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Asymmetric War

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I was against this war, believing that it would be much more difficult than its advocates predicted and that it would take a large toll on U.S. foreign policy at a moment in history when the United States had a tremendous opportunity to shape the international order. (R. Haass, TPM, June 9)

Beyond the "toll on U.S. foreign policy": When the pursuit of national security produces urban insecurity.

Yes, I agree the Iraq war took "a large toll on US foreign policy." But at no point in your post do you mention the toll of the Iraq war on civilian populations once the 6 week aerial bombing was completed. Asymmetric war (conventional army against armed insurgents) puts the national security paradigm on its head: pursuing national security now becomes the making of urban insecurity. We already knew this from the Vietnam war. Did this at all enter into the picture when evaluating the Iraq invasion, or for that matter the current escalation in Afghanistan-Pakistan? After Vietnam and a few other wars since then, did the US military forces really think that aerial bombing would do the job and no major civilian losses would ensue from asymmetric warfare in the cities of Iraq?

Cities worldwide are becoming a key theater for asymmetric war, regardless of what side of the divide they are on - allies or enemies. The traditional security paradigm based on national state security does not accommodate this triangulation. What may be good to protect the national state apparatus may go at a high (increasingly high) price to major cities and their people.

The U.S.Department of State's Annual Report on Global Terrorism allows us to establish that today, cities are the key targets for terror attacks, a trend that began before the September 2001 attacks on New York. From 1993 to 2000, cities accounted for 94% of the injuries resulting from all terrorist attacks, and for 61% of the deaths. Secondly, in this period the number of incidents doubled, rising especially sharply after 1998. In contrast, in the 1980s hijacked airplanes accounted for a larger share of terrorist deaths and destruction than they did in the 1990s.

The city becomes a technology of war for armed insurgencies. The physical and human features of the city are an obstacle for conventional armies. The exception is when the intention is to destroy a whole city: Dresden and Hiroshima are today the iconic cases.

I wonder how much longer our leadership can continue to avoid this nasty triangulation of asymmetric war. We cannot simply go bomb Baghdad and bomb the Swat Valley and pretend that this is the theater of war. Lahore, Madrid...they also become theaters of war.


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Saskia Sassen is professor at Columbia University. Her most recent book is Territory, Authority, Rights (Princeton 2008). Her website is here.


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Shifting the Conversation: From American National Interests to the Interests of Cities and City States

Prof. Sassen's interest is the 21st century rise of cities which enjoy 1) protection under the aegis of a global superpower and 2) access to global markets (IT, reserve currency, foreign direct investment, etc.).

But foreign cities have no special rights or claims when it comes to the question of how America should conduct its foreign policy (including armed intervention). All cities are is "there."

Note: Baghdad is more Beirut and less Saigon; more civil war (Sunni v. Shii) and less insurgency.

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Don't forget Fallujah, please.

News report:
Decades from now, the civilized world may well look back on the assaults on Fallujah in April and November 2004 and point to them as examples of the United States' and Britain's utter disregard for the most basic wartime rules of engagement.

Not long after the "coalition" had embarked on its second offensive, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour called for an investigation into whether the Americans and their allies had engaged in "the deliberate targeting of civilians, indiscriminate and disproportionate attacks, the killing of injured persons, and the use of human shields," among other possible "grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions ... considered war crimes" under federal law.

More than 83 percent of Fallujah's 300,000 residents fled the city, Mary Trotochaud and Rick McDowell, staffers with the American Friends Service Committee, reported in AFSC's Peacework magazine. Men between the ages of 15 and 45 were refused safe passage, and all who remained - about 50,000 - were treated as enemy combatants, according to the article.

Numerous sources reported that coalition forces cut off water and electricity, seized the main hospital, shot at anyone who ventured out into the open, executed families waving white flags while trying to swim across the Euphrates or otherwise flee the city, shot at ambulances, raided homes and killed people who didn't understand English, rolled over injured people with tanks, and allowed corpses to rot in the streets and be eaten by dogs.

Medical staff and others reported seeing people, dead and alive, with melted faces and limbs, injuries consistent with the use of phosphorous bombs.

But you wouldn't know any of this unless you'd come across a rare report by one of an even rarer number of independent journalists - or known which obscure Web site to log onto for real information.

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I would feel more comfortable if our policy objective lay in defending our national security interests, not pursuing them.

Framing the "global war on terror" as a conventional military conflict has spawned a host of evils. One is the misappropriation of the doctrine of preemptive war. Another is the strategic predisposition toward overwhelming force which, as you point out, has led to the use of cities as force multipliers.

Cities will draw acts of terrorism because that's where the landmarks and the people are. We would be far better off if we adjusted our strategy accordingly.

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