Are the Dinosaurs of Free-Market Fundamentalism Headed For Extinction?

James K. Galbraith's The Predator State brings to mind an illustration I saw as a child of a small mammal eating the giant egg of a dinosaur. The viewer knew that the tiny mammals who were condemned to hide from the saurians would one day succeed their colossal rivals and, in the dramatic language of paleontology primers, "rule the earth." In exactly the same way, inasmuch as the comet of reality eventually collides with every lunatic ideology, we know that the dinosaurs of free-market fundamentalism are headed for extinction and will be replaced, later if not sooner, by the mammals of economic commonsense.
What remains to be explained is why the mammals were sidelined by the dinosaurs in the first place. From the late nineteenth century to the 1970s, few economic thinkers took early nineteenth century ideas of the self-regulating free market seriously. And yet, from the 1970s until recently, we have lived through a renaissance of anachronistic early Victorian economic thought that would have brought joy to the heart of Ebeneezer Scrooge. This nostalgic, fundamentalist counter-revolution in economic thought is often attributed to the machinations of CEOs and well-funded right-wing propaganda machines. But this doesn't explain why many in the business elite itself had abandoned the rhetoric of free markets in earlier generations, in the days when Andrew Carnegie dismissed competition as anachronistic and schemes like associationalism entranced corporate executives and tycoons. Why is the economic thought of today more like that of 1840 than that of 1940?
Galbraith is right in my opinion to argue that economic libertarians "held their views in good faith." So, alas, did the liberal enablers of the free market fundamentalist counter-revolution. As Galbraith writes: "But liberals and Democrats also abetted the triumph of the right. They mostly stopped arguing over theory...Democrats and liberals won some policy battles and some elections, and they presided over a prosperous moment. But they did it by selling themselves as Reagan-lite, by overselling small social advances, pilot projects and placebos, and by riding the crest of a credit boom that could not be sustained."
This intellectual capitulation to free-market libertarianism was well underway before Reagan was elected in 1980. Consider this statement written in 1979 in A New Economic View of American History by Peter Passell, who taught at Columbia and served as a member of the editorial board of the New York Times: "However, liberal economists today get a painful surprise when they look back and see what the first modern liberal [Franklin Roosevelt] attempted. For while New Dealers of the 1930s and mainstream liberal economists of the 1970s share a common commitment toward income redistribution, contemporary liberal economists have far greater respect for the value of competitive market mechanisms in making sure there is something to redistribute."
What was the sin of bumbling old FDR, according to "mainstream liberal economists of the 1970s"? His error was the belief, wrote Passell, that "structural change" of the economy was both valid and sometimes necessary, in addition to, or instead of, after-tax redistribution. Note how Passel essentially concedes that "mainstream liberal economists" unlike the New Dealers wanted to be "sure there is something to redistribute." Here is a self-described "liberal" economist essentially conceding the libels of the right. Yes, those New Deal liberals did threaten to kill the goose that lays the golden eggs, but we house-broken modern liberal economics professors of the 1970s know better.
By the 1990s anything that might bring New Deal institutional eclecticism and regulation to mind was anathema to what Passel called "mainstream liberal economists." The chief anathematizer in the 1990s was Paul Krugman. I am pleased that, in his second career as a part-time political journalist, Krugman has decided to fight the far right for a change. But he gained his prominence as a commentator in the 1990s by savagely attacking anyone who questioned free market fundamentalism. A decade ago Krugman sneered at Robert Pollin for suggesting a much higher minimum wage, arguing that Pollin didn't understand that economics made such a policy self-defeating, and he ridiculed anyone who suggested that the globalization of labor markets had any effects on wages. On both subjects Krugman has cautiously retreated in recent years, without, however, offering apologies to the liberals he held up to ridicule.
In what sense were Passell and Krugman--at least the Krugman of the 1990s--liberals at all? In the case of Passel, we have already seen the answer. They redefined liberalism by equating it with support for after-tax redistribution of income--and nothing else. By this minimal standard, you can denounce the New Deal and all its works, support the entire Cato Institute agenda of deregulation of business and trade and investment, and still claim to be a liberal if you say that you want to tax the "winners" in order to compensate the "losers." Let us ignore for the moment the fact that this was always an ivory tower fantasy of professors like Passell and Krugman who did not understand that, in American politics, Congress would always pass the deregulation and then forget to enact the legislation showering cash booby prizes on the losers, assuming that said losers could be identified and labeled as such by the federal government. The salient point is that this neutered version of liberalism--neoliberalism--completely inverted the values of New Deal liberalism.
The New Deal liberals--I know this will come as a shock to some on the radical left, as well as redistributionist neoliberals--disliked welfare. They thought it was degrading for citizens of working age to be dependent on government for cash payments. The whole point of the New Deal, in the form in which it evolved by the late 1930s, was the use of government to rig various markets, in labor, land and credit, in order to minimize the need for redistribution in the form of cash payments by the federal government to individuals. Electricity? The neoliberals, transported back to the 1930s, would have let markets work, and sent checks to rural families to pay for the high charges of private power companies. The New Dealers instead regulated monopolies and promoted rural electrical co-ops. Unemployment? The neoliberals during the Depression would have sent checks. Roosevelt and his successors up to LBJ and Hubert Humphrey preferred public works programs to the direct redistribution of income, which they like most Americans despised as "the dole." Home ownership? The neoliberal solution would have been means-tested subsidies to the poor to purchase homes in a free market, as if there were such a thing in real estate. The New Dealers instead had the government rig the credit market by means of Fannie Mae, which worked well until misguided free market ideology led to its privatization.
"My argument is directed largely at liberals," Galbraith writes. I'd appreciate it if, in a future installment, Professor Galbraith could say something more about the history of this strange intellectual reversal, which I still don't understand. When exactly between World War II and 1980 did individuals who were orthodox economic libertarians on all issues except taxes and redistribution overthrow the market-regulating New Deal liberals and take over, calling themselves "mainstream liberal economists" when they were neither mainstream by the standard of public opinion (which has always been fond of New Deal programs) nor very liberal.
Michael Lind, the Whitehead Senior Fellow at the New America Foundation, is, among other things, a policy entrepreneur without a Ph.D. in neoclassical economics.


















Deliver us, O Big Cheese, from fundamentalists of every stripe. The boon of an unfettered market is as illusory as a workers' paradise. Government regulation is the only margin of protection we enjoy from the circling boardroom wolves. Greed not only "works", as Gordon Gecko noted, it eats.
August 12, 2008 10:35 AM | Reply | Permalink
That hit the spot.
August 12, 2008 10:46 AM | Reply | Permalink
Yes, it certainly did.
August 12, 2008 10:59 AM | Reply | Permalink
Indeed.
August 12, 2008 6:07 PM | Reply | Permalink
The intellectual reversal occurred when the cult of the CEO became dogma.
August 12, 2008 11:12 AM | Reply | Permalink
No; it didn't "hit the spot," because it didn't explain why neoliberal economists won the battle.
Aside from the usual time-honored generational struggle in the academy, I wonder whether the change can be laid at the feet of Samuelson and the attempt to rationalize -- make mathematical if not scientific -- macroeconomics.
Did all those abstract higher math formulas and pretty charts always come out in favor of the neoliberals? Did the abandonment of all interest in philosophical theory in favor of the study of minutiae doom liberal economics?
August 12, 2008 11:16 AM | Reply | Permalink
The idea that the free market indifferently decides the "right answer" is the economic equivalent of social darwinism.
The idea that "you get what you deserve" is held in high regard, I imagine, by the top 1 percent-ers.
August 12, 2008 11:24 AM | Reply | Permalink
Hear! hear!
August 12, 2008 11:51 AM | Reply | Permalink
Well you can stake that claim
Good work is the key to good fortune
Winners take that praise
Losers seldom take that blame....
August 12, 2008 2:18 PM | Reply | Permalink
Remember Henry George? Probably not, unless you are a specialist on 19th Century economic fads. Why doesn't he have a big following, his ideas made a lot of sense to a lot of people at the time? (For those who want a quick overview - tax land).
Henry George failed to attract the big money who would fund the institutes that would push his ideas.
On the other hand Hayek, Rand, Friedman and Greenspan attracted the big money industrialists who realized that their libertarian fantasies would be a useful cover for their real program of enhancing plutocracy. So they set up Cato, Hoover, Hudson, Manhattan, etc. and hired staffs of useful idiots to promulgate "free market" nonsense. While this was going on these captains of industry went to work on their real agenda - cutting taxes (for them) and getting preferential legislation passed.
Michael Lind should realize that this is how the game has been played, he's been off in the wilderness for years. Is Scaife paying his salary? Bad ideas persist when shills are paid to promote them. This was not a battle over ideas, any economist with real left leaning, populist, ideas wouldn't find employment.
Princeton may be better than Chicago, but not that much. There are no radical economists in mainstream institutions.
August 12, 2008 11:42 AM | Reply | Permalink
Actually, though it's not a major point here, in his day and through the early 20th century Henry George attracted an enormous amount of support for his views, and Henry George associations, schools and a journal persist to this day.
At a conference on China organized earlier this summer in Manchester, UK, by Joe Stiglitz and David Kennedy, one of the Chinese participants offered a very interesting paper arguing that Chinese public finance operates on a Georgist principle. Specifically, municipalities own the land, collect the ground rent, and recycle it into infrastructure improvements. This accounts for much of the vast amount of public building in China in the past several decades. JG
August 12, 2008 10:13 PM | Reply | Permalink
Mr. Lind, Wikipedia has some good quotes from de Tocqueville on Associationalism. Do you have any suggestions about further reading on this, or is "Democracy in America" as good a source as any?
August 12, 2008 11:53 AM | Reply | Permalink
Climate is what you expect, weather is what you get. But farmers don't settle for weather, they fertilize and irrigate, and it's idiotic to leave markets completely unregulated.
Even though FDR liberals wanted work for welfare, conservatives derided even this, as "make-work." They would perhaps have preferred these indigents to simply die off.
August 12, 2008 11:56 AM | Reply | Permalink
In the Thirties, after the Great Depression, capitalism had a rival, Soviet Communism, which had not yet lost all of its luster as a pole of attraction. Although in hindsight, one can now perhaps discern the seeds of this system's collapse in its beginnings, this was by no means clear to everyone at the time. In less polite terms, capitalism was scared shitless.
Roosevelt therefore had a freer hand to move in the intervene-in-markets direction than any other president before or since. He could make the argument that he was saving capitalism from itself, and the argument resonated. For a number of years, in fact, it had no effective counter.
After the war, as the tarnishing of Communism continued apace, and its reality became more widely known, it of course occurred to the capitalists and the economists that "we don't need to do this shit anymore." They were able to gin up a campaign that tied the New Deal to the increasingly ugly mess that the Soviets had made of their system. Even so, this took decades to bear fruit. Defeating the New Deal was a process of erosion.
Little by little, memory eroded, until we get to where we are now, where popular commentary treats the New Deal and Stalinism as one and the same thing.
Thus the Happy Middle Ground that was the New Deal was possible only so long as another pole to its left existed with enough good reputation to achieve plausibility as a threat. But the capitalists were still in power, and able to reassert the old nostrums once the threat became implausible and worse, laughable.
In a paradoxical sense Soviet Communism did achieve a workers' paradise - just not in the country it was ruling. For good reasons liberals have never been too comfortable with this argument, which puts them in an ambiguous moral position, but it happens to be true. Of course the morality of the offshorers, the outsourcers, the child-labor promoters and the rest should also be subject to question, but that is a political question.
August 12, 2008 12:03 PM | Reply | Permalink
after his election, big business had no choice but to go along with FDR whom them they resisted bitterly.
After WWII, they simply started pushing the theory they liked best and created an environment that sought to marginalize anyone who did not accept the tenet that government should not regulate or be in business.
Money.
Same as it ever was.
August 12, 2008 12:08 PM | Reply | Permalink
recall too the plot by leading oligarchs to plan a fascist coup by marching on Washington and installing an advisor to make all of roosevelt's decisions.
i just posted the bbc documentary on this on my blog, it's about two/three down, in three ten minute chunks.
fascinating.
david-sullivan.blogspot.com
August 12, 2008 12:10 PM | Reply | Permalink
Demilitarization and anglophilia
When exactly between World War II and 1980 did ... "mainstream liberal economists" ... overthrow the market-regulating New Deal liberals and take over...?.
I ask a counter-question: Did the rapid decline not begin after the end of WW-II as the US de-mobilized and the Cold War began to ramp up?
I recall that American Keynesians and J. M. Keynes himself had been "Military Keynesians" ad hoc. They came to power within the US and UK under the urgency of the Roosevelt-Churchill collaboration on naval construction, military intelligence, and wartime financial improvisation.
Yes, they had some durable post-war influence with Bretton Woods and the Marshall Plan. But, even before McCarthyism, J.K. GALBRAITH, Gen. Lucius CLAY, Will CLAYTON, J.R. PARTEN, and others began to move out of posts they had held during the New Deal and throughout WWII.
The GOP and Wall Street began to re-assert their WW-I era proclivity for peculiar industrial policies, trade preferences, and financial institutions designed to restore a sort of Anglo-American co-dominium, pay off domestic or foreign debt run up during the war, and revive agressive anti-Soviet foreign policy -- just like the 1920's.
Anglophile, actually Anglo-Austrian, economic doctrine became increasingly reactionary and the rest, such as it was, became or just seemed, well, European, hence, objectionable on its face (German), failed (French), or (gasp) Communistic!
That left the German-American historical school stranded at the University of Texas, marginalized other heterodox or polytechnical traditions, and allowed the Lincoln-Roosevelt fusion of HAMILTON and JEFFERSON to fall apart in both politics and economics.
So, terms like "planning" and "standards" have almost no practical meaning in the US government today other than "art" or just "spin" that MBA's and lawyers impart to them.
So, doctrines like "infant industry protection" and "common carriage regulation" that had figured in wartime economic mobilization are absent from the deal-culture of the Congress even in the face of the extensive predatory pricing or obviously very large-scale political, economic, financial, climatological and other imbalances that James K. GALBRAITH and others take note of.
My hope for the next administration is that civil engineering terms like "robust" will come back into use where now there is only silly babble about optimal this or that and that American political economic thought will come to have more rich and durable foundations than anglophile eclecticism even at its best.
To do this, I think that we will have to address and resolve the Hamilton-Jefferson problem of military institutions that neither LINCOLN nor ROOSEVELT overcame, namely, a republican form of civil government propped-up by anglophile civil and military institutions where a "well regulated militia" should be. How can we have, a lot of individually-owned or privately hoarded and criminally circulated small-arms, where a uniform obligation of military service coterminous with universal suffrage should be, ... "a republic, if you can keep it," not an Anglo-Saxon fryd in other words?
I do not see how to solve the intellectual problem when the country lurches between war and peace, patriotism and jingoism, without the most basic foundations of republican democracy, the franchise and the military broken.
So, to answer the original question of "when":
Harry S. TRUMAN was the last President to have ever served in and previously been elected to office in a state militia. Now, we have strictly Hamiltonian military and exclusively anglophile legal institutions.
Thus, behold: "A World Turned Upside Down".
August 12, 2008 12:27 PM | Reply | Permalink
Fascinating analysis, thanks.
Minor point---in Federalist papers Hamilton uses the phrase "regulated" to mean "trained". He suggested a national training day, annual or biannual.
August 12, 2008 12:45 PM | Reply | Permalink
1947's Taft/Hartley eliminated the unions "countervailing" power to protect labor's share of corporate revenues.
Ike's fifties tax "reforms" eliminated the code's progressivity with its associated redistributon of wealth.
The 90s bipartisan free trade policies completed Taft Harley agenda by not just depressing wages but actually eliminating them along with the outsourced jobs.
The resulting three decades long decline in inflation-adjusted median income went unnoticed by a "Reagan-democrat" working class distracted by the Rights, and the MSM's, cynical deployment of divisive value issues and the credit card industry's provision of credit which artificially delayed the coming further decline in working class living standards by providing usorious and ultimately unrepayable loans e.g.the sub prime ones now indirectly boosting the national debt . Which will further deplete the resources available to coming generations of workers.
It's obscene.
August 12, 2008 5:00 PM | Reply | Permalink
I'm sure I'd like what the author has to say...if only I were bright enough to decipher it all. Can someone translate this into intelligible layman's English for me?
August 12, 2008 9:12 PM | Reply | Permalink
Very good analysis, in my opinion. I think the collective analysis here quite accurately describes what happened on the intellectual level. Consider also, though: what in the world happened at the grass roots level? Why do so many workers vote for politicians who support those who exploit them? Quite simply, it is because Joe Worker despises gay rights. He sees the parades at Mardi Gras, and it makes him puke. He opposes affirmative action because he believes it hurts him and his family and his son who is trying to get a job as a fireman. He believes that abortion is murder. So, he holds his nose and votes Republican, and we again get the country club crowd who provide lip service to Joe. Joe is voting against the liberal's social agenda more than he is voting for the Republican money grabbers. The intellectual wing of the Democratic Party (about 90% of you who read TPM) looks with distain upon the working man. You think he is an unelightened dummy. You think a person simply must go to school at least 16 years, preferably 20. You sent Joe to Vietnam while you took a draft deferment or got into the reserves. Did you know that 25% of the deaths in Vietnam were black men? You have been too honest, you don't like Joe and he has played enough poker to read you like a book. The right wingers, on the other hand, are much better liers.
August 12, 2008 10:20 PM | Reply | Permalink
Did you know that 25% of the deaths in Vietnam were black men?
Actually, I thought it was around 12.5% -- about what demographics would imply.
Was I wrong?
August 12, 2008 11:42 PM | Reply | Permalink
I'll try to answer honestly.
And blacks on welfare- altho he is OK with blacks who work with him-and anyone speaking in spanish, and feminists or even mildly liberated women.
If there were full employment AA would drop off his radar.But as it is, you're right. But if he knocks up his girl friend he's cool with her "taking care of it" which bothers him when he's unhappy with his life. When he's doing well he couldn't care less about the liberal's agenda"Intellectual? ? How about "Educated"?
Yes. I do.When he is. But see below. Not at all. He should just stop being an unenlighteded dummy. And John Kerry whom Joe despised anyway. Well personally I volunteered during the Korean War. Um,I think you're describing W , or my right wing college room mate.I don't like his views. I like him personally very much when he stops his truck to help someone in an accident while many of the rest of us-including me I'm sorry to say- just slow down.
I like him when he behaves bravely in War. And in particular risks his own life for his buddies. Sometime read that intellectual Murray Kempton's
description of almost leaving one of his wounded friends to die until he got control of himself and did the right thing.
No , the right winger aren't liers. They believe the same things as Joe so they are able to be convincing . Joe doesn't actually like Rush but he likes what Rush says.
We can't approve of Joe's views because we think they are mean spirited and occasionally vicious.
Even tho in his individual behavior he's no worse than us. Often better.
There may be no quick electoral solution.Joe votes against us , as you say , because he despises the fact that we want to take care of people who don't look like him.We can't change that between now and November.
The governmental solution is to run a full employment economy with progressive tax rates to
offset the inflationary effect of his having money to spend. AOBTW to provide revenue for things we and Joe both want like college loans-Joe really would have liked to go to the community college- and health care- Joe wants that for his family.
The best antidote to Joe's scorn for the liberal agenda is to let him benefit from its inactment.
Joe may be, mostly is, an unthinking bigot, but as you say, he's not dumb. He doesn't bite the hand that feeds him-provided it's actually feeding him and not just talking about it.
Posted by Faroff
August 13, 2008 9:35 AM | Reply | Permalink
Re: He sees the parades at Mardi Gras, and it makes him puke.
Probably because he has been drinking too much himself at Mardi Gras. Seriously though, American workers tend to be more socially liberal than you give them credit for (with allowance for age). Drop into a working class bar sometime-- these people are not choir boys! The Religious Right is mainly composed of comfortably middle class people. Worrying about other people's morals is luxury for those who don't have more personal problems to occupy them.
August 14, 2008 6:53 AM | Reply | Permalink
August 12, 2008 10:58 PM | Reply | Permalink
Too funny to pass on.
A few years ago, the president of my university passed along a letter received from an alumnus, advising him that Professor Galbraith would be much happier in Russia. I wrote back that things had changed in Russia, and that for the moment I was much happier in Texas -- where among other things the public university was pretty well-funded.
As for wage-price controls, there is the immortal line JKG delivered to the Washington Post when they were imposed on August 15, 1971: "I feel like the streetwalker, who has just been told that not only is her profession legal, but the highest form of municipal service."
JG
August 13, 2008 10:05 AM | Reply | Permalink
Ellen, yes you are right. I should have said that blacks died at a rate approximately 25% higher than their population. They served in the combat roles at a very disproportionate percentage, especially during the early years of the war. Vietnam, for the most part, was fought by the sons of the working class and the sons of the so called lower and middle economic class.
August 13, 2008 8:06 AM | Reply | Permalink
It looks like I was a bit high in my estimate of the African-American proportion of the American population.
African-Americans made up about 11% of the United States population. Thus, it would appear that they suffered deaths in Vietnam about 13.6% higher than a color-blind MOS policy* would have been expected to generated.
* The result, perhaps, of racism producing a lower educational attainment for African-Americans in the society at large rather than of the effects of racism in the military, itself.
August 13, 2008 10:23 AM | Reply | Permalink
Flavius,Ellen and JonF: I appreciate your measured and thoughtful responses to my blurb. Flavius, I pretty much agree with your response. The whole John Kerry episode still astounds me. Those politicians who have military experience usually get a point or two up on those who didn't serve. Somehow, the real veteran who won the Silver Star and 3 purple hearts lost points to the one who, essentially, was a draft dodger. Ellen, there was real racism regarding the military draft and the MOS's that were handed out during the Vietnam War. Black men died at considerably higher than expected rates during the first years of the war, then the numbers became more level. One reason is because blacks were over represented in the combat units. The combat units suffered the greatest losses in the early years. After Tet, the enemy almost totally changed its tactics. They almost quit confronting our combat units and instead used ambushes and rocket and mortar attacks, which resulted in many more deaths in and around the base camps. Back then, the local reserve systems were controlled by the local community leaders. There was profound favoritism given to the sons of the elite. That favoritism caused a lot of political flak, and the draft's lotery was installed in 1970, but the favoritism was not eliminated. A soldier's MOS, which you probably know means "Military Occupation Specialty" was what determined a soldier's job in the military. Each soldier usually went to a short military school to earn his MOS. Assignments to those schools were hand picked by humans and back then a well placed phone call by a person with the right influence would always (yes always) get that soldier into the school he wanted. The sons of the "lower class" fought that war. The sons from the "middle class" were often drafted, but usually able to get less dangerous assignments. The sons of the "upper class" usually stayed home. And, that was true almost universally, unless an individual made other choices voluntarily. JonF, your suggestion to drop into a middle class bar sounds good. I may do that tonight. I play a lot of poker in them, and you are right, the patrons aren't dumb, and they aren't really conservative. So, why do they so often vote for the right wing? One significant reason, I strongly believe, is because the very educated, whether left or right, look down on the less educated. The less educated know they are looked down upon and they often vote for negative reasons, rather than positive ones. And, those in the worker's bar usually associate the highly educated with the left. I think the working class has been fooled by the right wing. I think the working men and women sometimes don't listen carefully to the left, because they perceive the left as the intellectual crowd that looks down upon them.
August 14, 2008 8:38 PM | Reply | Permalink
We have multiplied out possessions,but reduced out values runescape money
August 14, 2008 11:24 PM | Reply | Permalink