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Engagement or Gauging Intervention

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Whether it is the Israeli, sorry the Israel, Lobby, the Cheney Gang or Obama's new "smart power" team, all of the above are interventionists no matter how you slice it. All too are playing a great game that is hurting a whole lot of people (including themselves) that they are sadly miscalculating.

Cole talks about engagement and many of the comments I have seen do not lose sight of the fact that engagement can definitely take the form of soft or hard power. Historically, with our love and propensity for weapons, the US, along with the prompting of others (Cheney and the lobby), likes the hard stuff.

Directly after proclaiming to rid tyranny and promote freedom, the Bush Administration doubled US Foreign Military Financing (FMF) from $3.5 billion to over $6 billion. Many of the weapons went to, of course, Muslim countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan, but Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Chad, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Uzbekistan (a country that routinely uses torture against political and religious prisoners). These sales unfortunately communicate to the recipients to put hard power first. Coles encouragement to use dialogue, although sometimes tougher on the patience and time scale, will allow us to at least start to move beyond toxic sticks.

Since many of you are also talking about Israel in this dialogue and their relationship to the US and Muslim nations, let me just point out that they receive about $2-3 billion a year to purchase US weapons. In addition, in March 2007, when the US announced its decision to sell arms to Saudi Arabia, $20 billion went to Saudi Arabia and five other Gulf states, and $30 billion to Israel. Over the past decade, the United States has transferred approximately $21 billion in military aid to Israel, a country of just under 7 million people. That is a lot of firepower.

Point being, it is no wonder the US has a hard time talking to people when its historical way of communicating is through tools of force. In a speech this year at Kansas State University even Secretary of Defense Robert Gates noted, "there are fewer professional diplomats in the Foreign Service than there are personnel on an average aircraft carrier task force" (of which the United States has 12). He noted rightly that the State Department only has 6,600 people in its service.

So although the US is low on soft power, I don't see American ceasing to interfere or engage anytime soon. Maybe then, we should look at how we intervene instead, especially since it seems the world isn't getting any smaller.

Finding ways to work with countries instead of giving them weapons would be a good place to start. It would behoove all of us to stop putting war first. Note, the US, through President Obama's recent video, is finally offering to speak to Iran, a country that is literally between Iraq and Afghanistan. The other choice would only ignite an inferno in an already blazing region.

As Cole says, "the contemporary world offers unprecedented opportunities for political and cultural teamwork between the North Atlantic countries and the Muslim world, and the pressing problems we face can only be resolved through [peaceful] collaboration. Doing so will require a setting aside of Islam and American Anxiety, a return to wise and persistent diplomacy and a spirit of compromise on all sides. We can do tit if we engage." He is correct.

It is time to begin to evolve beyond war, engage in some peace and finally gauge our interventions asking ourselves why are we intervening, how and what will the repercussion be short- and long-term. More importantly, I would bet that if we intervene with more dialogue, as Cole suggests, than with empty rhetoric and deadly weapons, the world may ultimately be a bit less hostile and a little more to say the least - engaging in a more appealing instead of threatening way.


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I think study of the Moslem world and negotiations with the Moslem world are called for but I don't see what the point of dialogue with Moslem world is. Truth isn't a function of agreement which is what dialogue presupposes. The point is to get along despite disagreements about what constitutes the truth and the such demands study of and negotiations with the Moslem world rather than a dialgoue with the Muslim world. Islam may very well be right about certain things but if so it is because Islam is right rather than we 'agreed is was right' via dialgoue. The ultimate arbitrator of truth is the inidividual rather the 'we' of a dialogue. Dialogue mistakenly displance the arbitrator of truth onto a 'we'.

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Historically, with our love and propensity for weapons, the US, along with the prompting of others (Cheney and the lobby), likes the hard stuff.

Well... I can't think of a country that doesn't like the "hard stuff" - where power is concerned - at least as a fall-back stance. To hold that the United States - or Israel - is uniquely evil in polity, policy or history is jug-headed.

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Let us count how many countries in the last fifty years have been invaded, bombed (by a national air force) or otherwise attacked by:

1.) Iran

2.) USSR/Russia

3.) USA

Most Americans could name a few of the places attacked by the USA and would forget the others.

The neat thing is that Americans feel quite justified about all the attacks and bombings they have funded. They are vaguely aware that the US may have backed Iraq in Iraq's attack on Iran.

The proposed attack on Iran is based on ... what, exactly ?


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yeah, those militaristic belligerent states like Norway, Switzerland, Italy, Brazil, Mozambique, Vietnam ....etc.

we use our militaries to attack, kill and subjugate other people all the time.

no, there's nothing unique about the United States & Israel's foreign policy or use of their militaries for the last 50 years.

nothing to see here, move on

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Nothing at all.

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This is an over-simplification, and over-generalization. Distinctions should be made according to historical facts.

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Dialogue?

I don’t think we know how to communicate with people in the so-called “Muslim World” or even identify the extent of an organization’s influence or style organization when we want to communicate.

The context of many Muslim countries is an ever-changing web of patronage networks. Alliances change quickly and the most moral responsibility of any person is to protect their immediate family. The institutions that western think tanks advocate are really personal fiefdoms of power brokers that use those institutions to protect their immediate family’s interests---not national interests.

Actually, out of that system, the political actors have learned very complex skills to promote consensus and on-going dialogue among themselves. Their system is fragile, and factional conflict breaks out into occasional armed conflicts and insurgencies; nevertheless, they know how to make it work. Actually, they practice these complex skills every day. They even use those skills when they negotiate prices at the village market or bazaar.

This background probably has lots to do with why China now has so much influence in Pakistan and more every day in Afghanistan. They understand how to do it, and we don’t.

Bob Spencer

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China now has so much influence in Pakistan and more every day in Afghanistan. They understand how to do it, and we don’t.

I think we once knew, we just forgot:

....The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none; or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government. the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?....

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing (with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them) conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard....


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