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If wishes were horses--liberals could democratize

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The hearts of most liberals may well be in the right place; they bleed for the poor, care about the ill, and seek to reign in power. However, they often have a hard time facing up to tragic facts: that the road to hell is paved with good intentions; that simply throwing more and more money at unyielding problems is unlikely to make them budge; that there are severe limits on what even the 'richest nation in the world' can do (especially given the democratic need for majority support for government action).

Moreover, promising more than one can deliver generates a loss of credibility and backlash, further diminishing that which actually can be achieved. Worst of all, scarce resources--and there are always fewer available than we need--are squandered when one tilts against the windmills rather than following what a triage of social problems indicates (a variation on the AA prayer): let us do what can be done, avoid what cannot be done, and finally, gain the wisdom to tell the difference.

All this escapes the few remaining 'lets-democratize-the-world' enthusiasts. A telling case is a new book, Freedom's Unsteady March: America's Role in Building Arab Democracy by Tamara Cofman Wittes, dedicated to America's role in promoting regime change in the Arab world. If it had been written at the height of the Neo Con wishful days, this book would have been simply idealistic and naïve. But, to so ignore the lessons of the last years--the retreat from democracy in Russia, the color and flower revolutions that have largely soured, the troubled state of democracy in several Latin American countries, and the bitterly disappointing political and social results of conducting elections in Iraq and Afghanistan--is as truly remarkable as it is regrettable.

Cofman Wittes declares that democratization of the Arab world is neither a dream nor a luxury, but a "necessity." She is apparently unaware that historians, in response to the work of Arnold Toynbee, have recognized for generations that, sadly, need does not drive response. Above all, the book presumes that the United States can play a major role in promoting democracy in Arab nations, ignoring the well-established fact that democracy is a delicate plant, one that grows only in a soil carefully cultivated in line with the local climate and mainly by those who inhabit the given turf.

Moreover, Cofman Wittes frames the policy choice mainly in terms of the U.S.'s relationship to the Arab ruling class rather than in terms of the people or the society--she sees the policy debate as a choice between shoring up autocrats (stifling democracy) and pushing them out (which would allow democracy to bloom). Although she professes to reject the approach that led to the disaster in Iraq (the fantasy of being greeted as liberators, etc.), she frames the issue in a way that suggests a similar approach, paying insufficient attention to major obstacles that obstruct this path towards democracy.

Instead of addressing these difficulties on the ground, Cofman Wittes argues that what is needed, in fact, is bureaucratic reform in Washington. In order to promote democracy in the Middle East, she believes, we need a greater coordination among the various federal agencies that promote democracy abroad, especially Departments of Defense and State, but also coordinated efforts by the Treasury and Energy departments, the CIA and half a dozen others. Moreover, true liberal she is, Cofman Wittes calls for vastly enhancing and coordinating the various U.S.-run pro-democracy programs such as Middle East Free Trade Area and The Middle East Partnership Initiative. Successful democratization in the Middle East, she argues, requires that Congress and the American people as a whole come to "understand" the importance of basically more of what the Bush administration referred to as 'The Freedom Agenda.' That is, more of the same.

Cofman Wittes does not reject the numerous arguments against regime change; she simply ignores them. It is as though she has never heard that nations in which illiteracy rates are very high, income per capita is very low, most people hold that the laws of God take precedent over those made by men, and in traditional societies such as Afghanistan, numerous changes will have to take place over decades before the basic conditions for true democratization are in place. (I say "true democratization" because there is an unfortunately widespread tendency to label a country democratic simply if it holds elections, ignoring that elections have been conducted in numerous undemocratic countries such as Russia, Syria and Egypt). She pays no mind to the observation that in societies that were long oppressed (e.g., Iraq), civil society, a free press and competitive political parties must be introduced--all slow processes--before true democratic politics have a prayer. And she seems unaware that in societies in which tribal loyalties are strong--even if they take the form of confessional or ethnic groups--these will have to be attenuated before national politics can be carried out in a democratic form rather than via inter-tribal negotiations.

If wishes were horses, liberals could democratize. Sadly, they not only do not carry us very far, but often lead us to waste the limited resources available in the efforts to promote political reforms in far away countries at the cost of American lives and tax payers' billions.


Amitai Etzioni is professor of International Relations at The George Washington University and author of Security First: For a Muscular, Moral Foreign Policy (Yale, 2007) (www.securityfirstbook.com). Email: comnet@gwu.edu.


16 Comments

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Another way of looking at this is to imagine Douglas Feith; this will make this article undeniably clear.

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Just finished a book by a Scotsman who recently traveled the width of Afghanistan. He traveled as an Afghani would rather than as a tourist.

Your comment about democracy needing to be cultivated in the "given turf" of a country reminded me of a q. and a. between the Scot and a local Afghani.

"Why did you become a Mujahid?" the Scot asked.
"Because the Russian government stopped my women from wearing head scarves and confiscated my donkeys."
"Why did you fight the Taliban?"
"Because they forced my women to wear burqas, not head scarves, and stole my donkeys."

Not to be flip, but do you suppose the Afghans would be ammenable to establishing and supporting a democracy if it meant that their women could wear whatever they wanted and that a democratic government would never confiscate their donkeys, let alone steal them?

One man's 'given turf' is seldom if ever anothers.


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Excellent post! America's role in the world is to treat all people with respect, get along as well as possible with the governments of other nations, resist the use of armed forces as an instrument of foreign policy, and above all else, work through the UN to help other nations to achieve better governments.

If we respect Moslem countries we respect their melding of their religion with their government. It is their privilege to do that. It is not our role to resist them doing that.

If we seek good relations with other governments we stop our attempts to use the CIA to put US business friendly rules in power in their stead.

See, I am a dreamer too.

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I'm so tired of the "throwing money at it" canard. Exactly which social programs are we throwing money at? Health care for the poor and children is non-existent or underfunded, unemployment insurance is inadequate, welfare ("as we know it") has been eliminated, and urban schools, which have the biggest problems to deal with, get half the funds of rich suburban districts.

There is only one government sector which gets money thrown at it with no oversight - the military.

Military spending is now up to 54% of the federal discretionary budget. Military spending by the US equals that of the rest of the world combined.

See for yourself:
Federal Pie Chart

It seems the only way those opposed to social programs can prove their point is by ignoring the facts.

True, True, True.

This is where America needs to start rebuilding. From the bottom up, not top bottom.

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Perhaps by now the third/fourth/fifth worlds are catching on that with 'democratization' comes free market capitalism which ultimately translates to unlimited economic power for some with the necessary consequence of economic powerlessness for others.

The third/fourth/fifth worlds have probably figured out by now that they will be the powerless. Kinda takes the sheen off democracy, Western-style.

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Worst of all, scarce resources--and there are always fewer available than we need

Are they truly fewer or do we just lack the will to obtain them. 50 years ago the incremental tax rate was 90% on a not unimaginably high level of income but our economy functioned , inventory invented , we had 2.5% unemployment, and my mother could enjoy walking across Central Park in the dark.

It's worth observing that the decade long period of growth in the UK was echoed in what is now a five year drop in crime. To that sort of levels we haven't experienced since 1952

It's not that our GDP is inadequate to support,say, a national health system like ,say,
Belgium's. It's that it is inadequate both to support that and also support the life style of the sizeable cohort who can't even comprehend flying first class because they have become so used to a private jet.

With respect to democratizing other countries , the constraint is not our resources but the inherent contradiction of the task. We can't convince people to respect the view of one another by imposing our views on them.

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Ugh, except for rdf, you all are a bunch of gomers, Etzioni included.

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I agree with the "throwing money at the problem" argument if it is applied to the Pentagon and all of the assinine, needless, and unproductive spending programs we maintain in the name of "defense".

We spend more on the military than all the other countries on earth combined and have proven beyond any question the futility of 19th Century-style imperialism even when conducted with 21st century weapons technology. It doesn't work. It hasn't worked. It won't work.

We are throwing good money after bad by the billions daily attempting to make a proven failure work when we know that no amount of money and killing will make it work. We are applying an inappropriate AND ineffective remedy to a set of problems that calls for something quite different. It makes no sense at all for us to do what Bush and Cheney and the other war criminals who agree with their policy have been doing. If we gave every person in Iraq a per capita share of all the money we have wasted trying to kill them, destroy their society and their infrastructure how many friends do you think we would have there by now? Instead, we have done everything anyone can think of to try and get them to hate us. Anyone responsible for killing my family would have my undying hatred as would their as would the country they came from that launched the illegal invasion of my homeland for no good reason whatsoever.

In contrast to the proven failure of killing and military might to keep us safe, we have all sorts of very positive data (nearly endless actually) indicating that spending on health care for all citizens actually improves the health of populations, that spending on programs that raise incomes actually reduces poverty and helps the poor and near poor to improve their lives and become more self-sufficient if not completely self-sufficient, and we also know that the more money we invest in education the more intelligent our population becomes and the more resistant they are to the malarky of hucksters and con-men whether in clerical or political garb whether the subject matter is "evil-loution", the frightening "homosexual agenda", saving our nation from those who would not force prayer on kids in the public schools, establishing sensible gun laws, or wearing a flag lapel pin. That is where our money should have been going all these years instead of down the military rat hole. If we cut our military spending in half we'd still be spending more than any of our closest rivals but we'd then free up enough money to have a national health care system that is free for all, we could eliminate poverty in a generation and we could improve education for every child in the United States. The amount of money wasted on the military is utterly obscene and it ought to be the real issue being debated in the Presidential race and on every blog and in every newspaper.

Bush's binge of spending and killing has imperiled our entire way of life in the United States, made us the most hated nation on earth and is the number one threat to our national security. We need a radical transformation of our political and economic system before Bush and his real constituency (the idle rich) destroy what is left of America.

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It may well be that democratization from the outside in is doomed to failure for all the reasons you state. But it also seems clear that the societies the western liberal states seek to "democratize" see right through this for the hegemonic impulse that it always turns out to be. Does the US jump to recognize and support Hamas when it wins an election in Gaza? "Democratization" always seems to mean that we say we will support the winner of a free and fair election, until that winner turns out to be opposed to our policies in the region. Suppose we were to truly support a majority Shiite government in Iraq, even if that government allied itself with Iran?

It may be naive to believe that democratization is possible, but it is just as naive to believe that it fails solely because of anti-democratic forces in the societies where the so-called democratization efforts have taken place.

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The only thing we, as foreigners, can do to promote democracy is to be diplomatically extra-friendly to democratic countries, and to countries with independent, trustworthy judiciaries, and stuff like that -- and less helpful to undemocratic countries where the rule of law is not present. This might actually work!

Of course, the US has done exactly the opposite, overthrowing democracies in Central and South America with great regularity, trying to isolate and refusing to recognize Hamas -- which won free and fair elections -- sabre-rattling against Iran (which does have elections, though not fully free and fair, and has a well-respected judiciary) -- while supporting the most undemocratic country in the world, Saudi Arabia, essentially unconditionally.

I don't know whether "democratization" would work. After all, we have never tried it.

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Except where our self interest demands we do differently ....

We should have "correct" relations with every country however unsavory as we did with Nazi Germany and Soviet Russia.

We should have friendly relations with any country with good human rights and peaceful foreign relations irrespective of their economic or political systems. "Friendly" would include cultural connections , facilitating tourism and being willing to provide assistance that clearly benefits the population e.g. medical assistance.

We should go beyond merely friendly in the case of those countries who have also provided assistance to us particularly at some cost to themselves.

Finally we should have "warm" relations i.e. be willing to provide extra assistance for the companies in that last grouping who are or at moving towards democracy.

We should trade with every country when it is in our interests and not when it's not. Irrespective of where it falls on this hierarchy.

.......and finally as indicated at the top ,we should depart from this structure when it's in our self interest.As we now do with Saudi Arabia. If,say, Zimbabwe had yellow cake we should have whatever sort of relations would help keep it out of dangerous hands.

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Common sense foreign policy.

If only.

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Neroden, you, like everyone else, are talking in very, very broad terms. "Democratization" is not something the US is trying to achieve through the CIA or the military. You all seem to think that democratization is at issue in all of our foreign policy endeavors. That's not what's going on. You need to look at USAID within the State Department and build out from that to all the NGOs working with USAID funding to build civil society, independent judiciaries, and democratic capacity in foreign governments.

To get you started:

www.usaid.gov
www.ndi.org
www.abanet.org/rol
www.ifes.org
www.transparency.org

Bush has done a lot to soil democratization as a goal with his misadventure in Iraq. What he's done, though, is taken a legitimate goal and used it to justify an illegitimate war. Democratization does not mean sending our legions abroad to force little brown people to be our friends.

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I think that Etzioni quickly puts policies that, liberal rhetoric aside, are essentially the stuff of imperialism -- "the great game" -- a disease of both the pidgin conservatism and the weak-on-the-progressive side pidgin liberalism that dominates US politics.

Note that the rhetoric about 'throwing money at problems' has almost ALWAYS been cited in US politics on the guns side of the guns v butter debate. Truth is, for the $100 billion + that the TOTAL costs of the Kosovo War (let alone the trillions on the Iraq debacle do and will cost) will ultimately cost NATO et al, MUCH humanitarian good can be done.

I think a better way of formulating the lessons that the specifics Etzioni cites (which is not where I disagree with him) is that you can't bomb your way to utopia, PLUS it's INCREDIBLY expensive. A massive eco-industrial transformation of our own system, another phase of the "industrial revolution" on the other hand, is money invested that DOES grow, and at the international level (where NECESSITY is indeed a factor), an ecology-centric program for fundamental development in the less developed world is also necessary for environmental as well as 'bleeding heart' reasons.

Underneath Etzioni's commentary here is a kind of scapegoating -- that somehow "bleeding heart" liberalism was what got us into Iraq. As they say in French: BULLSHIT! It was ever-so-thinly veiled imperialist exploitation of the natural mass US public response to 9/11, amply attested to by Richard Clarke and others, and the temptation of a 'war of opportunity' that got us into Iraq, and no amount of even the most prestigious scholars turning our heads to more agenda-appropriate scapegoats will change that fact.

I would add that if anyone REALLY took democracy in the MidEast seriously, as a real policy rather than as a rhetorical air-freshener, surely better possibilities were posed by the case of Kuwait, which after the 1991 war OWED ITS CONTINUED EXISTENCE to the willingness of the US to step up to the plate (though I am one of those woolly-headed lefties who felt that it was possible and desirable to achieve a negotiated withdrawal of Iraq from Kuwait, as well as desisting from the WMD program -- something that in hindsight really wasn't such an impractical approach after all, now was it?). Kuwait is a small, wealthy country whose emir owed his ass to us, and we should have and could have insisted on basic parliamentary reform (allowing the franchise at least to those persons already born in Kuwait, as of 1990 and not 1920) and cultivated that country's relatively fertile circumstances for cultivating the indeed fragile plant of a democratic polity.

I think that not the highly addictive elixir of anti-idealism, one on which US politics has long been hooked, but the more difficult and more enlightened, if too genuinely populist for today's state elite monopsonist market politics, medicine of ANTI-imperialism, to overcome yet that other most dangerous policy addiction, is what is desperately needed, and worth pursuing.

ANTI-IMPERIALISM -- and its flip-side, pursuit of a genuinely participatory democratic SOCIETY -- is not necessarily the sweetest or best-credentialled medicine out there, but it is UTTERLY essential for what ails America and the world.

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If wishes were horses--liberals could democratize

And so we must depend upon imperialists and "conservatives" to create liberal democracies, Mr. I-Had-To-Change-My-Name?

First time I've heard someone bash liberals. Except for all the other 10 million times. Perhaps you need to re-define what it means to be a liberal.

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