2008 elections. Our view is the Iraq 2008 NIE needs to be declassified and released for public consumption now so the voters can make informed decisions.

The comments below expand on the theme above, and attempt to, where possible, provide a detailed basis for estimate using open sources, and discuss what is most likely in the still-classified report. When the 2008 Iraq NIE is finally released, you can use this to evaluate the merits of this approach.

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For comparison, here is the 2007 NIE on Iraq. This can be compared with the analysis of the President's comments at Dayton, Congressional language about the 2007 NIE, recent confirming developments in Iraq, and leadership statements about trends identified in the 2007 Estimate. There is pattern emerging.

The aim of this discussion is to share our conclusions, and outline the issues the voters could raise with elected officials before the election: What this their plan, or their opponent's alternative, to wrestle with these issues?

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Here are two other blogs related to this issue: Dayton comments; and the deleted portions of the President's speech.

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These are some 2007 NIE and 2008 NIE issues:

- Congressional language
- NIE FOIA Caselaw

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These are JCS comments in the wake of the Iraq NIE. The comments indirectly discuss a military draft. A draft may be required if measurable US combat forces are required outside armed Iraq or Afghanistan:

The current demand for our forces in Iraq and Afghanistan exceeds the sustainable supply and limits our ability to provide ready forces for other contingencies. . . If unaddressed, this lack of balance poses a significant risk to the All-Volunteer Force
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These are potential issues related to the Iraq Reconstruction audits and legal oversight of the US in Iraq.

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CRS Iraq reconstruction budgets and audits. Reconstruction relies on military personnel trained in counter insurgency. (CRS-36,"Excessive Reliance on the U.S. Military.")

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Here is the official Special Inspector General website for Iraqi Reconstruction. We have no confidence in the milestones the President provided to Congress. Money appears to be getting thrown around, disconnected from a creible plan. The milestones match, without explanation or justification, the 5- and 10-year points.

The question is how these dollars are being managed, or are there leaks. There's a difference between obligation/expedenditure (1) goals, (2) actuals, and (3) real results. Example, Jan08 report to Congress:

The capacity of the ISF to provide its own logistical support has progressed slowly. Funds excecution rate problems are described in terms of symptoms, not, as they should, mis-management decisions. There are inadquate methods/baselines to evaluate current funds execution rates in Iraq, and no credible basis for goals.

Check the "Allocations by Sector" and compare them with the CSIS-sourced documents.

Illusory Reconstruction Progress

- Without a plan, where is the money going; and what is basis for celebration for funds execution rates?

The VIP visits to Iraq appear to be photoops, without measured evaulation of real reconstruction progress.

PRT civilian management are program liasion, and not assigned to do the contracting work: 323 required, 298 assigned as of Jan07. President's focuse on PRT staffing is meaningless, unless he's poiting to total contractor personnel required for the PRT objectives. Whether the PRT schedules and objectives are reasonable is a secondary issue ("October 2007 found no
coordinated strategic plan
for PRT activities.").

Need more information on the results of Iraqi contractors in the "Iraqi First Program": Are the contractors making progress on reconstruction; or are they still training and organizing. (Without a plan, where is the money really going: "critical need to identify each province’s resource requirements and to assign appropriately trained personnel to address those requirements") This does not address reconstruction milestones or progress, only guidance: ("provide more timely and reactive strategic guidance")

Slogans Without Real Progress or Plan

The "Year of"-language on the yearly reconstruction reports, matches the Iraqi Deputy PM comments.

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There has been insufficient time for Iraqi forces, civilians, or US personnel or contractors to modernize, much less start these programs. Subsequent 2007 GAO findings match SIGIR conclusion: "noted a lack of an overarching U.S. capacity development program with specific roles and objectives."

Key problems, at odds with the President's statements on Iraqi reconstruction. The systems in place do not support the President's assertions about progress in Iraq. There's no basis to believe the data is connected with any claims about management, progress, planning, or auditing (from SIGIR, Jan08 Report):

Transition risk: "very high risk for the timely transition"

Reporting: No "requirement to report completed projects"

Assessment: "The absence of an overall strategy makes it difficult to assess the adequacy of funding to meet the desired end state."

Oversight: "no single office had the authority or
responsibility for the oversight and coordination of anticorruption efforts."

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These SIGIR findings are interesting in light of GAO's report that risks for fraud, waste, and abuse were high. It's taking time to digest the findings, much less achieve results. Raises doubts about credibility of President's forecasts.

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SIGIR "politicial reconcilation" findings appear to be conclusosry, without data to support findings, nor discussed in context of larger, unfolding civil war. Other problems relate to poor visibility into how reconstruction relates to combat losses, or sustained infrastructure decay since sanctions. There's little sense of how new road availability compares with requirements. A single comment on one port or cellular contract: What else?

DoD electricity-capacity claims in the SIGIR report appear to be incorrect accepted without supporting documentation. DoD forecasts, in light of the problems with planning, need substantiation and follow-up. "Pre-war" electricity production levels included the impacts of sanctions. We're beyond that, yet SIGIR uses this as a reference. Benchmarks need to be revised to what Iraqis need, and should reasonably expect in 2008, five [5] years after the invasion. Look at sabotage, idle time, and down-time due to energy shortages.

- What was the basis for the energy allocations for each region?

- How have these assumptions/allocations been revised downward since invasion?

- What is the plan to use meaningful progress indicators?

- Energy plans without coherent plan. Without a coherent reconstruction plan, what is the basis for "success or failure" in the energy sector, presumably also not linked with that non-existent plan?

- Inadequate basis for comparison. Why were oil production goals lowered in 2007; how is this reflected in the President's claims about oil production?

- Energy supplies are still off their peaks, yet near-term percent changes appear favorable. How were energy supplies channel stuffed to create dips, then turnarounds in recent reports?

How common is this: "Private contractors and Army officials denied SIGIR’s request for military escorts to visit the site"; any subsequent access? Presidential VIPs to a combat zone, but no auditors? "The assessment
team relied solely on photo and contract
documents to complete the assessment."

Governance and Financial Management

This needs a follow-up: This is the second round of audits (125 of 245, and other comments) :

Iraqi needs were not considered when the system was being developed

These are problems with the financial management system:

In January 2008, SIGIR released its audit, “Efforts To Implement a Financial Management Information System (IFMIS) in Iraq.”399 The IFMIS was intended to streamline Iraq’s financial systems by improving transparency, accountability, and fiscal analysis. The audit is a follow-up to an October 2007 interim report on the implementation of the IFMIS system.400 The original report found that the project did not have a firm development plan, did not have Iraqi buy-in, and was suspended in June 2007. This quarter, SIGIR auditors completed the IFMIS review and found: • The project remains suspended. • Iraqi needs were not considered when the system was being developed and the project, therefore, did not have full GOI support. • USAID had insufficient documentation to differentiate funds earmarked for IFMIS. • USAID issued a broad scope and offered broad guidance, which is not advantageous and not the best contracting method for the project. • ITAO had sufficient documentation to differentiate between funds that were allocated and expended.

- If Iraqi needs were not being adequately considered, who/what is driving this "transition" from what to what?

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167 of 245 (Section 3, SIGIR Report) outlines sample audit issues, methods, and conract problems.

224 of 245: Other agency audits, sample inputs/factors to an Iraq NIE.

GAO 351092 August 2007 Planning for Iraq Drawdown
GAO 320461 October 2006 Efforts To Stabilize Iraq and Achieve Conditions To Allow the Drawdown of U.S. Troops
GAO 351016 March 2007 Joint IED Defeat Organization (JIEDDO) Processes to Coordinate Counter-Improvised Explosive Devices (IED) Intelligence Support
GAO 351017 March 2007 Joint IED Defeat Organization (JIEDDO) Organizational Management Support Capabilities
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Crocker incorrectly reported there were no US-funded reconstruction efforts, when there are $600M. This raises questions about what Crocker is looking at in terms of audit reports on US spending in Iraq; and how, without knowing what funds were going to US reconstruction, the US leadership is effectively overseeing much less establishing goals for US funding. It appears the SecDef is not reading the Iraqi Reconstruction audits, not familiar with the findings, and unclear what problems thare are with funding, and in no position to respond to audit reports he and others in the administration are not reading.

Failure of SecDef and Crocker to immediately know there were US funds being spent on Iraqi reconstruction suggests they have no idea what progress has or hasn't been made; nor clear how US PRT, and contracting assistance to the Iraqis should or shouldn't be better assisted. Crocker's comment suggests several problems:

- Despite audits from the US Auditor for reconstuction, the SecDef is not reading those reports, concerns, recurring problems, nor is responding to the auditor's recommendations;

- The US goals for Iraqi reconstruction are not being effectively interwoven with Iraqi-supported success criteria;

- Problems the auditor found in previous years has not been given sufficient attention at OSD level;

- There are more pressing issues, other than US funds for reconstruction, despite the President declaring "mission accomplished";

- The President and Joint Chiefs of Staff are not effectively discussing Geneva-related requirements in Iraq for civil society;

- Presidential statements on US funding projections going forward are not connected with real requirements, goals, or plans.

The President does not appear to be well managing these distinct Executive Branch responsibilities. He appears to have been let down by Senior personnel trained on this management; or the President is not listening to repeated concerns.

Recommendations

The Congress needs to review to what extent the SecDef and Joint Chiefs of Staff are discussing the Auditors Reports for Iraqi reconstruction;

GAO needs to enter the nexus to examine to what extent there are similar problems with SecDef, Joint Staff, and Presidential "lack of time" to meet Geneva obligations

DoD IG needs to provide a summary report to Congress on findings related to DoD reconstruction programs, oversight, PRT management, and other concerns to date with DoD-led efforts with reconstruction

State IG needs to provide to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee detailed evidence behind the President's statements on PRT, reconstruction coordination, and other efforts; to include contract management progress, budgets expended, and schedule completion relative to original US forecasts, and now Iraqi requirements; to include expected get well dates;

Iraqi Reconstruction Auditor needs to outline in summary form in the next report an overview of his findings to date to include: the specific issues, letters, and other memoranda of findings that he has expressly provided to the Joint Staff, SecDef, and President; and show key recommendations, promised get well dates, and recurring problems related to reconstruction goals, success criteria, and contract management.

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This is a sample of flawed intelligence disclosed before the Iraq NIE was to be disclosed or provided to Congress. This gives a sense of the timeline orchestrations, and how these issues fit in with the 2007 Decision of Congress to not require an Iraq NIE:

- President's Dayton Speech
- McConnel Statements on Iraq NIE
- Hayden comments on domestic security intelligence

Members of Congress were not visibly upset that the Iraq NIE wasn't going to be disclosed; we haven't heard much Member of Congress disagree pubilcly with the President's speech at Dayton. It appears the only basis for that disagreement would be linked with classified information. As with the IRaq WMD and FISA issues, Congress has agreed to be provided information in secret, then whine later that they couldn't talk about it. This relates to Harman's comments about the FISA disclosures. By refusing to require a formal NIE, and agreeing to secret information about Iraq, Members of Congress on the Iraq NIE have agreed to be publicly and privately misled about Iraq in 2008 as they were about Iraq WMD 2001-2003. The last thing Congress wants to read in an Iraq NIE in 2008 is more evidence Congress made the wrong decision to not impeach the President. Maladministration is an impeachable offense.

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Here is a sample of the US government still sending mixed signals on Iraq. Hayden claimed Pakistan had no equal in the war on terrorism. Implicitly, Hayden is admitting Iraq, with the US's 'special ally' the British, is unrelated to the war on terrorism. Yet, this contradicts the President's assertions at Dayton: Iraq "was" connected to terrorism.

Hayden's remarks about Pakistan have bearing on the political issues related to spinning the 2008 Iraq NIE. Iraq is less about terrorism than a known bungled operation in a civil war.

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This McCain comment about "listening" is a sample Member of Congress statement about theh lessons of Iraq. We can use this comment to glean what information McCain and other Members of Congress have gleaned from intelligence provided to Congress.

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These are the factors the President attempted to bury at Dayton.

We judge these factors are material, closely parallel the concerns raised in the real 2008 NIE still not yet provided to Congress. A key issue is the public reversal in his support of the Iraqi PM. It is most likely the Presidential finding directing a coup remains in place. This may be retained as an option to justify a sudden change in Administration policy on a draft, military commitments to Iraq, coordination with NATO, or a rethinking of policies with Iraq's bordering powers. The problem will be executing this coup against Iraq's leadership.

It is possible the US government could orchestrate an attack, and blame it on a convenient scapegoat, as was done in Iran.

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Note the factors deleted from the speech closely match those listed on page 6 of ( of the 2007 NIE Summary. These issues dovetail with the problems raised in the DoD information provided to contractors:

- De-Bathification
- Ethnic support

Note also the flaw of the NIE Summary and Key Judgments: The NIE lists things that are undesirable (Iranian power expansion) as if it were a problem for Iraq. The US's NIE on Iraq incorrectly characterizing an "undesirable political goal for the US" as an adverse Iraqi stability issue. Not necessarily. A stronger Iran could be good for Iran if Iran were to provide a moderating element, or help manage the civil war in Iraq. Iranian-US joint military cooperation in Iraq does not mandate repression of any ethnic group.

Absurdly, the US cannot credibly argue or be concerned Iran wants more Iraqi instability: That would put greater pressure on finite Iranian resources. US analysts need to explain why they are invoking a Nicaraguan-Cuban model: How Central American meddling in Haiti would drive refugees into Miami and destabilize the United States. As with Central America, such a nexus is more of an American-driven model, than one the Iranians would support. Recall, Hamas did not lose against Israel; not all Iranian support to Hamas or Lebanon was military, but financial. As with the Crusades, Iran is supported because they are viewed as a regional power which can marginally perform better than a distant western meddler.

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The problems with the Iraq budget and manning numbers, in the context of the real Iraq NIE, are the following issues:

- Dubious claims about readiness
- Untested Iraqi combat troops/security forces
- Known financial leakages (inefficiencies, briberty, corruption)

There are two separte issues. There's a difference between what the President claimed and reality; and the issues in the Iraq NIE. The NIE provided to Congress would likely focus less on financial efficiencies (converting dollars into measurable outputs).

We judge the real NIE does not include sufficient detail to support the publicly-available budget or manning target dates. As we learned in the wake of the Iraq invasion cost-estimates, there is likely anecdotal evidence in the real 2008 Iraq NIE which supports longer timelines, more costly requirements. It is not in the intersts of the US government, Congress, the President, or either political party to admit it plans to continue bungling this disaster going forward.

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US funding profiles for Iraq: (15 of 58). The issue is whether lower US budgets for Iraq are adequately matched by rising Iraqi financial, training, manpower resources. The worst case: Even if Iraq complemented US budget reductions, Iraqi forces could be untrained for the real challenge: Spreading civil war, different than an insurgency.

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This sheds some light on how the Iraq 2008 NIE production was adjusted with Congressional concurrence, per the FY08 Appropriations Bill:

The TOR defines the key estimative questions, determines drafting responsibilities, and sets the drafting and publication schedule.

Once Congress, in 2007, agreed not to include Iraq in the list of NIEs, the TORs and schedule were adjusted. This schedule could be adjusted to accommodate the public statements of the President, Hayden, McConnel, and Members of Congress.

Congress in the FY08 Intelligence Appropriations bill discussed some concerns with the 2007 Iraq NIE. There's no mention of:

- Classified judgments
- US combat readiness
- Insurgent recruitment successes
- US HUNIT penetration of insurgents
- Success of US NSA in intercepting non-electronic communications between enemy forces
- Types of propaganda planted in the Iraqi and foreign media, then re-broadcast Stateside

Despite all the illegal electronic surveillance in the United States, the US has confusion about the laws of war and POW abuse, no prosecutions, no public evidence of sleeper cells, non-sense claims about "potential threats," nothing substantial in the Guantanamo POW files. Vast funds for NSA modernizations, and nothing to show for it at home or abroad. 180 supposed soccer fields in Iraq, but people in Louisiana still living in contaminated trailers. What's really going on in Iraq is better measured by what's still not happening in Louisiana. The US can't squeeze convictions out of people they've abused in Guantanamo. There's little chance the US is faring better in Iraq or Afghanistan. The opposing sides in the civil war look at the US abuses as an opportunity: To recruit and mobilize.

We judge the US intelligence community is substantially underestimating the insurgents' ability, outside AlQueda, to mobilize and recruit. Publicly, Congress and the President are jointly spewing forth the AlQueda excuse. We are concerned this mythology has overshadowed some of the Iraq NIE estimates and judgments.

The US intelligence community likely underestimates the extent to which non-terror-related forces are able to mobilize using non-Syrian/non-Iranian military equipment. Despite this being an insurgency, even the best analysts are likely looking at Iraq through the lens of Vietnam, not Yugoslavia. Unlike the post Cold War era, the US with it's 21st NATO allies are still bogged down in Afghanistan, raising doubts about the US planning assumptions and models against the former-USSR in Europe. This would have bearing in how the NATO reforms have or haven't adequately modernized to respond to a conventional war, much less an insurgency or civil war on the ground. It's one thing to have an outdated doctrine; quite another to have a flawed strategy, and still wrestle with one transition effort to a second set of faulty assumptions.

We judge the real NIE has overstated the negative impact Syria and Iran are playing in Iraq; and do not adequately discuss regional opportunities. We are concerned that US policy makers have knowingly allowed some unreliable intelligence to contaminate the data related to Syrian and Iranian military assistance, technology transfer, and training. We judge these are artificially inflated in their reliability within the real NIE, but this has not been adequately disclosed to Congress in the summary NIE. There does not appear to be a sufficient mechanism in Congress, nor a desire to use, an independent method to test the confidence levels of data allegedly related to Syria or Iran in re Iraq.

Indeed, most likely, there was no estimative question related to openly compromising on some US policy goals with Iran; nor was there any analysis of how Iraq's security might be stabilized if the US worked openly with Russia, Turkey, Syria, and Iran to introduce additional combat forces in Iraq, as was done in Lebanon. Recall, despite Israel being adjacent to Hamas, there were major intelligence failures. The same problem, on orders of magnitude, could be repeated with US efforts in Iraq and Iran. This is consistent with Hayden's flawed public discussion of an intelligence opportunity, but characterizing it as a problem. We reject the risk as fabricated and unreliable, but raise this as an example warranting further consideration.

We judge the US HUMINT capability within Iraq has not progressed as desired, raising doubts about the claims of information accuracy. We are concerned, to meet some HUMINT goals, some data has been planted, fabricated, or unreliably obtained through continuing illegal coercive methods. However, even working best case since 2007, HUMINT requires, an minimum, an additional year to make significant inroads above the data provided in 2007. Yet, this incorrectly assumes a static model.

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The 2007 NIE lists factors which would be enhanced if there were stronger Iraqi leadership. However, a stronger Iraqi leader cannot mobilize factors which are, on their own, reversing. This paints the Iraqi PM into a corner: He's secured greater US support, presented as stronger, but less effectual despite US support.

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As with the 2007 NIE, we judge the US analysis has simplistically concluded the Iraqi instability outcomes are one of three [3]. This is naive.

Other outcomes could include:

- Chaos, leading to more civil war, not a near-term, political partitian
- An Iranian-backed Sunni power center, aligned with Hamas and Syria
- Multiple annexations, not just three, as bordering countries enter Iraq to defend their allies, as was feared in Yugoslavia

It appears the US in the 2007 NIE outlined only "worst case" in terms of US interests, but ignored outcomes that the US leadership does not prefer: Iranian expansion as a stabilizing power. We'd like to see more discussion on the roles Iran, India, Turkey, China, and Russia might play in Iraq with Iran. The timetable cannot be linked only to US elections. The US has bungled the peace process in northern Israel. Iraq is a much larger challenge. When the US shows it can handle a smaller issue like Israel and Palestine, it might be the time to evaluate whether the US can credibly evaluate, much less positively affect the situation in Iraq.

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GAO Report on military readiness issues in wake of Iraq.

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Here is data on Iraq energy consumption, by category [options on right side.]

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Sections

This comment outlines what will follow. The following sections will discuss assumptions related to this draft Iraq NIE; make judgments about what is in the real Iraq NIE; then conclude with analysis of factors the real Iraq NIE has most likely missed or were faulty.

The following eight (8) major categories will organize this analysis:

1. Assumption Discussion

This section discusses factors which would have bearing on this draft NIE. These factors include:
- Reconstruction analogies (Katrina),
- Flawed US intelligence models (invalid domestic models)
- Planning (budget forecasts vs. actuals),
- Audit results, risks (Systemic auditing problems, fraud, loss of funding flows)
- Financial leverage (percent funds required vs. available to meet various success confidence levels)
- Factors excluded from US public discussions on Iraq (factors removed from President's speech),
- Information Members of Congress knew in 2007 behind their decision to not request a formal Iraq NIE
- Intelligence/estimate maturity during political timeline to create three (3) 2008 NIEs: The President's public version; the secret, short version (disclosed to Congress); and the real NIE (which the intelligence community hasn't disclosed to Congress)


2. Public Statements on Iraq

This section would include both pre- and post-NIE release. Members of Congress may have commented about the 2007 NIE; or there may be subsequent disclosures or reactions about the real 2008 NIE:

- Issues which were not covered
- Concerns with original analysis
- Forecasts about the surge
- Commentary on the Baker-Hamilton recommendations
- Reactions to the President's Dayton speech
- NIC Management challenges still affecting NIE analysis/judgments

3. Real NIE Judgments

Building off section 1 and 2, we speculate on the key judgments in the real NIE, still not fully disclosed to Congress; and discuss the range of information supporting the real NIE conclusions.

These factors include:
- US combat/contractor manpower
- Iraqi training manpower profiles
- Reasonableness of Iraqi budgets/plans
- Risks behind a civil war
- Civilian surveys
- Energey availability (hrs required vs. requirements)

4. Analysis of the Speculated NIE

This section compares our speculated NIE, reconsiders the planning assumptions for this speculated NIE, then reviews what is most likely in the real NIE, to answer:

- What key judgments in the real NIE are most likely valid or invalid;

- Which flaws exist in the real NIE;

- Which issues have not been adequately considered;

- What does the real NIE likely deliberately exclude or possibly ignore;

- What legal conclusions connected with political objectives of existing policies are driving adverse military plans, and unreasonable estimates or intelligence collection/analysis

- What questionable conclusions and policies are building off these invalid conclusions within the real NIE; and

- Which risks, unrelated to Iraq, have bearing on US combat forces ability to manage the situation in Iraq.

5. Sample Missing Issue from Real NIE

We judge the real NIE has not adequately factored into the risks the real possibility that US combat forces may not face a nuclear, chemical, or biological incident, but a real threat within Africa of a conventional attack on petroleum pipelines. This attack scenario would most likely occur in a key area within the US sphere of influence, but sufficiently disconnected from traditional US combat planning. Under this failure mode, the President could be confronted with a difficult dilemma: Moving already stretched troops out of either Iraq or Afghanistan; or seeking NATO assistance. A WMD incidents less likely because such an incident would tend to mobilize support for anti-insurgent forces.

6. Problems With the Above Outline

The real NIE is classified, and is intended to be devoid of policies, focusing on intelligence and assessments. In practice, an NIE, in a political environment, especially in combat, can become a politically-driven document. Some analysts have been fired for drifting too far from the "approved" policies. We may get a sense of how the NIE has or hasn't been still politically shaped despite calls for NIE reforms.

If US forces have other, higher combat requirements elsewhere, there will be a problem in Iraq. US combat and contractor assistance provides the manning to help stabilizing Iraq.

7. Conclusions

We anticipate one likely conclusion of this analysis will shed light on the motivations Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle had in 2007 to agree to not request a formal NIE. Despite DNC control of the intelligence committees, it appears the Congress did not openly include language requiring an Iraq NIE. These are likely related to failure modes in Iraq which neither party wanted to confront going into the 2008 election.

These issues are likely related to the DNC failure to end the war; the GOP failure to plan the war; and the Congressional failure to oversee the President. Whether the President threatened to veto the intelligence budget on this point alone is unlikely: The issue was never publicly raised. Someone in DoD and the intelligence community convinced the Committees in 2007 to exclude Iraq from the Intelligence Appropriations list including Iran, Korea, and Global Warming.

A rapid US military withdrawal, precipitating genocide could raise war crimes issues against the US. (Whether Iraq does or doesn't spiral into a worse situation regardless US presence is a secondary, but real issue.) Congress and the President may have jointly agreed to keep the real NIE under wraps because Iraqi Genocide -- on top of other US combat requirements outside Iraq and Afghanistan -- would make it clear that a military draft needs to be seriously considered. The President is unlikely to want to consider the alternative: Requesting Iranian direct military assistance.

8. Follow-up

These are the other issues, questions, and findings which relate indirectly to these issues, but warrant future examination.

Wow. Thanks for all your work and for links to some valuable resources.

I hope to make comments on individual sections soon, but for now, I believe you have demonstrated again and again that the motives behind every aspect of this war—from reconstruction to troop levels to assessment of actual terrorist threats to Iran—are wholly political.

Nowhere is there evidence than any action taken has been to benefit the Iraqi people, let alone American people. Every policy made in the last seven plus years has been self-serving, whether it regards Iraq, Africa, Pakistan, or the US.

I'm hoping that your references will help me to understand the mindset that can orchestrate the disastrous occupation of Iraq, which has destroyed not only that country but ours, in so many ways.

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All, please beware that the individual who posted this blog posting and all comments,known as TESTING, is known to post unsubstantiated accusations such as this blog posting. He is little better than a spammer and his blog postings are spam at its worst.

While there may be some truth in the posting, it is only surely a result of pure accident on his part if there is so. Testing simply posts things he does not know about and then says because no one has stopped to explain the topic to him and the ins and outs, there must be a conspiracy.

He is no better than ChickenLittle....THE SKY IS FALLING THE SKY IS FALLING.

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All beware the poster of this blog is a known spammer on TPM that throws unsubstantiated crap on the news blogs that link to his unsubstantiated rants.

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