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Optimism, freedom, and the future

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This is a wonderful discussion that reflects the tensions in our pursuit of democracy today. Rachel has brought up trenchant thoughts on the value of culture and power in democracy, Matt has raised provocative questions about whither demagogues in America today, and Brian asks how we go about building democracy in Afghanistan in light of the perils there today.

All good questions that I urge you to look into and comment about.

But I'd like to concentrate instead here on two posts by readers.

Saladin writes,

Thank you very much for posting this synopsis for us slackers who did not get the reading done. It is very helpful. There is a lot to chew on here.

"is a state of mind, an expectation, a norm in which politics must be conducted in accordance with standing rules or conventions, written or unwritten, that cannot easily be changed; it is a principle whereby all power is limited, and whereby forces of power can act and decide only within strict limits defined by the national constitution."

Forgvive me I am not a trained political scientist, I am curious about how and when those rules should move. Is it only when the motives are pure? How does one know? How does a polity recogonize that some rules are helpful while dismissing those that have outlived their usefulness?

Hannah1980 then writes:

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Interesting stuff, I've jsut finished reading Demagogue by Michael Signer so this post really attracted my attention. Has politics ever not been about being a demagogue? Obviously there are extreme versions but surely the nature to democracy to some degree is about being a demagogue and appealing to the people's desires?

These are tough and important questions. Let's take them in turn.

Demagogues, by nature, violate established rules -- they threaten order. Saladin rightly notes that what "order" and "rules" means is not fixed, not set in stone. This might be frustrating to an analytical philosopher looking for a clean, bright-line definition of what a demagogue is and isn't. But as I point out in the book, we shouldn't spend too much time on this question, because demagogue isn't a binary category. It is instead a sliding scale -- someone can be more or less of a demagogue, just as they can bend OR break the rules.

Demagogues are contextual -- they are products of a given culture and they violate order and test boundaries (and threaten violence) based on a country's own standards. The point is that each country has its own sense of legitimate lawfulness.

But constitutionalism -- the two-pronged sense I argue for in the book, both internal (individuals proudly regarding themselves as people with rights and freedoms and an obligation to participate in public life) and external (keeping leaders who would be authoritarians on a short leash) -- will always hem in those who would test or break established rules -- whatever those rules are.

Now, on Hannah's question, "Has politics ever not been about being a demagogue?" and whether "the nature to democracy to some degree is about being a demagogue and appealing to the people's desires."

It's a fascinating question.

Just as war is an extension of politics by other means, demagoguery is an extension of democracy by other means. As I argue throughout the book, demagogues have haunted democratic politics since its inception -- whenever you introduce political freedom, there is always a perverse paradox -- that the people will hand over their power to a demagogue (in the ancient Greek, the word simply mean "leader of the people" -- but they also triggered the "cycle of regimes," where a democracy becomes a tyranny through the agency of a demagogue).

This means that Hanhah is onto something. There is perhaps a little bit of demagoguery in most democratic politics. To the extent unscrupulous and ambitious political figures get traction and start seeing openings, they will try and push the people to give them more and more power. It's a slippery slope from that to Huey Long to Hugo Chavez to Moqtada al-Sadr or Benito Mussolini.

That's where the people come in. The bulwark (in Matt Dallek's nice phrase) to this slippage is constitutionalism -- when the people, in concert, stop democracy's tendency to disintegrate at the hands of a demagogue. The people rescue democracy from its historical paradox -- just as they are the raw fodder of a demagogue, they can also resolve the demagogue. This, I argue, is one story about America. And it's one we need to keep in mind at this very critical turning point for democracy around the globe.

So a couple of questions... Demagogue is about democracy and constitutionalism -- what do your inquiries and these questions suggest about freedom itself today? Secretary Gates recently said we should no longer aim for a "Valhalla" of democracy in Iraq. If freedom is the bulwark to authoritarianism, have we done enough thinking about what true (constitutional) freedom actually should be? In an age where we see both overt tyranny -- I would count Lukashenko in Belarus and Putin in Russia as examples -- but also more insidious forms of control and oppression through surveillance, intimidation, and simple chaos (as in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Pakistan) -- what are we aiming for? What's the end state?

I argue in the book that democracy needs to take into account local culture and history to be constitutional, and that, for instance, elements of Sharia law could be considered in cultivating constitutionalism in historically majority Muslim countries. Brian does a good job of flagging the challenges to U.S. policy-making. But in the question of vision: what would this mean in Afghanistan, for instance? What's the end state?

A related but somewhat different question -- and this goes to Hannah1980's point -- where are we in our deeper, more philosophical thinking about freedom? Demagogues are locked in a deadly dance with freedom throughout history. But we break free often enough. Am I justified in my optimism that freedom is on a constantly-improving arc in history? Or is Hannah1980 right (I am paraphrasing her) that democracy is more or less condemned to fusion with the demagogue?


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Surely the first Tyrant arose from the people to break the oligarchy of the rich? The 'cycle of regimes' is rational ... 'democracy' allows concentration of wealth and power which the poor can only oppose through a 'demogogue'.

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What an excellent point. This is why Signer needs to defend calling Hugo Chavez a demagogue. Aside from the fact that he was radicalized by US policy against him, Chavez started out representing the very poorest in Venezuela and representing them well. Heck the guy has given free natural gas to poor people in the US. Yet Signer calls him a demagogue. Who else is representing Venezuela's poor?

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Signer says: "But constitutionalism -- the two-pronged sense I argue for in the book, both internal (individuals proudly regarding themselves as people with rights and freedoms and an obligation to participate in public life) and external (keeping leaders who would be authoritarians on a short leash) -- will always hem in those who would test or break established rules -- whatever those rules are."

And i wonder if this is really a good thing. It means that Signer basically supports a rules based culture. I'd rather go with something more principles based and am fine with letting a few rules get broken for the right result, so long as rules are broken to increase people's freedom and not to limit them.

For example -- it's against the rules to force the banks to take mortgage cramdowns. But I feel like the banks sold people bad loans and that the rules need to be forcibly changed right now in order to keep the banks from having too much power over individual people. This seems like a good example of a time when we could use somebody who Signer might call a demagogue to change the playing field.

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There is a difference between authoritarian and totalitarian regimes. Putin is definitely not a Stalin with massive purges or collectivization, but he really is not a saint either. Putin is very much like the leaders of France in the post-Nepoleonic period. The consitution of France up until 1877 was very much like the Iranian and Russian constitutions. There was a strong executive(in the Russian case it would be the president while in Iran it is the Ayatollah) and a weak legislative branch. Moreover like Iranian and Russian politicians today, French leaders such as King Louis Phillipe and Napoleon II would decide who was eligible to run for office. Even though the French political system was not that democratic, it allowed leaders like Adolphe Thiers to mature politically and eventually set up the Third Republic. So often the political class wants to compare Putin or the current leaderhip in Iran to Hitler or call them tyrants while ignoring other paths to democracy such as the one that the French took in the nineteenth century.

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Demagogues, by nature, violate established rules -- they threaten order.

Umm ... the word 'order' is just a synonym for the rules set down by a demagogue. You seem to be trying to conflate "order" with the rule of law -- which are too entirely different things. Dred Scott supported "order" but was a travesty to the rule of law.

And demonizing Hugo Chavez is just lame. What has he done to anyone?


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In Washington, D.C. think tank cant, any brown-skinned leader who says anything untoward about the U.S. is an evil demagogue.

No criticism of the U.S. is allowed by any world figure, let alone one from a rogue client-state in South America whom we can't get assassinated.

This is all so 1986.


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Michael,

It was very exciting to see my name on the main cafe page, For that I thank you :)

I would love to know if you can point me to any good sources that might address the concerns raised in the rest of my comment

Thanks again.

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Why has Signer so far refused to justify his characterization of Chavez? The fact is, a lot, and I'm guessing most, people who read and post here at TPM disagree with Signer's take on the matter, so it's something he should definitely address.

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As Hugo Chavez's electoral fortunes recently seemed in peril, especially given the economic turmoil in his country, recently began demonizing Jews, both in his own country, in Israel, and in the world. He has succeeded in the past in getting the Venezuelan people to give him the right to rule by decree. He just persuaded them to let him rule by life. He rose to power in a bloody coup. He routinely structures alliances with the world's most unlawful and brutal rulers, from Ahmadinejad to Putin to Castro. He has cracked down on dissidents in his own country and threatened political opponents. He is an example par excellence of the aggressive, belligerent caudilloism that has haunted Latin America.

He is most certainly a demagogue. Consistent with the book's four-part definition, he (1) identifies as a man of the masses, (2) triggers tremendous emotional reactions from the people, (3) uses those reactions for his own political benefit, and (4) (most importantly) bends and breaks established rules of political order.

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I say he's a hero.

But you haven't answered the real question -- why was US policy anti Chavez from the start? Had we supported him, he could have done more good and wouldn't have been driven to some of his later excesses.

The same can be said about Castro. We should ahev supported him, not the dictators he kicked out of office, from the very start. With our support, Castro could have actually lived up to his ideals.

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BTW, sorry to be jumping down your throat on this. I do appreciate that you read and respond to the comments. Hope you keep listening when you're Lt. Governor of Virginia!

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