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Explosive Documents: A Question of Evidence

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I agree that at the bottom of it all, the stumbling block to accountability is the complicity of the American public - AT THE MOMENT. But call me naïve, because I think that public opinion could shift if the next administration released certain explosive documents. The case of Abu Ghraib has hammered home the cliché about a picture being worth a hundred words. Humbling though it is for a writer, nothing written has matched the impact of those photographs. The international revulsion they stirred forced President Bush to publicly denounce them, and for the first time, call for some kind of investigation and punishment. As Eric Umansky and others have noted, it was only when President Bush acknowledged that a scandal had taken place, that the mainstream media - including network television news shows -- reacted as if something was wrong.

The CIA clearly understood the potential power of incriminating pictures, which is why they destroyed them. I am told that if the CIA's videotapes of Muslim detainees being waterboarded were seen by the public, the international political reaction would have been, as one former CIA office put it, "unmanageable." It was bad enough watching Hitch sputtering away. So- this brings me to the question of other photographic evidence. What's still in the federal cupboard?

Practically every detainee has described being photographed, often naked, with particular attention to their wounds. Presumably at least some of those photographs exist somewhere. In addition, there are numerous descriptions of videotapes other than those of the waterboarding, that were destroyed. The "High Value Detainees" held by the CIA describe constant closed-circuit surveillance. Presumably some was taped. Is it possible that none of these tapes were kept? There is also the interesting question of the frequent video-conferencing done by top administration officials. I am told by a presidential archivist that it is unclear at the moment whether those videotapes are required to be turned over, under the presidential records act. They include high-level conversations between the White House officials and top officials down in Guantanamo, about what to do with the detainees. They also include discussions with Cheney, speaking from his undisclosed remote locations. There were numerous discussions between Washington and Iraq and Afghanistan as well. In Watergate, the tapes were everything. In the Iran-Contra Affair, an early email system was how Oliver North got caught. It certainly would be worth knowing what is on those video-conference reels, and, where they are.

There are written documents too that might impact public opinion. One former Bush Administration official tells me that it is impossible for people to imagine the destructive power of the interrogation and detention program without actually reading the details. Among the documents believed to contain these details, in vivid color, are the report by the International Committee of the Red Cross spelling out what the CIA's 14 high value detainees (now in Guantanamo) described having gone through. As far as I know, this report is NOT classified. It could conceivably be made public by future administration officials, if they choose to. Additionally, there are several internal investigative reports that were done by the CIA's inspector general, which are said to be horrifying. They probably wouldn't have the impact of photographs, but they certainly would make a lot clearer to the American public, what is meant by the euphemism, "enhanced" interrogation methods. There is also the still-secret specific list of authorized techniques, and numerous other Justice Department documents, not yet publicly available.

So, I agree that at the moment, there is not an overwhelming call for accountability inside America. But I also think that many Americans still don't really understand what happened in this program. If they did, I think there would be a much stronger reaction. The question is whether the public will see the evidence before it goes the way of those videotapes...

PS: I'd be interested in what's on others' wish lists, in terms of documentary evidence that the public should someday see.


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Ok, I call you naive. No matter who wins the election, the transgressions of Bushco will be swept under the rug. Obama or McSame face multiple challenges and can easily hide behind health care, Wall St, housing crisis, recession, etc. The first fall back position is the need to close the wounds of the last eight years. Dredging up torture would hurt our national psyche, on and on. Second fall back position is "National Reconciliation" and allowing law breakers, this includes Congress (gang of eight in particular) to do a Mea Culpa, get out of jail free card.

I wish you weren't naive!

Aww, Jane you edited your first sentence, so please disregard me calling you naive, both times!

Jane,

Thank you for the book; it is a righteous work.

The Cheney family is seemingly hip-deep in pimping for torture and detainment. Elizabeth, the daughter, was dispensing massive amount of covert and "public" cash to precisely the same countries in 2006 that you outline as torture subcontractors in your book. Armitage probably set it up initially at the State Department; Armitage was Liz's mentor when she was but a wee thing fresh from Colorado College in 1988 with the ink still wet on her senior thesis about the "evolution of presidential war powers."

Richard Armitage and Philip Perry (Cheney's son in law) both have benefited financially from the detainment and torture industry. When Perry was counsel at OMB, he was in a position to conceal any expenditures, and to protect both Cheneys. Possibly he oversaw the invisible pipeline of money that paid for the renditions, detainments, etc. whether it was CIA or State Dept. or both.

Go look at the "investor" section of the CACI website; they measure their "growth" and profit potential by "beds filled." This means that it's nothing personal, the waterboarding and torture, its simply industry, so that the government can be billed according to the number of beds filled.

If you look at the wall full of names of donors to the Bush I presidential library in College Station, TX, it reads like a roster of Iran-Contra alums who have a vested interest in keeping their own records sealed, lest they be prosecuted. Cheney gave a huge amount to Bush I; he will give a huge amount to Bush II. He will miraculously reclassify himself as being part of the executive branch when it suits his ends. We can expect the same systematic concealment here. Cheney is very smart about this kind of thing, and his elf Addington is, we can be sure, toiling away, crafting executive orders that will bury the truth as deeply as they can bury it, and inoculate everyone from prosecution within the U.S. He did one about a month ago on how only the president has the right to decide who is "fit to serve" in the federal government.

These amoral people (and I include Mary Matalin among them) have had years of experience at this kind of thinking. While we were grooving on our own secular humanism in the 1990's these people were seeking the means to centralize wealth and power, and to turn the federal govt. into a money-laundering operation for Halliburton, CACI, CCA, etc.

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The best we can hope for is a truth and reconciliation committee. That committee would report on the facts of the Bush administration, without pulling punches, and naming names. Inherent in their job would be forgiveness of the members of this administration.

If there exists a video tape of a Bush staff meeting with Bush and Cheney giggling about the torture they approved you can be sure that tape will cease to exist on January 20th. The sole possibility of such materials surviving is the CIA, who might want to exonerate themselves by showing that they were "only following orders". Somehow I can't see that happening.

I also can't see Obama wanting to pursue this. Doing so just cuts severely into the length of his administration when he can make the changes he wants. He can't preach kumbaya while supporting something that will look like a vendetta against Bush's gang. We can dream about how satisfying it would be for all of this to come out and be aired in public, but I am almost certain it is just a dream.

Jane, I'd like to also thank you for the book. I urge it on all my conservative friends. There is no way for anyone to defend the actions of the Bush after reading your book. You lay out the case for prosecution in clear and unambiguous terms.

The big item on my "wish list" should be a full accounting in the federal budget and how much public American money was piped to either CACI or to foreign parties to conduct the renditons and the "interrogations." They used a style of "questioning" that was desgined to produce coerced statments for propaganda purposes, not for producing intelligence or truth.

The other items on my "wish list" would be whatever documents were generated inside the rendition countries, so it could be determined how much these practices fueled even more terrorism. Much of what gets portrayed by the Bush administration as "terrorism" is blowback from their policies.

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We need the CIA IG reports that haven't been made public yet. We need to know what the DOJ did when the CIA IG made a criminal referral for grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions in the case of Hiwa Abdul Rahman Rashul. We need the interrogation plans and logs from Guantanamo. We need the same from the CIA secret prisons.

...would also be interesting to have Valerie Caproni's files as lead counsel at FBI, since she basically directed the FBI at Guantanomo to lay down the paper trail like crumbs in the forest to direct the public line of vision to the evil that was going down.

Just a quick "Thank You!".

As an avid reader of contemporary geopolitics, I'd become appalled at any hints of torture (Jack Goldsmith's "The Terror Presidency", Naomi Klein's "Shock Doctrine", Wiener's "Legacy Of Ashes", etc.).

So when your book appeared, I snapped it up. The compilation of events, personalities, and documents will hopefully serve as a road map for prosecution.

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