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Bush Administration Got the Guantanamo it Wanted

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I admit that when I first saw the title of Karen Greenberg's The Least Worst Place: Guantanamo's First 100 Days, I was a bit concerned. I couldn't match the description of Guantanamo as the 'least worst' anything with the images of orange jumpsuit-clad detainees with bags on their heads shackled to the floor of a military cargo plane or them shuffling off to their make-shift wire mesh cells. But displaying the kind of intellectual rigor and analysis that was sorely lacking during the period it portrays, Karen's book challenges our perceptions and greatly adds to our understanding of how we ended up in such a mess.

The most common defense of the Bush administration's policies on detention and interrogation is that the period just after 9/11 was dominated by constant threats of new attacks and top officials were casting around for anything that would keep the country safe. We now know from this and other recent revelations that top Bush officials consciously chose to grasp at straws rather than rely on the established procedures designed for just this mission and fought the existing military and law enforcement leadership to implement their disastrous policies. We got the Guantanamo we know today because that's the way the Bush administration wanted it.

The important lesson of Karen's book, and accounts like that of former FBI interrogator Ali Soufan, is that it didn't have to be this way. It is depressing reading how the Bush administration led the United States to adopt an official policy of unlawful detention and torture, but we must get at all the facts if we are going to rebut Bush apologists and the lazy analysis prevalent in the debate about torture. President Obama's instinct to "resist the forces that divide us, and instead come together on behalf of our common future" is correct, but his desire to turn the page on this dark chapter is inconsistent with those words. Trying to forget this ever happened is not going to bring America closer together, but rather preserve the status quo division. Karen's book should be part of the beginning of the examination of the Bush administration's policies on unlawful detention and torture, not the end.


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The neo-cons made the decision that a politics of beligerence would win the day. On all fronts the neo-cons adopted a confrontational atitude. Bush dictated the outcome of negotiations before the negotations started etc. Guantanamo wasn't made a prison to gain intelligence but rather Guantanamo was made a prison because it was confrontational. Guantanamo was a psych-op against the nation. Clearly the neo-cons shouldn't be allowed to get away with this psych-op and of course on moral grounds torture by the US has to investigated and stopped. I agree that the torture and abuses at Guantanamo should be fully reported.

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In general I sympathize with the argument that we should be rigorous about facing the facts.But to be equally rigorous ,it's not intuitively obvious that will bring us together . In this specific case of our seven year dalliance with torture, the opposite could just as well be the case.

Sometimes honesty is the best policy, sometimes hypocrisy is.

If in fact the choice is between a good health care bill and facing the facts about Gitmo, that's not a no-brainer. I'm not sure that's the situation but I can understand Obama's apparent fear it might be.

A safe and productive step would be exploiing Cheney's request to declassify information about torture's successes by implmenting Mark Danner's proposal for a non partisan commission to reach objective conclusions not about the morality of the Dark Side but its effectiveness.

(Sort of like Bok and Bowden's The Shape of the River which systematically destroyed many of the claimed failures of Affirmaive Action)

If toture just plain didn't work,we may not need to deal with its morality:game, set, match. If it didwork , then we should know that as we wrestle with its morality.

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Thanks, Ken,

Call me an optimist but I'm not so sure that the Obama
administration is turning as definitively away from prosecutions as we might originally have thought. First, his references about the CIA referred to interrogators who had followed legal advice. This does not exempt CIA lawyers any more than OLC lawyers. Also, it turns out that in the newly released memos, there are assertions that the interrogators didn't quite follow the legal restrictions they were given. And finally, the release of these memos make a fuller
discussion of prosecution almost unavoidable.

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