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Our Moment in History

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Thanks to Todd and Matt for their great posts and I want to pick up on a point that Matt made about the importance of context in great speechwriting. Matt was absolutely right to highlight it: the most effective campaign speeches have generally been those that most closely reflected the desires of the American people.

As Todd Gitlin noted, Herbert Hoover's "tribute to rugged individualism" was a product of a specific moment in history - the calm before the storm of the Great Depression. As the famed historian Richard Hofstadter said of our 29th President, "The things Hoover believed in - efficiency, enterprise, opportunity, individualism, substantial laissez-faire, personal success, material welfare - were all in the dominant American tradition. The ideas he represented - ideas that to so many people made him seem hateful or ridiculous after 1929 - were precisely the same ideas that in the remotest past of the nineteenth century and the more immediate past of the New Era had had an almost irresistible lure for the majority of Americans."

Of course, as we all know, by 1932 Hoover was hopelessly out of touch; practically an overnight anachronism, unable and unwilling to shift course. Instead it was FDR's call for bold, persistent experimentation and his pledge of a New Deal for the American people that resonated. Nonetheless, it's worth noting that even in 1932, as the country was mired in economic depression, Roosevelt did not run for President on a liberal agenda. He even attacked Hoover for increasing government spending and not balancing the budget. Roosevelt understood that while the country was ready to reject conservatism at the polls, it didn't mean voters were ready to embrace liberalism. That would come later. As a speechwriter, you're always taught that the first lesson is to know your audience and that was certainly the case with FDR, who had almost a preternatural ability to understand the political temperature of the country at any given moment.

Another great example of this phenomenon is our most maligned President, the eminently forgettable Warren Harding. When Harding ran for President in 1920, the country was exhausted from eight years of progressive politics and the national tumult over America's entry into World War I and the subsequent battles over the League of Nations. So even though Harding's speeches were described by H.L. Mencken as akin to a "hippopotamus struggling to free itself from a slough of molasses," it was little surprise that voters overwhelmingly responded to his message of "not heroics, but healing; not nostrums, but normalcy; not revolution, but restoration; not agitation, but adjustment; not surgery, but serenity; not the dramatic, but the dispassionate; not experiment, but equipoise; not submergence in internationality but sustainment in triumphant nationality."

Amazingly these rather unaffecting words captured the mood of the American people in 1920- helping Harding score more than 60% of the popular vote.
Of course, for all the success of these speeches - there are those that didn't work so well and were out of step with the direction the American people wanted the country to go: To my mind one of the most interesting examples is Mario Cuomo's legendary 1984 keynote address to the Democratic convention.
Today, it's considered one of the finest speeches in recent American oratory, but for all its beauty it failed to reflect the larger context of American politics in the mid-1980s. By that point, the once dominant New Deal Coalition that helped Democrats dominate American politics from the 1930s to the 1970s was moving away from traditional class warfare rhetoric and charges of Republican 'heartlessness.'

FDR's "forgotten man" had become a middle manager living in suburbia with 2 children, a mortgage to pay off and a gnawing fear about how he/she was going to make ends meet. As the America people's financial and political concerns were changing, the Democrats were seemingly still wedded to the ideologies of the past -- unwilling and seemingly unable to evolve.

For millions of Americans, the Democrats were becoming the party of big government solutions, loyalty to liberal interest groups and tax-and-spend economic policies. The populism that had once driven the Democrat's success was now seen as reserved for the poor - not the middle class. Moreover, at a time when Americans were happy with the direction of the country, Cuomo was offering a vision of America that ran counter to what millions were seeing outside their own windows and in their neighborhoods. The economic uncertainty to which Cuomo spoke; the calls for social justice and the focus on the poorest members of American society didn't reflect the concerns of the middle class.

What's worse, Cuomo's message was sounding depressingly paternalistic and even elitist. Cuomo pledged that Democrats must guide the American people to their way of thinking. "We must get the American public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship to the reality, the hard substance of things" and the party "will bring people to their senses" Cuomo argued. He told the assembled delegates. He bemoaned that the "disastrous quality" of the President's record was "not more fully understood by the American people." How did he explain this apparent 'disconnect;' "I can only attribute to the President's amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product," said Cuomo. There was in Cuomo's words an unmistakable sense that Americans were not smart enough to see the 'real' troubles in the country.

Cuomo's words were beautiful and moving, but they were more reflective of the past than the challenges of the present and the future. For all his eloquence, Cuomo did little to arrest the Democrats continuing decline - if anything, it likely reinforced it and placed the country in even greater lockstep with the conservative populism being preached by Ronald Reagan and the Republican Party.
Sometimes a great campaign speech; even one with a powerful idea will flat if it fails to resonate with the larger audience. In many respects, Cuomo's wonderful keynote is the quintessential example.

There is a lesson here for Obama and McCain. At a time when the country is worried about the direction of the country and intensely worried about the economy they will be looking for a message from the two candidates that speaks directly to those concerns. Here again, Obama is doing a much better job -- and that context really matters.

Obama's message is one of overriding change; a not surprisingly powerful theme for a change election. McCain's message is you can't trust the other guy. Now in some elections that strategy will work pretty well; 1988 and 2004 come to mind. But, historically Americans have found a far greater propensity to embrace change at times of national upheaval - this was certainly the case in 1932, 1960, 1968, 1980 and 1992.. In each of these elections, relatively untested leaders (and in the case of Richard Nixon in 1968, generally disliked) were to able to break through because the desire for change was significantly greater than the desire to maintain the status quo.

I've made this point in my earlier post, but McCain is really dropping the ball on this one. He is spending all of his time talking about the iniquities of his opponent and not enough about his plans to get the country out of its national funk. He is, to Matt's point, missing the larger context of the 2008 race for the White House. Until McCain figures out a way to put forward a message that reflects the larger desire for change he's going to have a very hard time bringing undecided voters on board; no matter how good a job he does at scaring Americans about Barack Hussein Obama.


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Dog lit: Sorry, I couldn't suppress this:

"There is a tide in the affairs of men, which if taken at the flood leads on to victory."

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I can't let it go. The proper quotation: Not too much, I hope.

There is a tide in the affairs of men
Which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune;
Omitted, all the voyage of their life
Is bound in shallows and in miseries.

William Shakespeare, "Julius Caesar", Act 4 scene 3

Not to nitpick, but a first draft of Act 4 Scene 3 was published by Oxford Press earlier this year:

There is an ebb of flow of sea-water
Which if a ship sets sail at dawn's break, passes all reefs'
Ever later, flounders
A Kingdom for that early ship
Out damn tide, anon, anon

I hope McCain's dropping the ball comes back to bite him in the rear. I'm tired of living in Fear Nation.

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Of course, as we all know, by 1932 Hoover was hopelessly out of touch; practically an overnight anachronism, unable and unwilling to shift course.

"[P]ractically the whole New Deal was extrapolated from programs that Hoover started." Rexford Tugwell, leftist member of FDR's Brain Trust. Time Magazine cover, here.

Maybe, what "we all know" has been spoon fed to us and we've swallowed it down, uncritically.

I notice Obama does his best when he is talking about turning a new page in American politics or during his trip to Germany and telling the crowd that he would end the Cold War psyche that still haunts American foreign policy. In this regard Obama is a transformational figure like FDR and McCain resembles Hoover. However Obama mangages to get himself into trouble when he descibes his life story. No matter how positive his own personal story is to the public, the press and the McCain campaign manage to always jump on him such as Obama's comment that his face is different from past presidents faces on dollar bills. If the Obama wants to win the election, he needs to concentrate on grand themes and criticisms of John McCain while avoiding his personal life story, no matter how uplifting it is to a vast number of the American people.

The political rhetoric has to fit the social, economic and political times.

In 1837 the U.S. entered the second deepest and longest recession it has ever endured, in part because of Andrew Jackson's refusal to renew the Charter of the Second Bank of the U.S. But the bank problem was not recognized by economists for years after.

The Whigs ran against Martin Van Buren on a platform that sounded remarkably like that of both Hoover and modern movement conservatives and lost.

Historian Daniel Feller stated "It was one thing to invite people to thrive on their own, another to tell them to suffer on their own." [From a footnote on p. 505 of "What Hath God Wrought" by Daniel Walker Howe.]

It has surprised me to find how much of the American political rhetoric from the period of Andrew Jackson and Thomas Jefferson seems to be recycled by modern politicians. But you are exactly correct -- the rhetoric of the politicians has to match the tenor of the times.

I'd ought to add that Ex-Senator and current Swiss Banker Phil Gramm's recent statement that the American public consists of a bunch of whiners is a perfect example of a politician telling people "Go suffer on your own - quietly and out of sight."

Not good politics at all considering the current and anticipated state of the economy which is still getting worse instead of better.

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Rather than the failure to renew the Second Bank's charter the more likely cause of the Panic of 1837 was rampant speculation in public lands abetted by Jackson's policy of running a federal government surplus -- thus, providing funds in the state banks to fuel the land speculation.

Whether depositing government funds in a "national bank" -- had the charter been renewed -- would have limited the speculation cannot be known. Personally, I think not -- "animal spirits" being much alike wherever they be found.

You've made excellent points, points I skipped over.

The core of the problem caused by nonrenewal of the Second Bank of the U.S. was the lack of any central authority who could control the money supply, together with the elimination of a central issuer of banknotes. Apparently there was also a recession in Great Britain, requiring British banks to recall the specie they had previously lent to the U.S.

There were several times in my economics classes that professors said that the government badly needed some debt so that it could better manage the economy. You are quite right that the absence of a federal debt caused more of the problem. It didn't help that the government did not think they had the Constitutional authority to step in and attempt to alleviate the problems caused by the recession.

At least these were some of the points Howe made in "What Hath God Wrought."

But my point is that many of the causes of the recession - the longest and deepest before the Great Depression of the 1930's - were the fault of Andrew Jackson and his policies. Fortunately for Martin Van Buren, his chosen successor, there were no economists with enough understanding of the economy to pin the rap on Jackson and the Democratic Republicans who were becoming known as the Democrats. Besides - Van Buren had already been elected in 1936.

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Jackson was rightly proud of investment in canals and roads and the increase in workers' wages which resulted. I don't recall what he thought of land speculation or whether he (or anyone else, for that matter) knew anything much about credit cycles back then.

Per your old economic history courses do you recollect what the average Western bank's reserve ratio would have been immediately before the Panic? and were those banks borrowing heavily from New York City and other money center banks?

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Thanks for the interchange, Ellen and Richard, from one reader.

(Ran across some fun stuff here: Andrew Jackson: Part Four - Biddle vs. Old Hickory)

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