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Are Americans Egalitarians?

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They certainly sound egalitarian. For example, as I noted the other day, more than 85% of Americans say they agree that "Our society should do whatever is necessary to make sure that everyone has an equal opportunity to succeed." That sentiment, if taken seriously, implies a quite radical policy agenda with respect to education, health care, and other forms of social support. It also seems very hard to square with tax-free inheritances for the children of multi-millionaires.

Perhaps survey respondents answering very general questions of this sort are simply paying lip service to egalitarian values. However, it is easy enough to find much less abstract expressions of egalitarian sympathies. For example, Americans asked to rate various social groups on a 100-point "feeling thermometer" report warmer feelings toward working class people than toward middle class people, warmer feelings toward poor people than toward rich people, and warmer feelings toward labor unions than toward big business. If these feelings were translated into policies, those policies would be quite egalitarian. But the connection between sympathies and policies is remarkably loose. In some cases - perhaps most strikingly, with respect to the minimum wage - public opinion is strongly and consistently egalitarian, but consistently ignored by policy-makers. (Thus, the real value of the federal minimum wage has eroded by more than 40% over the past 40 years.) More commonly, however, the public's own policy views fail to reflect their egalitarian-sounding impulses.

One problem is that most ordinary citizens pay only modest attention to politics and public affairs; as a result, they are often too uninformed to translate their broad political values into specific policy preferences. The 2001 Bush tax cut is a dramatic case in point. In opinion surveys conducted in 2002 and 2004, about 40% of the public said they hadn't thought about whether they favored or opposed this multi-trillion dollar policy innovation. Among those who did express a view one way or the other, opinions were most strongly shaped by what I refer to as "unenlightened self-interest." People who thought their own taxes were too high were very likely to support the tax cut, regardless of what they thought about the tax burdens of rich people, who were overwhelmingly the main beneficiaries from the tax cut. How much people wanted to spend on a wide variety of government programs, their views about the efficiency or wastefulness of government, and other plausibly relevant considerations had no effects, or seemingly illogical effects, on support for the tax cut. Democrats and strong egalitarians were most likely to oppose the tax cut, but only if they were unusually well-informed. Indeed, much of the sizable plurality of public opinion in support of the tax cut came from uninformed egalitarians, liberals, and Democrats

Another problem is that people's perceptions of problems and policies are often warped by their partisan and ideological commitments. For example, even most conservatives recognize that income differences between rich people and poor people have increased over the past 20 years; but conservatives who are generally well-informed about politics and public affairs are actually less likely than those who are less informed about politics and public affairs to admit that fact. In this instance, paying greater attention to politics mostly seems to be helping people learn how congenial political elites would like the world to be, not how the world actually is. (Lest anyone be tempted to suppose that this sort of motivated misperception is peculiar to conservatives, I'll note that a majority of strong Democrats in 1988 thought that inflation had worsened under Ronald Reagan; in fact, the inflation rate had fallen from 13.5% to 4.1%.)

Political elites often take for granted complex interconnections among facts, values, and policy implications. However, for ordinary citizens these connections are often fuzzy, warped, or entirely absent. Thus, while public opinion provides some fertile ground for an egalitarian policy agenda, the hard work of translating egalitarian values and sympathies into effective policy demands mostly remains to be done.


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I completely agree. Too many of us end up casting uninformed votes, and in a democracy 'uninformed' voters often lead to its demise. (And, of course, the powers that be have a stake in a dys-functional democracy so are not about to agonize over a woefully uninformed electorate.)

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I have very, very strong doubts about basing judgments about American social feelings and attitudes of such things as survey results. Surveys don't tell you much about what people actually think and feel about poor people, for example. Surveys tells you much more about what people think they think, and what they think they feel. Even worse, they often just tell you something about what people think they ought to say when someone asks them a survey question.

So where you see a gap between values and policy preferences, I am much more inclined to see a gap between declared values and actual values. My estimations are based on a number of years teaching American undergraduate students, and noting their responses and attitudes as expressed in discussions about social and political questions.

My sense is that Americans are not very egalitarian at all. They do have a genuine commitment to the idea of equality of political status and rights under the law for all citizens. But very few of them have strong commitments to equality of social and economic standing. They think the poor are shiftless and lazy, and that their poverty is generally a mark of ineradicable moral or biological deficiency. And even if they don't say these things when they go to church, they feel them in their bones. Every American has been indoctrinated from birth to believe that personal economic outcomes are almost always a measure of personal merit, and that people generally get what they deserve. That is the American religion.

Not only do most Americans not resent economic inequality or regard it as a social problem. They actively worship millionaires and billionaires. Contempt for those who are worse off is a much stronger motivator in American life than resentment directed toward those who are better off. When an American looks at a country-sized individual like Bill Gates, he thinks, "The reason he is on top, and I am where I am, is because Gates is a high-performing and socially valuable go-getter, and I am just a dumb and/or lazy schmuck. He's a winner and I'm a loser. Three cheers for Gates and boo for me."

This is not to say that Americans are not driven by class resentment. But the classes they care about are cultural classes. They are often much more resentful of the latte-loving college grad who doesn't make much more than they do than they are of the self-made robber-barons who are paying their underlings peanuts so he can pay themselves a fortune, and buy themselves mountains of luxurious junk that nobody needs. Whereas an ordinary French or Russian worker might have been disposed to march down to Wall Street with a gang of like-minded intellectuals from the coffee shop, armed with a guillotine, an American is more likely to go round up a gang of wealthy investment bankers to help him throw hot foamed milk in the faces of the smarty-pantses in the coffee shop.

Even when Americans actually do bring themselves to wish that things were different, and that they might have more and the wealthy might have less, they have been trained to believe that only evil, godless socialists and communists would dream of actually implementing policies and making laws to create the society that they might wish they lived in. They believe interference with market forces is akin to interfering with the fundamental cosmic forces of justice and providence.

Most Americans are sincerely committed to equality of "opportunity", but not equality of outcome. But that amounts to acceptance of a lot of romantic and sentimental views about the nature of opportunity. Unless one adopts a system where children are raised as wards of the state and thus educated in a system of schools that are the same everywhere, it is simply impossible to have genuine equality of opportunity in a society without a commitment to substantive equality of outcomes, becuase the outcomes for one generation become the opportunity baseline for their children.

A lot of Americans believe life is a struggle in which the superior survive and thrive, and rightly so, while the inferior fall by the wayside, and rightly so. They are currently fascinated by a vast assortment of "reality shows" that reinforce precisely this message: Life is a contest in which the stronger, the least scrupulous, the cleverer and the more attractive get jobs, get money, get laid and get attention. Above all, they get to stay on the show and move on, while the human trash is thrown out. It is hard to see anything egalitarian in this outlook.

I agree with Dan K, a very incisive analysis.

In addition, most Americans don't know what 'egalitarian' means, to most it would sound French. (France being the despicable effeminate country from which George W. didn't need a permission slip to start his bloodbath in Iraq)

Yep.

There is some degree of "doublethink" in Americans. They do believe in equality etc. But they also believe in, and practice, inequality. As in the old saying, "actions speak louder than words": the practice matters more.

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Why is there always a presumption, in posts of this sort, that either Americans must be too stupid to understand how to translate their inclinations into policy, or else the system must be too corrupt to allow them to do so?

It strikes me as a dangerously shallow approach to policy analysis. Bartels presumes that if only Americans understood what their system was doing to them, they'd certainly change it. Because, after all, Bartels' own views on policy issues are correct; answers to vague survey questions bear out that the public agrees with him; and since policies don't reflect these positions, something has clearly gone wrong.

Why not, just once, begin such an analysis with the presumption that public policy generally reflects the views of the public - and then use it to induce what those views must be?

I struggle with this "Americans are too stupid/lazy" kind of line of reasoning sometimes. One the one hand, we shouldn't discount people's opinions. On the other hand, most people I talk to have no idea what's going on in the government. I think that this idea might have been touched upon by various writers who argue that social wedge issues, corporate cable news, corporate everything, and/or your standard lying politicians have basically created an electorate that votes against its own self interest. I think that corporate cable news, while bringing more "news" to more people, has really lowered public understanding of politics. Same with talk radio sometimes.
In my opinion, it's much harder to understand what's going on when a talking head is basically ranting at you, giving only the facts they want to give you, for 15 minutes on one subject. You just don't learn enough. Look at the studies that show NPR listeners/ PBS viewers (and sadly, the daily show viewers) are more aware of the truth about certain issues than CNN FOX MSNBC viewers. Newspapers also are troves of info.
Sorry about the rant, I'm working through congealing this in to one solid paragraph and attaching a challenge to it to increase your information flow by shunning cable news and other shoddy sources of news.

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Such a question... 8^)

I can't help but reference Orwell's maxim from Animal Farm: "All animals are equal, but some animals are more equal than others."

Americans are "more equal", in several ways.

As a socialist and student of language, Orwell wrote a lot not only about equality, but about how words very often don't mean what they seem, or even have double meanings. The words "socialism" and "equality" were two of his own examples.

Here's a policy for you that I think, as a socialist, pursues a more truthful meaning of both words. Orwell noted that a dictionary definition of socialism was something like "common ownership of the means of production," while noting that it was an insufficient definition.

Let's make the definition a policy towards the end of more equal wealth distribution through "common ownership." Let's use eminent domain to convert private corporations that operate on the scale of government, to public ownership. I.e., buy out, not bail out. This policy could be applied now to oil companies, health insurance and drug companies, Wal-Mart, Microsoft, and the like. Making such corporations publicly owned, even if they continue to operate as they do now, could at the least have the effect of redirecting their profits to public use.

I dare suggest, however, that you won't find many Americans who would support this kind of policy. The Soviets did too well at confusing socialism with its opposite (relative to the question of equality), authoritarianism/totalitarianism. That confusion of language was a the core of "1984."

Capitalism tends as much towards authoritarianism as true socialism ever would, because it doesn't deal with the issue; true socialism, in seeking equality as a matter of policy, would deal with it. But I might suggest that the biggest fear about socialism is that it inexorably leads to authoritarianism, as Hayek suggested in defense of capitalism. Hayek was just wrong, however, about various things; among them is that the economic calculation problem has been solved, by the likes of Wal-Mart, and with the help of modern technology. So, we have ownership of the means of production on the scale of state - by global corporations - it's just not public or common ownership; it's ownership by a very inequally wealthy few.


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Dan K's analysis involves a cliche cast of groups that we have learned to talk about instead of talking about real groups. Billionaires, latte drinkers. We're infused with the red-blooded attitude towards each group, the punchlines, cliches and sympathies

This trick of repeating an attitude over and over until it becomes "the norm" is subtle. Is there something intentional? Orwellian purpose trickling down from owning broadcasters, down to tv shows and the dumber movies, where nobody's aiming for truth anyway.

There's got to be. Just like in Shakespeare, its the fictional billionaires who have passion and depth and the poor folk who are comic relief. And the poor man who reads and thinks in coffee shops has dark thoughts and wants to kill Christmas.

Its a really big deal. It gets in the way of egalitarianism. I'm just wondering of Dan K's how badly students are suffering under these cliches. But they're not natural to us Americans, they come from corporatized culture, and attach themselve to little prejudices and inflate them. Viral memes aren't just words, right?

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I agree with you that political elites often take for granted complex interconnections among facts, values, and policy implications. However, for ordinary citizens these connections are often fuzzy, warped, or entirely absent. Thus, while public opinion provides some fertile ground for an egalitarian policy agenda, the hard work of translating egalitarian values and sympathies into effective policy demands mostly remains to be done.

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Its as bad as the red tape for health and safety issues, its time common sense ruled again :) Though that is ironic considering that my work involves the indian visa and the traffic travis 4 bonus

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It is a matter of great concern that with the imaginary vocabulary of "clean coal," too many Democrats and Republicans, as well as a surprising number of environmentalists, have forgotten the dirty realities of extracting coal from the earth. Thanks for reporting.
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I recently came across your blog and have been reading along. I thought I would leave my first comment. I don’t know what to say except that I have enjoyed reading. Nice blog, I will keep visiting this blog very often. Austin Real Estate

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it is very useful block for people
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