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Of Writers and Leaders

Why didn't George W. Bush do better as a leader? Why didn't he win the election of 2002, and why, despite his almost-inevitable war-time re-election four years later, did his approval ratings sink as low as those of European leaders in multi-party democracies where majority approval barely exists?

Bush's negligible inexperience at governing before coming to Washington probably had something to do with it. So did his cushioned, elitist background, his over-compensatory gestures to the contrary notwithstanding.

But the root of it is probably this: Deep down, Bush has always been a sojourner. Even people who believed him authentic as a leader because grounded in middle-American values now sense that because of his unusual background and temperament, George W. Bush actually has lived apart. And unlike Barack Obama, Bush hasn't known what to make of it, personally or politically. Comparing them tells us a lot about leadership.

Bush put one foot in the institutions he rose through on his journey but never fully engaged. As a result, many voters - even some who supported him -- had trouble placing him in his context, understanding the roots and values in which he is intellectually embedded.

He grew up in Midland, sort-of, but everybody knows that he was born in the shadow of Yale, in New Haven, Connecticut, where his grandfather became a U.S. Senator, and that even when his father decided to try his luck in Texas, the family made sure to send him back to high school in an elite Massachusetts prep school and to his father's alma mater, Yale.

George W. was moderately popular and charismatic there, but he took no part in the intellectual or political life in those interesting times. He didn't go far in athletics, either, failing to make varsity baseball settling for a less "American" rugby team, wher e he played badly and illegally, as I have shown elsewhere. (Bush wasn't all that more comfortable at Yale than had been Dick Cheney, who dropped out of Yale in 1961, after his sophomore year, and ended up attending college in both the East and the West.)

This pattern of being in but not of institutions has been consistent throughout Bush's odyssey. He was in uniform during the Vietnam War, yet he wasn't in the war. In fact, he wasn't even in the National Guard on anything like the terms under which others entered or remained in it.

Bush became an oilman, but not really. His business ventures depended so heavily on his father's political connections that it's a stretch to say he was even really in the private sector. As a governor, he schmoozed amicably enough, but comparisons with other governors who became Presidents have shown that he didn't govern much, unless you call the work he did with Alberto Gonzales and Harriet Meiers in Austin governing

And so it goes. Bush is a conservative, but not in a sense that any conservatives I know of now want to claim. He has sometimes opposed the Washington political establishment, but he was cozy enough with the most corrupt and inept Republican congressional establishment since Harding, if not Rutherford B. Hayes.

While Barack Obama's ability to stand apart from institutions while serving honorably in them reflected and strengthened fantastic powers of observation that will serve him well as a leader, Bush's apartness led to feverishly over-compensatory pretenses of belonging - from that swaggering "Mission Accomplished" flight-deck landing to his Terry Schiavo flight from Crawford to Washington, and on and on.

When we're judging candidates (or friends), we don't just judge the individuals but the milieus that produced them. Bush was born with a silver foot in his mouth, as Ann Richards, his predecessor in the Texas statehouse, put it memorably. Obama had to take disparate parts of his past and construct an identity that includes far more of America's realities, both immigrant and African-American, than have even been dreamt of by George Bush.

We have to judge candidates by the connections that exist beyond choice, of course. George W. Bush, for example, was so limited by his privilege and prevaricating that his understanding of leadership never rose above taking cues from stronger men like Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld, or giving orders to weaker ones like Alberto Gonzales.

Obama's unchosen connections have limited him, too: Obama finds it difficult to project too forceful an image during a campaign because, as everyone in America knows, if a black man arches an eyebrow in public he is suspected of barely containing volcanic rage. (In contrast, when John McCain actually does erupt, owing to deep-seated, pent-up and unresolved conflicts, it's barely noted.)

Here is a column about this very subject by David Brooks from today's New York Times. Brooks, you will remember, campaigned assiduously for George W. Bush, whom he likened to Teddy Roosevelt while accusing John Kerry of having a "brain of sculpted marshmallow". Now, he is doing the same thing to Obama, this time on behalf of John McCain.

It's enough to make you wonder about Brooks' own authenticity and leadership skills. But that is a subject for another time. Here, for now, is his intellectual leadership itself.


Comments (42)

Brooks has a point, though.

John McCain's Prodigal Son narrative is familiar and estimable. Barrack Obama's Jay Gatsby (Joe Gillis) loses the girl and winds up floating dead in his pool.

I agree that there was something intriguing about this particular Brooks narrative, and I like your Gatsby connection, that's intriguing too. In a way, isn't there also something reminiscent of Fitzgerald in general in Dreams from My Father?

Not to push the parallel too far, but what is Daisy -- the American voter -- looking for and why does she stay with Tom?

Does she sense that there's something not quite right with Gatsby's self-creation? Not that there's something wrong with him, exactly, but that there's no there there?

But then, how explain Richard Nixon, the "least 'authentic' man alive"? or did RMN just hang around so long that he became part of the family or at least part of its collection of knick-knacks?

Forgive me Ellen but I have to point this out

In your "the least 'authentic' man alive" there is ambiguity as to what you are trying to do.
If you are trying to quote within a quote, I guess that would be ok but I can't discern who you are quoting quoting. Why is 'authentic' nested?

In semantics and logic the single quote is used to mention a word (the word within the single quotes as in 'tree' has four letters) but you can't be doing that since then the sentence would not make sense.

So you must be quoting within a quote but pray tell who are all these persons you are quoting?

Forgive me Ellen but . . . .

No apology necessary but . . . .

If you go to the linked page and therein, search the quoted language, you will find the quoted phrase -- whether the quotation marks around the word authentic are Garry Wills' or Leonard's, however, is hard to determine. I'm thinking they're Wills'.

As an aside -- and as an example of what Brooks is engaged in doing -- the Wills book, Nixon Agonistes: The Crisis of the Self-Made Man, is generally considered the gold standard. It's, also, a great read.

Leonard has it as:

the "least 'authentic' man alive, the late mover, tester of responses, submissive to the discipline of consent.'

Now that is definitely wrong in all possible worlds.

If you are nesting quotes within quotes you have to follow the rule of matching quote marks with the unquote marks. Your abbreviated version of Leonard's attempt fixes his mix up by matching the outer quotes (" with ") and matching the nested quote (' with ').
(In higher order nesting you have to alternate between the double quote and the single quote to keep the scope of the quote clear).

Re: Brooks. I'm suspicious of any writer who tries to manipulate the dialogue by blurring his own overall position from article to article. Human nature does not really work that way and Brooks is no exception, so it leads me to suspect that he is jerking us around.

'Fraid I'm not big on "authorial intention" -- for me, the text is public; who the author is doesn't much matter.*

* Although I try to keep my noggin on the qui vive when reading known polemicists.

I'm not really seeing it. Jay Gatsby was a loner, who hid and stood aloof from his own parties. Obama seems to have accumulated a healthy number of stable friends, and is by most accounts gregarious and naturally sociable. Gatsby was intensely secretive, and tried to keep his past hidden in order to maintain his manufactured identity. For the most part, Obama's past life is an open book. Sure, there are always secrets and more things to learn about any politician; and all politicians cultivate a public identity that differs in some way from the real story. But I don't see Obama as particularly secretive. He actually seems more forthcoming than most.

Obama seems like a "regular guy" to me. Of course, I used to play a lot of pickup basketball, and tend to like other guys who like to do the same. So maybe that's just me. But it seems to me that if a black guy seems fairly normal, a lot of white people are still going to fantasize that he must have the crack babies, secret hos, Elijah Muhammad cassette tapes and gang-banger paraphernalia hidden in the basement. There's not much you can do if people are determined to think there always must be some deep dark secrets they don't know yet, and assume that since the person they see doesn't match the person of their fantasies, the man must be inauthentic.

And some people will always find a lack of self-control to be comfortably authentic. Maybe Obama should call his wife a cunt more often, or take more bribes. Maybe if he had Tourette's syndrome, people would feel like they "really know him". Maybe he should just take a dump on the sidewalk so we can all examine it and discover his deepest inner nature.

But personally, I'm a bit tired of the all gut, no head approach. I like people who think things through, including what they say and how they live their lives, and I don't think it is too much to expect that a president should have slightly above average self-discipline. I'd prefer our responsible office-holders to keep their wayward impulses and random ejaculations of hatred and frustration to themselves.

. . . a healthy number of stable friends . . . .

I'll admit I don't know much if anything about Obama's personal life, but other than Jeremiah Wright and Tony Rezko, who are Obama's friends? And I don't mean "Friends of the Future President." or, for that matter, women friends.

I agree, Brooks does have a point about Obama and I don't think it's anything like the problem we got with Bush. Bush is simply a spoiled brat rich kid who never grew up. He has the emotional maturity of a 2 year old. But Obama isn't fully connecting with most people and they aren't that sure what they're getting. They may decide to vote for him but they're not going to ever say they'd like to have a beer with him.

As for the prodigal son, fortunately McCain is looking more like the prodigal great grand-father.

But Obama isn't fully connecting with most people and they aren't that sure what they're getting. They may decide to vote for him but they're not going to ever say they'd like to have a beer with him.

Probably true. Most white American guys are nervous about having a beer with a black American guy, even if said black American is honest, has a good sense of humor, likes to shoot hoops with them in the gym and is an excellent poker player. They're afraid of what will happen when they get one or two beers in their bellies. They're afraid that they will make an embarrassing mistake.

It turns out Obama is black. And blacks and whites in America don't have a great track record of connecting, over beer or otherwise.

Is that because each cannot tell when or if the other is being authentic?

And from the point of view of the white man, he can never be sure that the black man isn't shuckin' 'n' jivin' him -- Jumping Jim Crow and all the while laughing at him?

Unlike John McCain Barack Obama carries the burden of proving his authenticity.

Why didn't George W. Bush do better as a leader? Why didn't he win the election of 2002

Maybe because there was no Presidential election in 2002?

With all the discussion lately about personal ambition in presidential candidates, I thought again about how Bush never really seemed to have the drive to be president, took a more "what the heck, if they want it, I'll try it" attitude. It seemed like 9/11 gave him a "chosen by God" drive to stay. If 9/11 hadn't happened, and he hadn't fallen for the pre-emptive and neo-con thing, and the related issues about Dad not finishing the job with Saddam, I wonder if he would have really even wanted a second term. Apart from Iraq and education, he seems to have little passion for the job.

Steve Sailer has suggested that Dubya really, really, wanted to win the presidency, but he didn't really care about actually being President.

I realize this post is mainly a parody of Brooks, but to the extent that the idea is being taken seriously that Bush failed politically because of some sort of defect in his personal narrative, or a dissonance in the vibe he projects to ordinary Americans, I'm not buying it.

Bush failed because, at bottom, at the level where the hard, actual reality of inherent competence or incompetence trumps back story, punditry, narrative and spin, Bush is an idiot. There was nothing wrong with his personal narrative or vibe. That is, there was nothing wrong with his narrative and vibe that couldn't have been patched up and reworked into a success story, if Bush had proved up to the job. But he wasn't up to the job. And that's not because of his affective distance or rootlessness. It's because he's an uneducated moron. And he is a moron in a job that is unforgiving of morons. He reached a level where he couldn't fake it anymore, or get bailed out by paternal string pulling at higher levels. He was at the highest level already, and when the buck stopped at his desk it turned out he never learned how to count and couldn't make change.

We know how the Bush life narrative was supposed to go to get to the happy and inspiring ending. Yes, he’s the classic spoiled, preppy brat. Yes, he’s the drunken, rugby club frat boy who probably spent his college days puking a lot and date-raping the drunk chicks at the rugby kegger. Yes, he’s the draft-dodging wannabe with the intimidating father, who is handed the keys to the kingdom through no merit of his own.

It's a classic American yarn. And we know how its supposed to turn out happily in the land of fiction. He meets the one pretty but independent-spirited cheerleader of impervious virtue and determined moral strength, the one who takes no crap, yet sees the good in him, and challenges him to discover and live out his true potential and destiny for greatness. It's supposed to turn out that he has all sorts of hidden talents and untapped potential that finally surge to the top when he is challenged by those critical, climactic, life-shaping events.

But there is a real world, and it isn't fiction. So in order for the happy ending to occur, it has to be the case that this non-fictional man actually does possess those hidden talents and unfulfilled potentialites. But that just wasn't the case with Bush. The Republicans thought America was living on easy street at the prosperous and unexciting end of history. So they thought all you needed was a guy who looked the part. But the world turned out to be more interesting than that; and it also turns out that it is just not true any fool can be president.

Abe Lincoln could have been the same homely and sinewy rail splitter; the same log cabin, backwoods purveyor of wry and impish homespun; the same backslapping honest Abe. But if it turned out that he couldn't find Antietam or Vicksburg on a map, or that didn't really understand the difference between an Abolitionist and a Secessionist, he would have been an utter political failure, narrative or no narrative, vibe or no vibe.

If Dwight Eisenhower had sunk the invasion fleet or commanded it into an invasion-ending ambush, he would have been a catastrophic political failure too. It doesn't matter how Americans perceived him before that, or what they might have "sensed" about him. Fortunately, he seems to have actually known something about what he was doing, about generalship.

Bush failed because he didn't really know what he was doing; and like most people who don't know what they are doing, he fucked up. In the real world, there is no special providence watching over fools and children. When fools drive their car off the cliff, they are not gently blown over to the other side by guardian angels. They crash at the bottom of the cliff.

Bush is Barbara's son. George W. like JFK believed wealth required service. Barbara believes wealth bestows entitlement.

Yep. Can't get with that noblesse oblige thingie - too French!

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I'm sure you meant that George H. W. believed wealth required service.

Yes, thanks.

It's enough to make you wonder about Brooks' own authenticity and leadership skills.

I think expecting pundits to have leadership skills is a very odd expectation.

On authenticity, I am puzzled that this essay bothers you. You come to his essay with your own grievances about his past writing. I don't see that application necessary in this case.

You seem to take his opening framing question--why isn't Obama doing better?--as showing intent to weave some kind of smear about Obama.

I don't get this reading of the essay. Rather, it's someone who has read and pondered both candidates' memoirs and is applying his interpretation of them to that question. First, you don't even have to accept the premise of the question if you don't want. Second, he is using memoirs, memoirs which, by writing and publishing them, both candidates purposefully participated in trying to express a self-image to the public at large. Brooks compares and interprets the messages he saw in those two books as applies to his inital question.

He himself markets his our commentary as right of center so you already know what you're getting as far as slant, that part is no big secret, no dishonesty about the slant you're getting.

What's wrong with that? If the candidates didn't want people using their books this way, they shouldn't have written them. It's pretty clear that by publishing, each was trying to inspire their readers a certain way. What Brooks gets from them in that regard is definitely fair game. Everyone else is free to read something else into them. It's just sharing an interpretation. It's not working a plot against a presidential campaign; if it happens to resound, then Brooks is thinking like a lot of others, if not, not.

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1. Yes, Obama wrote his own books and should expect people to interpret them. But I’m -- well -- puzzled as to why Brooks thinks he possesses the knowledge of how to interpret Obama’s use of a passage from the Bible. He paints being a “sojourner” as a bad thing. I doubt that was the author’s intention (though I could be wrong).

2. When Brooks says that Obama has problems with the electorate because “he’s a sojourner,” he makes a kind of psychotherapeutic argument. (Sometimes this kind of argument is associated with liberals, especially by libertarians, maybe by people like Ann Coulter.) Brooks is drawing on a theory that the psychologically and socially “uprooted” person is less mentally healthy than the “rooted” person.

Brooks said basically the same thing, in a more simplified and more partisan form, on Face the Nation.


Have to say that I've changed my mind about Brooks. His NYT piece is really brilliant.

For some reason Sleeper's take on Brooks, I think, misses a fundamental difference between Bush and Obama.

Brooks' central point has to do with Obama's not being fully "of" any community per se. There is pathos in Obama as he tries to connect with the rest of us. It is not exactly coolness so much as a weariness of misplaced familiarity.

Bush--as Sleeper points out--is also not "of" any place either. But there is a deep difference here.

Bush finds himself in a milieu that demands and expects things of him that he cannot deliver on.

He is trapped.

He feels he has to play the cards that he has been dealt and he does the best he can. This much we have to grant the man.

Obama's aloofness stems from transcendence. He did not grow up a child of privilege deep in the heart of the American aristocracy. He grew up an observer.

Obama's gift is his uncanny ability to see things from a slight distance. I see in him a person keenly aware of himself and his surroundings. Unusual for a politician I would say.

Recall Socrates "the unexamined life is not worth living"

Nobody can doubt Obama's exceptional skill of examination, self or otherwise.

In a sense both men live removed from the community such as it is. Bush because he simply cannot live up to what is expected of him and Obama because he transcends it.

Bush's alienation is forced and the source of much of his anger. Obama's “alienation” is not tumultuous and comes with the territory of a thoughtful life. It remains to be seen whether Obama can handle the great power that he seeks with virtue and equanimity.


If there were an edit function I would have changed "it remains to be seen..." to "it remains to be seen (or not)..."

I think Brook's point is that Obama is not of the caste that includes Brooks, Dowd and every other snide, elitist Beltway douche who regarded Bill Clinton as "Bubba" and wondered aloud who invited the Beverly Hillbillies.

Brooks' choice of the word Sojourner makes it pretty obvious which word he means to substitute for "Bubba."

Maybe I have to re read Brooks, but I did not get the impression that it was a sly slam on Obama.

Saying that it is pop psychology does not do it justice. There is no doubt that Obama is in some sense aloof, but not in a bad way and I don't read Brooks as putting a negative spin on it exactly.

To connect this thread with MJ's fretting about Obama being painted as an "angry black man", it seems that this curious aloofness fits in with that discussion.

So it all comes down to Obama being a sojourner eh?

I would not read the tea leaves too much on that one.

Recall my earlier comment that Bush started out as just the opposite: he was born into the heart of American political power yet that has been his undoing because he could not live up to it so he winds up a tragic figure.

For someone who often in retrospect wishes he did not fly off the handle so easily, I admire Obama's ability to be cool under pressure.

We don't need another faux scrapper who people want to sit down and have a beer with.

I daresay that if I really did sit down with Bush and had a few beers, I would hear a tale of woe.

But if you sit down with Joe six pack for a couple of beers and pry just a bit you would hear similar tales of failure.

I'd actually like to sit down with Obama over coffee and find out whether his aloofness is a sign of hollowness or of (as I said above) a thinking man. I suspect the latter.

I agree. I didn't see the column as a slam. He made some accurate observations about Obama's personality which may make it somewhat more difficult for him to connect with voters and get elected. But I don't think his description of Obama means he'd be a bad President if elected. He might be more likely to sit back and observe the interaction of experts, his cabinet, other politicians and then weigh in with his decision rather than taking a more engaged position from the beginning. That's a management style. I don't see a problem with it.

But because he stands back a bit rather than show visible passion for any issue, it makes it more difficult for people to get a gut feeling about his priorities and too many Americans don't hang around to get the details so he misses the opportunity to connect quickly on the voter's hot button be it war, energy, health care, etc.

Bush failed because he didn't really know what he was doing; and like most people who don't know what they are doing, he fucked up. In the real world, there is no special providence watching over fools and children. When fools drive their car off the cliff, they are not gently blown over to the other side by guardian angels. They crash at the bottom of the cliff.

I agree with you about what a terrible President Bush is, but disagree that he failed. Bush is of the rich, by the rich and for the rich. Plain and simple. His circle of friends includes nobody who earns less than six figures and darned few who earn under seven. (The hired help don't count.) Everyday, ordinary folks, in Bush's orbit, are multimillionaires.

On his own terms, Bush is appallingly successful. Just to give one example, Bush was deeply troubled by the tremendous suffering wrought by Hurricane Katrina that the Federal government promptly sprang into action. Thankfully, casinos in Biloxi, MS are fully operational and the luxury high rise beach condos in Gulf Shores, AL are beautifully restored.

So much for electing a guy you could have a beer with - Prezdint Chimpy proved he didn't want to have a beer with you!

Brooks has a point, though. [...] Posted by Ellen August 5, 2008 5:10 PM | Reply | Permalink
I agree that there was something intriguing about this particular Brooks narrative, [...] Posted by artappraiser August 5, 2008 7:37 PM | Reply | Permalink

I don't agree that Brooks has a point. I think he invented a cockamamie explanation for some plausible, disingenuous nonsense that he just made up. The nonsense is that David Brooks knows a priori that Sen. Obama should be polling much better than he does. Brooks offers no support for his intuition, which is

Now it's obvious (to me, a partisan Democrat and an Obama supporter) that Obama should be winning by about 90-10. Brooks is plausible because he tells me something I already believe, and disingenuous because he really believes no such thing.

So. Brooks' cockamamie explanation is that Obama's a Remember the elitist, Beltway douche consensus about Bill Clinton? There goes the neighborhood! Who let the Beverly Hillbillies in? Substitute "Black man" for "Bubba" and a whole decade of Brooks and Dowd columns just rewrote themselves.

Wow, I botched my link. it was supposed to read:

So. Brooks' cockamamie explanation is that Obama's a Sojourner?

Remember the elitist, Beltway douche consensus about Bill Clinton? There goes the neighborhood! Who let the Beverly Hillbillies in? Substitute "Black man" for "Bubba" and a whole decade of Brooks and Dowd columns just rewrote themselves.

Hermeneutics: Allusions and Intertexuality

Problem #1: To what is the allusion referring?

Problem #2: Who controls the reference? The author or the reader?

Reading Brooks' column I am first reminded of this Biblical phrase: And she bore a son, and he called his name Gershom; for he [Moses] said, I have been a sojourner in a foreign land. Ex.2:22; Darby Bible. Note: The KJV has it "stranger in a strange land."

But Brooks is a Jew, and from my quick tour around the internet, I conclude that the various Torah translations more often employ sojourner which midrash define as an alien (that is, one who is not circumcized) but one who is not an idolator.

I conclude that Brooks' reference is to Moses [Ex.4:25-6], who until his wife Zipporah cut off the foreskin of her "bloody husband" (or was it her son Gershom's foreskin?) was what he said he was -- a sojourner, that is, one not yet integrated into the community and not yet ready to lead God's people.

Make of it what you will.

But on or about June 29, 2007, human character changed. David Brooks 8/08/2008

If you don't catch the allusion to a famous piece of facetious hyperbole, you probably don't enjoy reading Brooks.

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I guess today's Brooks column is a parody of Adorno?

In your opinion, is Brooks quoting Woolf to parody liberal feminists? Is the allusion now a meme that has no cultural or political referent anymore? Or, has it passed into the cultural mainstream, and therefore into the realm of conservatism? I have no idea. All I know is that he's hostile to something new that he contrasts to something old. I guess as a conservative it's his job to say how bad everything new is.

Brooks works manfully to cram Obama into his pop sociological theory about post-boomer meritocrats, and sojourning rolling stones with radically reconstructed identities. But the shoes don’t fit.

Obama has lived in Chicago for over twenty years, and almost his entire adult life. He is a fixture of the Chicago scene and a local hero in Hyde Park, where he has built his entire career, and established and raised his family, and where he is very well-known and frequently seen around the neighborhood.

Like most of us, Obama has had more than one job in his life, occasionally seeking new challenges, new opportunities and greater responsibility. But he has pretty much done this in one place and one community. Obama didn’t quit being a community organizer just before the organizing started to be successful, but was in fact very successful as a community organizer; and was then very successful as a State senator, a job that is natural extension of the first job. He was a very successful college professor too. Brooks’s attempt to paint Obama as some sort of uneasy and rootless drifter, standing apart from everything and tirelessly moving onward and upward from restless ambition and a fluid identity, is a slur and is false to Obama’s life.

For several months the problem with Obama, according to conservatives, was supposed to be that he is too much a Chicago pol, too rooted in the Chicago way, too much a part of his Chicago neighborhood and the dirty Chicago political system. That approach didn’t work too well for him, so now they are trying the angle that the problem with Obama is that he is not a Chicago pol, and he is too “apart” from the place he has pursued his entire career. Slick tacking, Republicans!

While Obama was teaching at the University of Chicago, he also worked for a law firm. He was also a legislator at the same. It is not at all uncommon for people who are lecturers at a university, but who have other careers going at the same time, to leave the long-term institutional questions to the career academics who are invested entirely in the academic life – to the tenured and tenure-tracked. If you think this is at all an unusual situation, or bespeaks a notable “apartness”, you have never been at a university and don’t understand the different elements of a university faculty. As for the notion that Obama was “in the legislature” but not “of the legislature”, you could probably say the same thing about anyone who has become a governor, a senator or a president. Not all state legislators are state senate lifers. How many people are? Don’t most of them eventually do something else?

Obama has an extremely coherent political philosophy, a philosophy that has remained quite consistent since he began articulating it years ago in books and speeches. He occasionally changes a position on some policy detail, but the philosophy doesn’t appear to change. If it differs in some ways from boomer-era liberalism, that is because Obama’s political outlook has a strong religious and communitarian dimension that places demands on individuals beyond those proposed by the liberationist, rights-based individualism of late 20th-century liberalism. Brooks again tries to pervert this into the myth of the Obama of the vacillating and uncommitted identity, the guy who is "liberal, but not fully liberal". To me, the political philosophy a man with a strong sense of community and of transcendent, non-narcissistic purpose, which puts him at odds with some of the more superficial streams of fin-de-siecle, postmodern, lib-lefty thought. And of course if Obama were a conventional late 20th century liberal, that itself would be pointed to by Brooks as a sign of Obama’s weak and flip-floppy identity. Because that’s the line conservatives always take.

In my book, Brooks is just a conservative hack with a fancy New York veneer of pseudo-intellectuality, and his opinion piece is nothing but a rehash of tired conservative themes, dressed up in the language of Brooks’s cutesy social theories. I would remind people that conservatives have for years argued that liberalism is a rootless philosophy. They pull this charge out every four years. They tell their base the same story over and over: Real Americans don’t change. Real Americans aren’t pioneers, who leave their homes and head to the frontier seeking challenge and adventure. They aren’t emigrants and immigrants who leave their huddled masses in the Old Country for opportunity, and for a new and better life. Real Americans don’t leave town and go to college; they don’t get no fancy educations, or change and improve their ideas and thinking abilities in any way. Real Americans like to stay huddled around the campfire. They are god-fearingly afraid of terrorists; afraid of Spanish-speakers, afraid of challenge; afraid of Darwin; afraid of fast, smart women in high heels; afraid of big cities; afraid of pretty much everything – just like you Mr. and Mrs. America! Brooks is just ladling out the same demagogic right-wing slop with a splash of Manhattan seasoning.

Real Americans don’t leave town and go to college; they don’t get no fancy educations, or change and improve their ideas and thinking abilities in any way.

Never a truer word hath been spoken.

"Real Americans" are just another type you see out there. You give them far too much relevance by assuming they are some sort of core constituency able to elect or defeat any candidate for president.

Who's afraid of the Real American?

I can just as well argue the contrary. Real Americans are pioneers. They are inquisitive minds that seek to improve their lives on the way to improving the human condition.

I just don't think that Brooks is making the pitch that Dan K is making; at least not in this article.

I found his piece to be unusually sensitive for a guy who claims to champion the conservative cause. Real Americans (in the pejorative sense that Dan K presents) just can't grasp the subtleties that Brooks unearths.

Maybe it is just some New York seasoning but I cannot see George Will or a William Safire express those kinds of observations. One of the defining characteristics of conservatives is a lack of awareness of nuance.

Real Americans--in my book--are those with a pioneering spirit.

" just don't think that Brooks is making the pitch that Dan K is making"

should read

"I just don't think that Brooks is making the same pitch that Dan K is claiming he is making..."

I've been traveling and unable to read or respond to the comments. Let me just say that I think that Dan K is right, especially in his long comment above about the basic coherency of Obama's thinking and of the opportunism with which Brooks zeroes in on some of its inevitable contradictions and flaws.

Sure, Brooks "has a point;" almost everyone "has a point" in any debate. The question is why he chose to make that point, and not others, and how his use of the point serves a strategy that is evident in his other recent columns and, indeed, his record as a columnist.

In 2006, I noted here than on one of Brooks' feints to the left, he praised Obama's "deliberative mind," which he now characterizes as diffuse and dithering. This shift comes as the election approaches and Brooks gears up to do what he did in 2004 to disparage John Kerry to the benefit of the otherwise indefensible George W. Bush.

Brooks, a highly intelligent and insinuating writer, knows very well that he faces the formidable challenge of sowing at least some doubts about Obama among Times op-ed page readers, most of whom can be expected to vote for Obama. Brooks has spent a lot of time this winter and spring trying to convince readers that he is a deliberative columnist whose allegiances are open to persuasion, I have tracked this somewhat in past posts here. But as the election approaches, Brooks' columns are becoming basically the high end of the Republican ad campaign to sow doubts about Obama.

Sure, there are weaknesses in Obama: May I refer readers to my own past posts here, about Obama's neoliberalism,("Obama: Neoliberal or Civic Republican?") or about the elitism of some of his early supporters ("Obama's Greatest Weakness"), and so on? What matters about such criticisms, though, is whether a writer is airing them to benefit McCain or to strengthen Democratic self-awareness and candor.

There are also truly "disinterested" (that is, unbiased, public-spirited) critics, without any personal, partisan or ideological "interest" in the outcome but who do care for the republic and the good of the whole; I would like to think that such observers would by now have decided that Obama is the better bet for the very kind of discourse they rightly hope to preserve, but there is no dishonor in continuing to observe and to criticze without making or stating a choice. Their comments are still welcome and, indeed, often essential to democratic deliberation.

Brooks often poses as one of these disinterested observers, and sometimes he pulls it off. But to assess his credibility by that standard, you have to consider his record and his other recent columns -- blaming the mortgage meltdown on "a culture of debt" that has replaced "a culture of thrift"; claiming that Obama's European tour would have sickened Reinhold Niebuhr, and so on. (I can't think of anyone who would have "sickened" Niebhur more than David Brooks, for reasons I may someday find time and incination to explain.)

Obama is a somewhat professorial neoliberal, with communitarian and religious inflections, as Dan K. notes; he is also an experienced, if cautious, politician. He is also the first black man to make a truly credible run for the White House, and he has to balance the risk of making a false move against the risk of failing to fight when he must -- and the risk of picking the wrong things to fight on.

I would like to see him fight harder to describe the mortgage meltdown for what it is -- an assault by irresponsible Wall Street operators on the American people. It would take more guts for him to do this than we armchair warriors may recognize, but he will have to pick this and a couple of other issues to do it with, or else he is lost as surely as he will be if he gets "too" angry or picks the wrong issue. He has to summon a clean, magisterial anger of the kind we haven't yet seen in him, and summon it against McCain and Wall Street, if not also big Pharma or the military-industrial complex.

If that's what some people feel that Brooks was saying, sure, he has a point. But he wasn't saying it to prepare Obama for battle. He was saying it to demoralize Obama's supporters and clear some more wiggle room for the idea-less, temperamentally risky John McCain and his dozens of un-American advisors.


This ability to stand apart accounts for his fantastic powers of observation, and his skills as a writer and thinker

Obama’s “Dreams From My Father” is a journey forward, about a man who took the disparate parts of his past and constructed an identity of his own.

If you grew up in the 1950s, you were inclined to regard your identity as something you were born with. If you grew up in the 1970s, you were more likely to regard your identity as something you created.

If Obama is fully a member of any club — and perhaps he isn’t — it is the club of smart post-boomer meritocrats.____Brooks

Well Jim, I was merely looking at Brooks piece in isolation. I don't read him on a regular basis.

I did re-read it and I have to say based on what has been said here so far, I had a less favorable take than my first read. But I still like the general insight it conveys.


I disagree with your implication that Brooks is not entitled somehow to make points that might not be as favorable to Obama as one would wish.

That might have legs for an Obama ad campaign but this site is rather insular and there is no need for that.

One sure way to loise an election is to think that your candidate should not be looked at with a critical eye.

Brooks is entitled to cast his critical eye on Obama. We know he is a McCain operative. The point is I did not think it was just another cheap shot at Obama. The argument left me with a better understanding of Obama than before I read it. That's good enough for me to rate it as legitimate.

As to your question of why he had to make exactly THOSE particular points, I'm a little baffled by that question. Why not? They are for the most part illuminating.

It can be argued that--accepting your meta analysis of Brooks as someone who feigns to the left on occasion to dupe some fraction of NYT readers--I should be more circumspect in my praise for this particular writer. But I think that’s somewhat mistaken.

The enigmatic aspect of Obama's character is evident. It helps if Brooks (or anyone really) digs into that aspect and gives us some theory of what’s behind it. I think Brooks theory has some merit.

It can only help Obama’s campaign.

So I am grateful to Brooks for bringing this issue to our attention.

It lead to what I consider a fruitful discussion here.

Keep your friends close but your enemies even closer (or something like that)


Brooks' column inspired several thought-provoking Letters to the Editor, they are here. I especially liked this one:

To the Editor:

David Brooks’s analysis of Barack Obama is familiar to anyone who grew up traveling overseas. Children of Foreign Service officers, the military, corporate workers transferred between different international locations — all learn these powers of observation, all learn exactly who they are but never exactly where they are.

As the child of a Foreign Service officer, I recognize Mr. Obama and myself in this analysis all too clearly. We have a profound love of America, for we have seen so many alternatives. We love home with the intensity of someone who has not been there as much as he wanted. We see its virtues and its faults all too clearly, and we love the place. We also know all the virtues and all the faults of so many other places, having been there, too.

Steve Holton
Ossining, N.Y., Aug. 5, 2008

I still think you are wrong about the column, it was a good one, such varied and thoughtful reactions are proof.

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