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The role of culture in democracy

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Terrific to be back on Talking Points Memo--thank you for having me. I really have to send out a special plug for this book. It's rare that we get a chance to read a new work of political philosophy, written for a mass audience. Demagogue is a very special, unique piece of work, and I really encourage readers not just to read our cliffs' notes version, but to buy the real thing.

I think the answer to Matt's question is very simple. Demagogue's thesis is that the reason we haven't seen the rise of a demagogue in the U.S. as this crisis unfolds is that we have developed, over 200 years, a very deep constitutional culture. It's the same reason that when the most powerful office in the world was up for grabs after the 2000 election, and again in 2004, no one ever imagined that the military might come out on the side of one of the candidates. Think about that: when elections are that close in Kenya, Albania, Zimbabwe, and all sorts of less powerful countries, we don't bat an eye when Parliament refuses to convene, or violence breaks out. But when the American presidency was so close that it came down to a few hundred hanging chads, it was over unthinkable that our military would get involved, or that Congress would refuse to accept the Supreme Court's ruling--even a very politicized ruling. I was in Bangladesh to monitor their elections this December, and one thing that impressed them about our elections was how quickly and graciously McCain accepted his defeat. That didn't happen in their own elections, or in many other countries the world over. That is the power of a constitutional culture.

I think Mike's point about the deep importance of culture is worth driving home, for two reasons. First, as we recover from the debacle of the Bush years, it suggests ways to strengthen our own democracy so such Presidential excesses are unlikely to happen again. And second, it points to important modifications in how we support democracy abroad.

First: Clearly, after the Bush years, we need to strengthen our democracy at home. The last eight years were a perilous example of Presidentialism run amok. Some people will argue for deepening the role of Congress or oversight of the courts. What Mike's thesis argues is that we need to deepen our culture of constitutionalism: if the American people refuse to accept torture, Preidential secrecy, and the violation of civil liberties, it won't happen. If the American people think these things are okay, it will -- no matter what institutional safeguards are in place.

That would point to a real need for civic educational programs to deepen our commitment to our own constitution and Bill of Rights. They are not intuitive, and culture can deteriorate. In the first progressive era, much energy was put into deepening our constitutional culture--at that point, the goal was to assimilate immigrants. That reason might not be acceptable to today's progressives--but the need to focus on cultural education is just as strong, and just as needed, if Mike's point is accepted.

Second, democracy promotion overseas. Most of our democracy promotion programs are pretty technocratic: we teach political parties how to advertise and how to create policy programs. We build Bar Associations. We educate Parliamentarians. We draft constitutions. In other words, we tend to focus on changing laws, and building institutions. Many people argue that this isn't enough--we also need to focus on power dynamics.

Mike is arguing that power dynamics are also not enough: we need to focus on building democratic cultures in other countries. That's a controversial thesis--it implies the need for cultural change. But that change need not come from the U.S.: it comes from the abstract idea of democracy, and can take many local forms. It does require that the political culture become one in which citizens feel they control the government, that it is there to serve them. It requires parties to believe in compromise, rather than winner take all politics--democracy is all about what goes around comes around. And it requires other cultural changes that are not "Western" but are inherent in the idea of democracy. Focusing on building that political culture would be a radical rethinking of democracy promotion programs. But I agree with Mike that it is a necessary corrective to the overly technocratic programs we have now.


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Kleinfeld: "Some people will argue for deepening the role of Congress or oversight of the courts. What Mike's thesis argues is that we need to deepen our culture of constitutionalism: if the American people refuse to accept torture, Preidential secrecy, and the violation of civil liberties, it won't happen. If the American people think these things are okay, it will -- no matter what institutional safeguards are in place."

Let's unpack this a bit. Those of us who argue for greater congressional and judicial oversight are the real constitutionalists in this discussion. It is the constitution, after all, that requires the branches to oversee, compete with and ultimately restrain the others.

Rachel believes that somehow, culturally, if the American people don't accept something, it won't happen. This would be true if and only if the American people had access to all available information. We don't. If Bush had his way we never would have known about the domestic wiretapping so our cultural feelings on the issue wouldn't have mattered. Similarly, the Abu Grhaib photos were leaked. We weren't meant to know what was going on inside that prison. The government's use of secrecy limits our ability to have a true cultural reaction for or against such matters of security and foreign policy.

In any event, presidents from both parties have long done things overseas that people here don't like or accept as moral.

Kleinfeld's description of the 2000 election is comical. We accepted the election of a president that the majority didn't vote for based on recounts overseen by his brother's political appointee with the ultimate decision being made by judges appointed to lifetime jobs by the candidate's father why, exactly? It wasn't a deeb abiding respect for the constitution, that's for sure. Was more likely apathy. Most of the people didn't even vote in that election so why would they get worked up about it?

It'll be very scary if this conversation just assumes that the US has the kind of functioning constitutionalism that Signer is writing about. What we really need is more of the citizen's voice in matters of security and foreign policy, with less power ceded to so called experts and to those with security clearances and we need stronger institutions that will represent the people and protect individual rights so that a healthy culture can flourish.

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That "very deep constitutional culture" got trampled in the past 8 years.

Sort of puts the arguments in a different light, doesn't it?

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Rachel's dead-on here -- the one thing I'd add to her characterization of my approach to constitutional culture (which may assuage the commenters, maybe not) is that our culture is neither perfect nor finished.

When Barack Obama said in Denver that we all have a responsibility to "bend the arc of history upward," he combined two ideas -- history can indeed move upward, but we all have to make it be so. In other words, progress is not foreordained; it depends on our participation, our involvement, our dedication. Conversely, of course, freedom and progress can falter. My belief about America is that, by and large, we have been a dedicated, self-cultivating constitutional republic. But it has been -- and should continue to be -- a lot of work, with a lot of anxiety, concern, striving, and self-questioning.

That's the kind of culture that we should seek to help other countries create, and in those countries, constitutional culture will necessarily adapt to their own histories, ethnic composition, and political cultures. Constitutionalism should never be regarded as inevitable -- that's the mistake the neocons made with democracy, where they thought it would burst up in Iraq like Jack's Beanstalk. Democracy, instead, should be weeding and tending -- a garden cultivated over years, not a magic bean.

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