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Richard Hofstadter and the vagueness of "change"

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As an Obama supporter, I am frequently asked by Hillary Clinton supporters to explain by views on him. The conversations have a tendency of devolving into bitter arguments over what is not known about him, or end with a blanket refusal to consider voting for him... "Not until he explains what this "change" thing is all about," they say. 

These conversations about change and reform inspired me recently to re-read Richard Hofstadter’s 1955 book The Age of Reform. The book won Hofstadter the Pulitzer for its cogent and extremely well done appraisal of American social and political reform movements from 1890 to the Second World War.

The following quote stuck out to me, as it so clearly provides an analysis (in my opinion) of this question about the meaning of change, why as a campaign theme I think it’s intentionally kept vague, and why I don't think it's a huge deal.

On the undercurrents of Theodor Roosevelt’s run for the presidency in 1912 under the Progressive/Bull Moose Party, Hofstadter writes:


“…By “Progressivism” I mean something more than the…party formed by those who supported Roosevelt… I mean rather that broader impulse toward criticism and change that was everywhere so conspicuous after 1900, when the already forceful stream of agrarian discontent was enlarged and redirected by the growing enthusiasm for middle-class people for social and economic reform. As all observant contemporaries realized, Progressivism in this larger sense was not confined to the Progressive Party but affected in a striking way all the major and minor parties and the whole tone of American political life. It was, to be sure, a rather vague and not altogether cohesive or consistent movement, but this was probably the secret of its considerable successes, as well as its failures. While Progressivism would have been impossible without the impetus given by certain social grievances, it was not nearly so much the movement of any social class, or coalition of classes, against a particular class or group as it was rather a widespread and remarkably good-natured effort of the greater part of society to achieve some not very clearly specific self-reformation. Its general theme was the effort to restore a type of economic individualism and political democracy that was widely believed to have existed earlier in America and to have been destroyed by the great corporation and the corrupt political machine; and with that restoration to bring back a kind of morality and civic purity that was also believed to have been lost.

Without getting into the nitty gritty details and explication of the paragraph, what really strikes me is a real parallel that can be drawn between what's going on today, the utter seductiveness of Obama's "change" incantations, and the events of over 100 years ago, as told with Hofstadter's 50 year old words. It's remarkable, the cyclical nature of this American impulse for reform.



Comments (12)

I disagree with you but I recommended this because of your scholarship.

Here's why it's wrong: this is not about reclaiming anything that's been lost in America. This election is about defeating a competing set of beliefs that are wrecking the country.

We don't need change. We need victory.

You are making the electability argument which did not hold water last time I watched this go down.

Some of do feel like something was lost. I feel like something was lost when we were talking about constitutional amendments on gay marriage. I felt like something had died, that there was no one left to stand up to this horrible grinding hatefulness.

I also think that the competition that has been set up is what is destroying this country. We are accepting the framework that says Left vs Right, and that is bullshit.

Some people want to say D > R or R > D when it really should be D + R + All = USA.

No, I'm not making the electability argument. I think both candidates are electable. But once president, they will have to beat the Republicans, day in and day out. It will be a war. When I say victory, I'm talking about what we need after the election.

Fair enough. But I still think that the "beating" mentality is part of what got us here to begin with.

That is a whole other conversation.

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Victory without change is a Democratic variation on Rovian values. Is that victory?

For those who ask what change means, the most blatant concrete example in Obama's record is Senate Ethics Reform.

On the other hand, Obama does talk a lot about self-reliance and families as the basic social units, much as Reagan did, but unlike the Republicans, he sees this possible only if government ensures that the playing field is fair. Like Gore, his vision of government is one of protecting individual and family interests from the more powerful special interests.

Hillary, on the other hand, has twenty solutions for each problem, and ten for each non-problem, and special interests,to her, are considered non-problems.

Whereas I agree with your point, I want to interject that all interests are special, and to tar any interest as bad, kind of denigrates all of them.

Just a side note.

Special, I mean, as opposed to common.

I heard Clinton talking the other day and she was railing against Obama and said that only she would take on the oil and gas companies. I consider myself an environmentalist, but taking on oil companies to combat global warming is like taking on sugar to stop global ice cream consumption.

Demand is what gets people to create energy - be it power on the grid, or internal combustion driving you to the show you are looking forward to. Taking on oil companies is such a populist line of bullshit I am not sure how it counts for much. If people do not want to buy the oil, then why does it continue to sell at $3+ a gallon?

I thought she was about policy and change? Not pizza fridays and a coke machine in the lunchroom.

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Wow. I haven't thought about that book since 11th grade American History in 1968. It must be in the basement somewhere...

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I should have placed a caveat on that last statement - about the purity of past times. Of course I am not so naive as to believe that politics was ever pure of intentions. Our founding documents were in essence aspirational - declaring inherent rights for all except for slaves, as Obama pointed out today. But what this country has gone through for the past eight years has been an ongoing assault on those aspirations - wars based on false pretense, erosion of civil liberties, etc. If anything Obama understands about this reform movement it's the notion that what is common about the individuals who make up his coalition of support is their shared desire to reclaim those aspirations, not necessarily a brigadoon-like, pastoral and innocent past.

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There is a belief in our country that it is possible to start over; that our experience is something new on the earth; that while we have been specially blessed we have also specially sinned, notably with slavery; that we are perfectible and our impulses toward religious awakenings and utopian experiments speaks to that believe in perfectibility. The growth of an absurdly powerful nation/state since WWII has, I think, conflicted with these earlier notions and while there have been times when the two impulses came together -- idealistic foreign policy, the creation of the United Nations, the Marshall Plan -- recently they have not. Or perhaps the idealistic exceptionalist view has morphed into the unilateral, doctrinaire, and dogmatic exercise of power that is causing many of us so much concern.

Our power is, probably, in decline and the economic engine is facing a harrowing test. Can we reclaim what is at the heart of the American experiment and apply it to this terrifying new world?

The Progressives confronted amoral power with courage and optimism. Can we do that today? Is Obama someone who can lead it?

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