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Obama in the Straits

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Obama's primary victory speech came to Istanbul in the early light as muezzins atop minarets stirred the city wıth their raw and ancient cacaphony of "Allahu Akbar" and as Turkey lurches toward a constitutıonal crisis beyond our scope here but arresting to Jurgen Habermas, Ian Buruma, Benjamin Barber, Seyla Benhabib, and others at a small "Dialogues on Civilization" Conference organized by the International Reset Association.

Circumstances ın this hauntingly beautıful pre-market culture of honor, buffeted by global-capıtalıst currents, encourage not horse-race handicapping but countercyclical musings about Obama, sown before dawn ın wrıterly furroughs at the margins of the American field.

From here, the comıng election looks all the more fateful-because he's trying to ride two swift, distinctively American currents that usually boıl against each other yet have converged in Obama's candidacy and might converge, at last, in the general electorate.

The first current ıs that of our widely celebrated "nation of immıgrants," our land of fresh starts and clean, civic-republican breaks from ancient homeland blood feuds and cobwebs of tradition whose prımordıal, ethno-racial territorial claims too often legitimate exploitation. We don't do that in America, we claim, and indeed Obama is a microcosm of our "nation of immigrants" current, both by birth and maternal vision and will.

But a second, destructive current -- of racial destiny, which distorted the natıon's globe-girdling claims by abducting and plunging millions of Africans into its midst -- has innundated Obama because color remains its coin, no matter that he was not born to this one at all.

Instead of trying to rebuff or escape it, as mixed-race young people now have every right and even duty to do, Obama chose, extraordinarily, to swim in it awhile, without drowning in it. On Chicago's Southside he learned that because slaves had had to create new identities for themselves ex nihilo, out of nothing, their long struggle to do it through Christianity and the republican project gave them the deepest stakes imaginable in the latter's success and made their story the most powerful epic of unrequited love in the history of the world.

No wonder that some African-Americans became the republic's most bitter assailants (see Wright, Jeremiah) and others its most eloquent champions. And because whites excluded them from high society's opportunitıes and subtlest corruptions, we grew accustomed to seeing blacks enter the public square bearing only rebellion and rip-offs or the searing, redemptive moral force of a DuBois or King.

Obama chose the latter, but with a twist, owing partly to his birth in the current of immigration, which gave him some perspective on that of abduction: He insisted that to watch blacks enter the public square to run municipalities, military machines, market engines, and even national governments is to watch the angels of blackness withdraw along with the demons. İt ıs to forego racial condescension and solidarity along wıth contempt. Race, in short, ıs something we shall have to overcome in our national republican coming of age.

Here in Istanbul, as Habermas held forth against two perils facing Europe -- the Scylla of a radically racialized multiculturalism that assumes that merely having a color means having a culture, and the Charybdıs of an absolutist, secularistic universalism that arrogantly rejects the ineluctable lure of ethno-racial belonging and the allure of religion -- I couldn't help but think of Obama as an American Odysseus, steering a wise and crafty course between those extremes.

Turkey, whose great city bestrides the narrow straits of mythic memory that separate yet join Europe and the Middle East, may soon prove whether it is ready to steer a course like Obama's. The fear among Turks here at the conference is that the Turkish republic hasn't a cıvc-republican constituency deep or strong enough to steer clear.

But how ready is America, that self-heralding land of clean breaks and civic-republican fresh starts? What signal will we send now to beleaguered Turkish democrats, who are looking not for the Sixth Fleet but for some navigation lessons?


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Nicely put, thanks.

A very solid half of America is ready, waiting only on the few standing at the rope line, looking uncertain.

Try it out: "President Obama".

Writing with a Turkish keyboard? `İt ıs' :-)

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hey, my wife is in Istanbul -- say hi to her.

I see you buy into the idea of Obama as being the polar opposite of his friend, mentor, pastor, spiritual adviser, and former member of his campaign's spiritual advisory board. So much so that you feel the need to expound upon it yet again. Reading this post one would think you a poetic idealist, not the cynic who felt he understood the dark side of Hillary.

I think you've been a bit bamboozled by who, exactly, the "democrats" are in modern Turkey -- not, I would say, the secularists who have been hampering the parliamentary process at every turn just because Gul and Erdogan's wives wear headscarves.

In any case, Turkey is not a "pre-market culture of honor" -- what city are you exactly in? The same Istanbul I've spent months in, where the propane gas trucks drive by blaring commercial jingles from the radio, old men answer their iphones in the most out of the way teahouses, where pirated movies hit the streets a day before they premiere in Hollywood? I think you're too sleepy to write. Sorry for the outburst, but this hit a nerve. What does "pre-market culture of honor" even mean? If you think about it for a bit, maybe you'll see how empty and spurious a claim that is -- how revealing it is of an eager attempt to make Turkey sound alien and primitive to you, when you are actually surprised about how much the country resembles your America, and even shows a bit of the way forward.

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My wife grew up in Istanbul, and I know it fairly well. I'm sorry if the "pre-market culture of honor" phrase threw you off, but Ipods in internet cafes aren't as ubquitous or as consequential as you suggest, and what is likely to strike, say, a New Yorker or Washingtonian is the manners of the people in civil society and most retail business dealings, which I won't attempt to describe here. What I should have added was that the pre-market culture of honor is also more cosmopolitan than our own in New York, in ways that Americans, especially, are quite slow to understand. But that, too, is a longer discussion than what we should have right here.

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