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Can We Talk about Race?

Ask anyone concerned with the growth and healing of people and institutions—a therapist, a religious leader, an addict in 12-step recovery, a motivational speaker, or that consultant your company hires for team-building workshops—and they’ll all agree with one principle: you can’t solve a problem unless you can talk about it. If we can’t be honest about our fears and resentments—with an expectation that we’ll be listened to with a measure of openness—then they’re only going to fester.

So how is this country ever going to get past its racial tensions, especially in politics? I applaud Barack Obama’s effort to run a “post-racial” campaign, but one of its side effects has been an intensification of our reflexive, angry suppression of racial discussion. As unpleasant as Geraldine Ferraro and Jeremiah Wright’s recent comments were, I don’t see us helping ourselves when the only responses we hear are cries of “race-baiting” and demands for heads to roll. Maybe the way to be “post-racial” or “trans-racial” or “inclusive” is to talk without venom and sloganeering about why so many of us bring race into our political decisions.

Like, I keep wondering if this blue-collar white resistance to Obama in the Rust Belt isn’t so much due to “racism” as to decades of experience with ugly battles between white and black Democratic political machines. Philadelphians remember the Rizzo machine being replaced, not always to good effect, by the Wilson Goode machine in a racially split election; more recently they’ve seen John Street disappoint the early promise of a broad-based administration and fall back on “the brothers and sisters are running the city!” cant. I think there may be a lot of white people who’d like to see themselves as being willing to vote for a black man but find some experienced-based worries getting in their way. Maybe the reason Obama does so well among blue-collar whites in Illinois is just that they’ve known him long enough to see how well he works with the Daleys, the Blagojeviches, and the Reznos to believe that he can avoid the old us-and-them politics that Chicagoans know so well.  (I don’t know that this eases the minds of voters like me, but then latte-sipping Prius-drivers aren’t the main issue in the Pennsylvania primary.)

But how can we find out if this is true or not—how can we understand what this racial divisive is and how we can get past it—if we can’t talk about it?

I like the tone of Obama’s most recent comments on divisiveness in the campaign, but I feel that there’s more he can say. He’s better positioned than any politician in our history—and, as an orator, perhaps more capable—to lead us to think more deeply about our own ideas of race, ethnicity, identity and national unity. And now is the perfect time to start. There are risks in talking openly about a subject that makes us all so uncomfortable and that we have all been so conditioned to fear mentioning in public.  But there might be huge rewards too. It might be good for the campaign, giving him the chance to reassure white voters that he understands their reservations and that it’s safe to move past them-and-us politics. It would certainly be good for the country.


Comments (2)

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Thank you for this post. i have been thinking about this since Obama's statement about Rev. Wright. While i underst and the perceived need to distance himself the reverend, I was disappointed that he didn't acknowledge his understanding of HOW someone could say goddamn America! and mean it and still be a patriot. ipersonally would rather see him say the difficult things and lose the nomination than repudiate statements that he knows are right, but that most people won't understand or be afraid of.
The gut tightening that I experienced listening to Rev. Wright was from knowing deep inside he was right. It was a fear of having my complacency stripped away.
I live now in Australia, the government recently made an apology to to the aboriginal people who stolen from their families. It did not make racism "go away" but it did open the way to move forward.
It changed the way people people looked at who they were, if even only for afew days or even a few moments.

It was a triumph of selfish politics (i.e. conservative) to set working-class whites against blacks, through resentment at affirmative action, combined with references to forced busing. We see the reflexive resentment of favors done in Ferraro's remarks. Surely she is not quite that stupid, but she likely has an accurate instinct about what resonance it evokes in her Archie-Bunker constituency.

People that live in machine-dominated states value change reflexively, since it has to loosen the machine's grip. It took the mayoral tenure of Harold Washington to break the old Daley machine. Many of us look at Hillary Clinton and see Jane Byrne, not regarding talent but in terms of connections.

It is precisely that old-guard feeling I reject with Hillary--she had her chance at 1600 already. And what better way to break open the old machine, the ancients in the Senate, the monied few, than to see someone with over a million (me included) donors in the White House.

I think we've made progress past race when my children attended an integrated school (that was definitely not in my time) and travel across the country to attend biracial weddings. I think we have made progress when my 85-yr-old mother, educated, still working, but well off has read both Obama's books and maxed out her contribution capability. And BTW, both my kids want someone other than a Clinton (or Bush).

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