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Obama and McGovern

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At the risk of developing a reputation for using The Coffee House as a means for commenting on intramural discussions at The New Republic, I do think there's a lot of value in today's exchange between John Judis and Jon Chait on the former's use of George McGovern's campaign as an appropriate metaphor for fears about Barack Obama's electoral strengths and weaknesses, if only because it nicely crystallizes a lot of issues that have been floating around for many months.

I agree with Chait's two main objections to Judis' use of the McGovern analogy: (1) the "McGovern coalition" of younger voters, minorities, and upscale professionals is arguably a whole lot bigger than it was in 1972; and (2) Obama's voter base in primaries isn't necessarily going to be his voter base in a general election campaign. But I'd add a few other objections of my own.

(3) It's sometimes forgotten that George McGovern didn't actually perform that well among "McGovern Coalition" voters. He lost the "youth vote" decisively, and showed some weakness as compared to past Democratic nominees among minority voters. There's nothing about Obama's primary election performance to suggest that he's going to have problems with either category.

(4) McGovern's campaign made a variety of big strategic and tactical mistakes that Obama's unlikely to replicate. Barack Obama is not going to deliver his nomination acceptance speech at 2:45 a.m. EST (even if he did, it would be viewed by many millions the next day on cable and YouTube). Nor is he likely to choose as his running-mate an unvetted politician who turns out to have a string of drunk-driving citations, or has repeatedly undergone electro-shock therapy. (If Obama's running-mate did prove to be weak, I doubt he'd say he's behind him or her "1000 percent" before unceremoniously dumping the poor sap, and then choosing a substitute, after repeated public rebuffs from others, whose media nickname was "Bozo."). I cite these mistakes not out of any disrespect for Sen. McGovern, for whom I was a loyal precinct captain in 1972. But his campaign did suffer from a notable plague-of-frogs series of misfortunes, some self-generated, some simply unique.

(5) The 1972 campaign was waged against an incumbent president whose approval ratings rose steadily throughout the year, and who manipulated both the economy and the Vietnam War ruthlessly and successfully to make himself virtually unbeatable. Obama's running against a Republican struggling to both identify with and separate himself from an incumbent president whose approval ratings will never significantly recover; who's already tried and failed to stimulate the economy; and who has zero chance of credibly declaring before Election Day that "peace is at hand."

(6) The 1972 campaign also occurred at the worst possible phase (for Democrats) of a long realignment of the presidential vote, exacerbated by the shooting of George Wallace, whose otherwise likely third-party candidacy would have depressed Nixon's vote totals in the South and elsewhere. Today, even a precise recapitulation of every mistake by the McGovern campaign would produce far fewer Democratic defections.

None of this should suggest that Judis isn't making some valid points about Obama's potential general-election vulnerabilities; he is, and I hope Obama's campaign is paying attention. But associating Obama with a forty-nine-state blowout thirty-six years ago creates more confusion than enlightenment in meeting the general election challenge.


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I have so much admiration for Judis (who I consider something like a mentor) that I hesitate to disagree with him too easily. But I think Ed and Chait really have the better part of this argument. The key point is that you cannot extrapolate voting patterns from a party primary to the general. Suggestive, yes. But the direct arguments just don't hold up, as I tried to make clear in today's episode. The issue terrain is different, the partisan terrain leans heavily to the Democrats. And if things are really quite this bad for Obama, why is he still running even or ahead of McCain nationwide. Like Ed, this isn't to ignore some serious challenges. But the McGovern analogy really strikes me as a caricature.

One other point, it was John and Ruy's book, the Rising Democratic Majority that made this point, that the McGovern coalition, with the demographic changes that have occurred over the last 35 years, is much much bigger.

"...and who has zero chance of _credibly_ declaring before Election Day that "peace is at hand." Credibility isn't even a speed bump to the Bush gang. Plus, in 2002-3 they used the "Armageddon (nuclear) is at hand" ploy. I wouldn't count that one out. Then there's the non-traceable electronic voting and today's eefort to kill a paper-trail ballot initiative. AQ is very close to getting its hands on some Pakistani nukes. It's definitely a different dynamic than 1972. However, one thing I learned then and get reminded of every day now is: Just when you think they can't go any lower, they do. For me, that is the immutable rule of right-wing Republican politics.

The Repubs have a pretty good chance of, no, not "peace at hand" but certainly of "terrorists from Guantanamo are being brought to justice by this trial [which we have ingeniously managed to get to court in November, 2008]".

I don't know. As a member of McGovern's coalition of younger voters I thought we were pretty formidable. (at the time.)

I just think that the facade Obama carefully built for himself has been crumbling at such a rate that he will need a whole new coalition by November because his current base will have been completely disillusioned by then.

concern trolling IS EXCELLENT NEWS!! FOR HILLARY!!!

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Poll numbers have a way of cutting through theories and casual impressions. Both Democratic candidates are roughly tied with McCain. Until I see that significantly change I will view claims that Obama has imploded with some skepticism.

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"[Obama leads in polls] Until I see that significantly change I will view claims that Obama has imploded with some skepticism."

Even that's being too generous to Judis. It's not necessary to refute an unsubstantiated theory.

If Judis makes the claim, the burden of evidence is on Judis to substantiate it. I don't see any besides wholly speculative interpretations.

That evidence exists to actually refute Judis' theory, and polls indicating Obama still leads in popularity with Dems, and in matchups against McCain, is only an extra nail in the coffin of a theory already DOA.

I'm not sure what you mean Otto, Obama's base is as strong now as it has ever been. He took over 90% of the PA black vote, and he won every group under the age of 40 (is that correct or was it 35?) He won amongst highly educated voters as well.

Just because the last primary was in a state chock full of poor, aging, blue collar Democrats (Hillary's base, which are demographics that have been shrinking). Doesn't in any way suggest his "facade" is crumbling. It means his traditional base in this primary was smaller than it has been in other states.

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Josh:

Like you, I have great esteem for John Judis. And I also understand--which I should probably have acknowledged in my post--that TNR's editors exaggerated the extent to which he used the McGovern Analogy by their headline for his piece.

But still, that analogy is toxic, and potentially viral--and in the end, no more credible than the Jesse Jackson Analogy that Bill Clinton unfortunately played with after the SC primary.

I did my post because I thought it was important to smack this down not just with poll numbers, but with some history.

Ed Kilgore

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Ed, I think you slander the late Sen. Eagleton. He was never, as far as I know, arrested for drunk driving, and John Anderson retracted his allegation that Eagleton had supposedly been arrested on that charge.

But still, the areas where he struggled were those with lower incomes, shaky economies, the areas hardest hit by job losses. Obama can learn from this - he needs to strengthen his message on the economy. He needs to be able to speak to the demographic that worries about food on the table and paying the mortgage. He tried hard to do that during the last few weeks of campaigning in PA, but he didn't quite make the dent that he should have. He's going to have to do better for the GE.

What's left out in the comparisons to McGoven is that Obama has charisma in spades, something McGovern didn't have an ounce of. Democratic candidates have long had a problem trying to prove opponents' criticisms aren't true. Obama needs to stop doing that. He's an elegant, well-educated, articulate, intelligent, charismatic candidate who can move people to tears. PLUS he understands policy! Maybe he should diss Clinton -- say what she is: an aging, slightly overweight woman with so much ambition she can't keep herself honest. She plays on fears instead of hopes. Hope is what keeps us going. Fears cause us to vote for demagogues and worse. And after he says that, brush off all the garbage she distracts him with -- there she goes again -- and scold the press (gently and with humor) for distracting us from the enormous problems we need to be addressing.

Well, there is a recipe for disaster!

You've just lost the women, seniors, blue collar worker and the slightly overweight.

Your comment about Clinton is just plain offensive. It's too bad you can't see her from another perspective. Perhaps then you'd understand why this contest is for all practical purposes split down the middle.
What are your plans for Clinton supporters? More importantly, what is the Democratic party's plans for Clinton supporters? How do we figure in to the November election?
The party leaders ought to be mulling this over, because there are a lot of us and we are very passionate in our support, as are you Obama supporters. We are both sides working for our candidate's victory in ways that we can, and we are invested both emotionally and financially.

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Our plan is that you should vote Democratic this fall unless you want to see the war continue for 4-8 more years, the Bush tax cuts extended, Roe and Casey overturned, etc.

What's your plan? That you'll let all this happen unless we hire Dick Morris to suck your toes?

We also expect you to convince everyone else who thinks like you -- just as you expect us to convince Black voters who would see a rightfully won nomination wrenched out of Obama's hands that they should vote for Hillary. The difference is that what we're asking of you isn't impossible.

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Seneca Doane said:

What's your plan? That you'll let all this happen unless we hire Dick Morris to suck your toes?

Now there's a comment that, like buddenbooks', is sure to encourage Clinton supporters to join us in November.

I have to say I'm sometimes embarrassed by some of my fellow Obama supporters, some of whom seem more prone to self-indulgence than strategic thinking. I'm glad that Obama himself is running an inclusive campaign.

Excellent analysis. If I may, I would add these other points:

1. McGovern was a remarkably ineffective speaker. People supported him because it was the right thing to do, but it was tough to listen to him even briefly. McGovern's heart was in the right place, but his communications skills were far below average. The contrast with Obama is total.

2. McGovern was rallying people around an extremely important cause, stopping the Vietnam war, but, unfortunately, was unable to broaden the discussion. People backed McGovern because of the one issue - stopping the war. Though McGovern would have favored it, he was not trying to build a broad, lasting coalition to change the basic alignment of American politics. That was probably impossible in that period. Had it been possible, McGovern would not have been the right person for the job.

3. In personal appeal and political vision, Obama is more like Franklin Roosevelt than any other president. Obama wants to build a broad new coalition to create an effective working majority and break the partisan deadlock. He conveys the sense that he would try to enact a progressive agenda without enforcing a strict ideology or trying to make 40% of the population feel excluded and abused. Obama has a long way to go to match FDR, of course, but he's already in a different league from McGovern.

Ironically, Obama may have no choice but to build a totally new coalition within the Democratic Party. Sen. Clinton's divisive campaign has set blue-collar workers, low income rural Democrats and feminists against African Americans, more highly educated and affluent Democrats, and Democratic activists in Moveon.org etc. She even seems to be trying to accentuate divisions between Jews and African Americans in order to gain short-term political advantage - that seems to be behind the talk of Farrakhan and the joys of nuking Iran when Obama might try to combat antisemitism, rather than just shunning antisemites, and might even dare to open diplomatic channels with Iran. In short, Hillary has been hard at work demolishing the remnants of the coalition FDR built.

If Hillary fails to destroy Obama and compel the party to nominate her even though she lost the election, Obama will have a challenge just reconstituting the Democratic Party as it was pre-Hillary.

All right, but if he makes such a new coalition, the question becomes, "who does he add?".

One group he would add, I think, is the small but important group of moderate or liberal Republicans. There was a day when Nelson Rockefeller, John Lindsay, etc. were at least sane and actually seemed to have an interest in doing good things for somebody besides their wealthy friends. Michael Bloomberg may be their heir. Republicans like them have had no place to go.

My sense is that Obama would also try to enact policies that minimize government interference in private life without making all evangelicals and Catholics feel they're under attack. That won't be easy to do, but it could be extremely important to address major issues such as healthcare reform. There are a lot of Christians who would like to see more emphasis on Biblical values such as showing mercy, helping the poor and taking care of the earth and less on executions, hating gays, killing Muslims, persecuting pregnant teenagers and giving tax breaks to the super-rich. There is at least as much commonality between liberal Democrats and the merciful wing of Christianity than between the merciful wing of Christianity and the right wing of the Republican Party.

I don't think Obama would try to build a coalition of people who agree on every single issue, including healthcare reform, immigration, foreign policy, abortion, gay marriage, gun control, etc. He would try to build issue-specific coalitions to enact policies on which a majority of people can, in fact, agree. The surviving liberal Republicans and the merciful wing of Christianity might help bring about healthcare reform, for example. As for the hot-button social issues that divide the country down the middle, Democrats have to face facts and work toward the policies they favor, but not try to compel people who disagree on what are for them deeply held moral principles to abandon those principles and embrace laws that they believe violate those principles. That could only happen over time and voluntarily. There's a better chance of convincing those people that the government shouldn't be making decisions about private moral matters - that it should be between each individual and his or her conscience or God, and government's role is not to intrude in that private realm.

Rightly or wrongly, my sense is that Obama would combine high moral aspirations with pragmatic good sense. He would back the best laws that he thinks Congress would enact and the population would support. He can inspire people and bring more to his viewpoint, but he realizes politics is the art of the possible, and that more can get done by building coalitions one major issue at a time.

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But still, the areas where he struggled were those with lower incomes, shaky economies, the areas hardest hit by job losses. Obama can learn from this - he needs to strengthen his message on the economy. He needs to be able to speak to the demographic that worries about food on the table and paying the mortgage. He tried hard to do that during the last few weeks of campaigning in PA, but he didn't quite make the dent that he should have. He's going to have to do better for the GE.

Agree. He'll definitely make inroads with this demographic by sharpening his economic message. However, the context on this is important. White, working-class Democrats were much better off for a good portion of the 90s than they are now, so the Clinton brand matters to them. McCain, who calls for continued tax cuts (the very same tax cuts he initially opposed), has an economic policy (and I'm being generous when I call it that) that doesn't even share the same solar system with these voters.

Good post Ed. Agreed on all fronts.

Also lifelongdem makes great points.

Frankly the idea that this election will be anything like '72 is laughable. If anything we are headed towards the opposite of '72.

It's those people BEHIND Obama I have question of. The Chicago grass roots machine that is thrusting him forward was not constructed by Obama, but by those pushing him as the front man I fear.

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I think this is what they call concern trolling. But I have never heard of the Chicago grass roots machine. Is it the environmental version of the Chicago Daley machine?

I am the author of the first book on the McGovern campaign since the 1970s: Bruce Miroff, The Liberals' Moment: The McGovern Insurgency and the Identity Crisis of the Democratic Party (University Press of Kansas, 2007). The book was favorably reviewed in the New York Times last November. Many of the comparisons currently being drawn between Obama and McGovern are based on foggy memories of 1972 (for example, McGovern did do better among young voters than among older age cohorts). There are intriguing similarities between the two campaigns, but they are more superficial than they appear at first. Obama is a much stronger candidate than McGovern, and even more important, the political context is vastly more favorable for Democrats this year than it was in 1972. To me, perhaps the most striking parallel is between the roles Humphrey played in 1972 and Hillary Clinton is playing this year.

How close are the parallels between Hillary Clinton's role now and Hubert Humphrey's then? I don't remember Humphrey doing a lot of the things I wish Hillary would stop now, but you're in a position to know how Humphrey did balance a moral sense with personal ambition. I'd like to believe he laid greater emphasis on the former than Hillary seems to. Was Humphrey the reformer long since dead?

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To Bruce Miroff,

Thank you for taking the time to add your input, I appreciated hearing your opinion.

Personally, I think the Mcgovern analogy is one more reason that Obama shouldn't nominate Hillary as his running mate:

Remember amnesty, abortion, and acid? Well Robert Novak revealed, after the election of course, that the comment came from Tom Eagleton, the shock therapy running mate Mr. Kilgore talks about. As I understand it, Mcgovern gave the VP nod to Eagleton in hopes of bridging a part chasm that was developing. And Eagleton ended up stabbing him in the back both directly and indirectly.

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If we use the late Walter Karp's analysis of the McGovern election we see some very interesting similarities to this one.

Karp said that the Peaceniks wanted a true reform candidate, ie Eugene McCarthy. the Hacks said no way but how about a compromise candidate?

Enough of the Peaceniks bit so McGovern got the nomination. Then the hacks threw the election.
The hacks saddled McGovern with Eagleton who had bad mental health problems. Then they waited six weeks and called a friendly journalist and told him to look into Eagleton's mental health stuff.

If McG had had Kennedy in law Sargent Shriver as VP from the outset he might have done lots better. But hack Teddy Kennedy did not support McG and tried to discourage Shriver from taking the VP candidate slot when it was offered after Eagleton.

Remember that the aptly named George Meany took the AFL/CIO over to Nixon for the first time in it's history. When asked why, since Nixon had the worst organized labor voting record in the Senate and McG the best, spokespersons said Meany don't like McG. The press never asked another question.

The examples of collusion of Republican hacks and Democratic Party hacks in that election would fill a book. Democratic Party treachery stories would make you puke.

Hunter Thompson also saw the election in roughly similar ways as Karp. Karp's Indispensible Enemies, Fear and Loathing and the Boys on the Bus would be a wonderful five credit indpendent study project.

Obama is no reformer as far as I can tell. But Edwards was.

So while Edwards was in the race it was Hill, McC and Obama against the marginalized and ignored Edwards.

Now Edwards is out and Obama still is no real reformer but the reform energy in the race is behind him. Thus Hill and McC against Obama.

If Obama gets the nomination watch for a race war campaign the likes of which we haven't seen since Reconstruction. The Hacks really don't want a reformer in power ever but especially not now with all the possible jail time an aggessive and honest Justice Dept could bring down.

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My own personal looking glass tells me that if Obama loses to McCain, the Clintons will be blamed, while the reality will be simply that he lost.

If Clinton takes the nomination, she will do to McCain what she's trying to do in the primary, which is to win at all costs.

I'm hoping that whoever ends up taking on McCain will try to win at all costs, because I'm thinking that we need (pardon the expression) change.

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I don't think you can make any comparison. The elephant in the room here is race. Race is a complex issue in the US. It's plays into other issues and particularly in other fears.

The Republicans were always going to use that against Obama. He needed solid, unified, support from his own party to provide the kind of affirmation that could withstand the attacks that were bound to come. Obviously, that didn't happen. Instead, the attacks began in his own party.

It's difficult to sort out the other factors. Obama could certainly be clearer and stronger on the economy. He is also too easily framed as a northern liberal. He does lack the kind of experience you'd like to see in difficult times.

But I just don't see how you take out the race factor. And I will never get over how its been used by some in this party to win at all costs.

To attempt to draw inferences of a current election from historical elections is a fool's errand, just as is framing a current candidate in terms of historical candidates, whether successful or not.

After all the electorate and the objective social conditions constantly change, and the qualities of candidates differ.


If I may add, I think the mistake that the Clinton campaign has made is run a campaign that was designed in the mid-1980s in the wake of the Reagan revolution. It is a design that failed Gore and Kerry. Though Bill Clinton ran according to the same design, he victories, I think, were due more to the force of his personality than to his strategy. He had the ability to connective with folks on a very personal level, a quality not shared by Senator Clinton.

Without Ross Perot, it's doubtful Bill Clinton would have ever been president.

Clinton was never able to build majorities in Congress. He was a good president, but he's overrated as a politician. He governed about as well as he could with conservative Republicans controlling the legislative branch. Clinton's failure to build the Democratic base rather than a loyal personal organization, plus his considerable negatives - his unfortunate tendency to hand Republicans the kind of "moral" issues they use to win elections - paved the way for a president who could get majorities elected: George W. Bush. It wasn't as though Al Gore inherited a powerhouse Democratic Party from Bill Clinton. It's more like George W. Bush inherited a golden opportunity. We have paid a terrible price for that.

"He governed about as well as he could with conservative Republicans controlling the legislative branch."

What makes anyone think Obama could do any better under the same conditions? I don't, which is one reason I reject his post-partisan unity schtick. I'm not interested in an appeaser in the Whitehouse.


Same conditions? The Demos will have a 6-8 lead in the senate, and a 30+ lead in the house.

That's not "conservative Republicans controlling the legislative branch"

Changing those "same" conditions you posit is the point of Obama's approach. We can differ in assessing his chances for success, but there is a contrast with the way Hillary indicates she would try to govern. She thinks it's all about fighting harder in a narrowly divided country to shove programs down the throats of the Republican half. Obama thinks it's possible to bring more people to the progressive side and to accomplish more without making half the country feel it's getting screwed.

If Obama is wrong or can't pull it off, we may have a reprise of the first Clinton administration, with much recrimination and little accomplishment.

If Clinton is right, ditto. She thinks that's just the way American politics is and that she can play a nastier game than anybody else to get her way. A second Clinton era driven by her self-proclaimed toughness would probably be better than having the Republicans get their guy in the White House, but it's not exactly an enthralling possibility, is it? She's further compromised the chances of Democratic success on the partisan battlefield by alienating many loyal Democrats. Who would have dreamed she would attack moveon.org while playing footsie with Scaife and Drudge?

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Without Ross Perot, it's doubtful Bill Clinton would have ever been president.

Lifelongdem, I'm afraid this is an urban legend that will not die. Exit polls at the time showed that Perot's effect on the election was at best neutral, possibly more favorable to Poppy Bush than to Clinton, but at all events Perot did Clinton no good. I'm too lazy to give you a link, but look at the Daily Howler and search on Perot, Clinton and E. J. Dionne. Somerby thoroughly debunks the "Perot got Clinton elected" meme.

That said, I agree heartily with your basic point, and with Ed's top post. The infatuation with long-past Democratic defeats strikes me as a sort of PTSD flashback to which we as Dems are sadly prone, and which we need to get past. Certainly it is not based in fact and reason.

Thanks for suggesting other sources on Perot's effect. I have limited historical knowledge and am judging from two crude, memory-impaired indicators.

The first is remembering personal acquaintances and relatives in the Southwest, where I grew up. There were lots of people in that particular circle who never considered Clinton and saw the choice as between two conservatives, Perot and Bush I.

The second is recalling how the vote totals shifted around. To refresh my memory, I did some checking:

In 1988, Bush I got 53% of the vote and Dukakis got 46%.

In 1992, Bill Clinton got 43%, Bush I got 37%, and Ross Perot got 19%.

In 1996, Bill Clinton got 49% to Bob Dole's 41%.

Two things about these numbers seem striking to me:

1) Democratic percentage in the three elections was pretty constant, varying 3% around a median of 46%: 46%, 43%, 49%.

2) The Republican percentage was 53%, 37%, and 41%. That was a huge dip in the Republican vote total in 1988 - 16%.

Perot got 19% that year. The dip in the Democratic vote was only 3%. You add the 16% lost by the Republican and the 3% lost by the Democrat and you get the 19% won by Perot. At first blush, you'd think Perot hurt the Republican much more, enabling the Democrat to win.

There were many things that changed in that period of eight years, but it's still puzzling to me if historians say Perot's run didn't help Clinton win.

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OK, I've found it. From the Howler:

ASSOCIATED PRESS (11/4/92): Exit polls suggest Ross Perot hurt George Bush and Bill Clinton about equally.

The VRS polled more than 15,000 voters. On November 12, [E.J.] Dionne provided more details about Perot voters:

DIONNE (11/12/92): In House races, Perot voters split down the middle: 51 percent said they backed Republicans, 49 percent backed Democrats. In the presidential contest, 38 percent of Perot supporters said they would have supported Clinton if Perot had not been on the ballot and 37 percent said they would have supported Bush.

An additional 6 percent of Perot voters said they would have sought another third-party candidate, while 14 percent said they would not have voted if Perot had not run.

http://www.dailyhowler.com/dh062905.shtml

I think this is much more persuasive than inferences from changes in Democratic vote totals every four years, which of course presumes that the same voters are voting, among other things. (Note that, for one thing, turnout went up '88-
'92 about 6%, IIRC.)

Again, I agree with the basic hypothesis being advanced here. It's just that this particular data point is wrong.

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Sorry, tags got messed up. That's all quoting through "if Perot had not run."

Critical Elections and the McGovern/Obama Hypothesis

Not to get pedantic, but one crucial missing factor for this discussion is the concept of critical elections - sharp changes in pre-existing voting patterns that persist over several election cycles. Kevin Phillips has written extensively about this concept. He describes them as electoral revolutions that "hose down the corridors of power both inside and outside of government."

In the Modern era we see two of these occurring: 1932 with the New Deal Coalition (Blacks, workers, farmers and former socialists, former Progressives) prevailing over the Industrial Republican Coalition that had held sway for several decades, and 1968, with the emergence of the voting coalition that has dominated politics for the last 4 decades.

The New Deal Coalition persisted until 1968, when Wallace's candidacy signaled its demise by splitting away southern whites over the issue of Civil Rights, The fractures continued as Democrats lost white blue collar workers and rural voters over, not just civil rights and multiculturalism, but also an anti-war posture and pro regulatory environmental advocacy.

The result was the Law and Order Coalition which solidified is control over political culture during the Reagan/Bush Years. Carter was an outlier due to Watergate, Clinton was an outlier due to Perot's candidacy. Carter was no match for the Coalition in terms of actual policy changes and the Clinton Presidency was based on triangulating with the coalition, much talk - little action.

Looking at McGovern from this perspective sees him as the epitome of a New Dealer at a time when the nation was rejecting the model of the activist, liberal state and rejecting the Democrats' multicultural, anti-war and pro-environment agenda.

The situation could not be more different at present, as Kevin Phillips has consistently been pointing out in his recent books. The Law and Order/privatize everything/help out the big guy coalition has run its course. It has lost touch with the average voter and is clueless as to how to address the current convergence of economic, environmental, social and international crises.

If Obama is elected we will not be able to say if it is a critical election for several years, but it is also clear that he is the only candidate who could conceivably be the one who manages to change voting coalitions and take the nation in a new direction.

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Interesting discussion.

Clinton was an outlier due to Perot's candidacy.

Nitpick: see my response to lifelongdem. This is not true -- Perot didn't help elect Clinton, even a little bit, the widespread belief to the contrary notwithstanding.

Gee not to nitpick but

Based on LifelongDems response to you, your nitpick is flawed. If Perot attracted higher numbers of GOP voters and the Dem vote remained constant then Perot inDEED helped Clinton get elected as it can be presumed that those Perot voters would have voted GOP and BushI would have had a second term.

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Thanks. See my response above.

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I wonder if she's winning Reagan Democrats who would vote Republican in the fall anyway, or vote for Democrats only in this election due to the mess the Republicans have made. I don't know. I know the DLC wants to bring the Reagan Democrats back, but I'm not very comfortable with these Democrats. So in that sense, it is similar to 1972, but not because of McGovern but because of a very long and continuing divide within the Democratic Party. I don't know how you get the Reagan Democrats back and keep me.

The elephant in the room here is race. Race is a complex issue in the US. It's plays into other issues and particularly in other fears.

I thought both of your posts were the best on the thread thus far. A good number of people seem to have bought this "Obama transcends race" talk, even after his race-baiting in SC. It's true that it is less of a factor than it once was but nobody transcends race even at this point in our history. Or religion, for that matter. See: Romney, Willard-Mitt. He should have been a shoo-in for the republican nomination this year.

In spite of the seemingly favorable political landscape this year, it will still be a close election. And both Clinton and Obama 'polarize', just in different ways.

Indiex,
Obama very much transcends race in sheer numbers of the popular vote and that he has the most pledged delegates. Obama could not be ahead in the nomination contest unless he did transcend rates as the black racial minority comprises a small percentage of voters.

Race is not Obama's issue but race-baiting is. Racebaitng that Bill Clinton clearly initiated in true Southern white racist fashion and has continued to use even the day of the Philly primary vote. In NH it started, in SC it intensified, Bill was on a roll the day of the TX and OH primary by going on Rush Limbaugh and he even went on radio in Philly the day of the primary.

Let's be clear, the Obama CAMPAIGN memo of Bills pattern of racial statements is not possible unless Bill makes the statements.

The issue of Wright is also being used as an ethnic divisive issue as well by the Clintons to further racial and ethnic divisions between blacks, Jews and blue collar workers.

Obama has demonstrated his ability to build a new coalition of voters having won the most states and the most delegates. The Clintons and the establishment is running scared. The only way the Clintons have found to slow him down is by playing the race card, repeatedly with surrogates and Bill leading the charge. We know this because of how the media plays the racially divisive commentary repeatedly...we are back on Wright again now in the media and today MSNBC even had the audacity to air an anti Obama ad that has only been on You Tube by exposeObama.

The media is complicit in the race baiting. Obama has the potential to upset the apple cart with his new coalition because it is not beholden to special interests. Obama supporters know this and the establishment does too...thus we have the traditional divide and conquer southern strategy politics that has never failed in the history of American politics to ensure the continued status quo.

You need look no further for evidence of the divisiveness of this campaign than the people in attendance at the candidates rallies. When Cris Matthews had Obama on as part of the College Tour the crown was VERY diverse, old, young, black, white, asian, hispanic, gay and straight. When Cris Matthews had McCain on as part of the College Tour the crowd was a sea of traditional white.

Obama has game changing potential galore and it will be a tremendous upheaval for the good of America if only americans are not duped on the basis of race this time.

Yet, make no mistake he has transcended race or his lead to the nomination would not be insurmountable...only the Superdelegates can overturn the will of the voters.

Thanks for putting that into words, Bluebell. The Democratic party continues to play fast and loose with its progressive base, and I think it's only a matter of time before this base splits off. We may create a third party that doesn't achieve much more than opposition status for a very long time, but opposition -- and I mean real opposition, not just lip service -- is a substantive thing. It's what fueling a great deal of Obama's support. He may be running as a Democrat but a lot of us are supporting him less because he is a Democrat than because he represents an alternative, not simply to Republican politics as usual, but to the Democratic variety of this same sellout as well.

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Thank you, anna, and I agree. I've voted for every Democratic presidential candidate since McGovern but I was ready to bolt this year until Obama came along. Not because I have illusions about Obama but I agree that I thought we might have a chance for him to change the conversation.

With Hillary we have the broken record - all the old cliches, all the old Republican canards, repackaged as a Democratic product. Why? Because the Republican product must be better than a Democratic product since Democrats no longer have the confidence to sell their own brand.

With Obama we don't yet have the audacity of risk. If you're going to sell a new product you have to get past the fear of failure and believe in the product so strongly that you are able convince others by your enthusiasm. But you need more than hoping for the product, you have to have the audacity to put that product on the shelf, at eye level, front and center, where everyone can see it, and dare them to buy it.

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... (Clinton's) victories, I think, were due more to the force of his personality than to his strategy.

Having Perot in the '92 race didn't hurt his chances, either.

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Bluebell:

Your comment is important, in that it reinforces the idea that coalition politics is a matter of harnessing big categories of voters with very different points of view. IMHO, it's actually a matter of minimizing losses and maximizing gains while presenting a reasonably coherent progressive message and agenda.

No Democratic candidate is going to regain all the "Reagan Democrats" (many of whom, in reality, are off the table due to, well, death), but victory does depend on minimizing unessential differences with some voters who are responsive to the main progressive message, but who may not like you, even as you may not like them. The Big Tent isn't about accomodating every conceivable point of view; it's about reconciling second and third order priorities under the umbrella of shared first priorities.

If your first priorities are incompatible with those of what's left of the "Reagan Democrats," then that's a problem for you, but the problem is with two-party American politics, not with Democrats.

Ed Kilgore

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Yes, but I think the problem is those first priorities. If the difficulty were only those lesser priorities, it wouldn't have been so difficult for Democrats for so long. It is the problem of Democrats. I don't think representative democracy works anymore if you only have Reagan Democrats and Reagan Republicans.

I've been having some great conversations with rural liberals and urban Republicans. Neither seem be hung up on Reagan, guns, God, or gays. I find a common understanding and common fear that the United States is falling behind, losing out, can't compete, going backwards, in denial, over committed abroad and running away from huge problems.

And to address these huge problems we have two political parties willing to fight tooth and nail over code issues - guns, flag pins ....issues that distract and prevent us from getting anywhere near the huge problems facing this country.

I don't know what a progressive agenda is? Is it a good Methodist wearing a flag pin obliterating Iran?

Which is why the two party system has to go the way of the dinosaurs. The more fractures we get, the more we will have a viable politcal arena in which elected officials have to actually deliver something or their constituents will move on. I'd like to see half a dozen parties. But for now just a third one that isn't apologetic about having liberals with education (or just thinking skills) within its membership would do.

At the risk of being redundant, I think Judis is a terrific writer, reporter and analyst who's just wrong in this particular instance. Of course, the Republicans will do their level best to "McGovernize" Obama but I don't think they'll succeed unless he fails to preempt and respond appropriately. It's a different world, he's a much better candidate than McGovern, and the political landscape is much more favorable to any progressive. It is true that his winning coalition will look substantially different from what we've seen in recent presidential elections, but between new voters, younger voters, independents and disaffected Republicans, I think he can add more than he loses. I also think a substantial number of white blue collar Dems who voted for Hillary in the primary will ultimately recognize that Obama will fight for their interests and that McCain will continue the policies of an incumbent they despise.

I believe that George McGovern endorsed Hillary Clinton.

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Sure appreciate getting your thoughts on this, Ed, because the analogy has certainly been bouncing around this once-upon-a-time Gene teen boomer's head lately as I read various reports. Thanks for the input.

By the way, on the Clinton 92 model, and "its the economy dejas allover again stupid" I thought something I just read was interesting and might interest you and like minds, as it includes quotes from Obama-supporter Robert Reich, as well as Larry Summers and Robert Shapiro:
Econobamanomic Theory
By John Heilemann

from New York Magazine April 28 issue.
(Sure would like to know the identity of the "preeminent Democratic economist" who told Heilemann that “It won’t make a flying fuck of a difference to U.S. workers if there are labor standards in these trade agreements or not”)

Certainly sounds like Hillary 'screw 'em' Clinton.

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I think there's been a bit too much focus on key demographic groups. Obama's PA loss has clear issues for his coalition, but it may be that the blue-collar issue is indicative of something deeper:

(1) he has to figure out how to go for the jugular in a way that's consistent with his message. I think it's very possible. for example, why wasn't he more aggressive on the fallacies in Clinton's Middle East umbrella policy? why not pounce on that and make it a huge media issue, hit her on her supposed strength, i.e. experience?

(2) Obama will never conform to Chris Matthews' (elitist) definition of a "regular" guy, nor should he. he needs to attack that directly and just tell people "look, I am who I am and that will never change." talk about his experience as a community organizer a lot more, make that a much larger part of his narrative. seems to me that some voters are looking for a more concrete impression of who he is as a person

Chris,

Or perhaps the issue is for Obama is to find a new base other than the blue collar workers who have not been a group that Clinton, Gore or Kerrey were able to win.

Perhaps, the Democratic party is not the party for those voters. They are not interested in the ideals and platforms of the Democratic party. Is that so difficult to accept?

The fact that Obama has brought a whole new cadre of voters out during this election and that the voters are voting in unprecedented numbers means there is another coalition of voters out there to build the Democratic base on.

Why is Obama and/or his race being scapegoated as the reason for blue collar voter disaffection when no other Democrat Presidential candidate after Carter has been able to win that group of voters?

Democrats need to become more realistic about who our base of voters is or we will turn into a race baiting party just like the GOP turned to the Southern strategy with Nixon following Thurmond's failed run in 48.

It is time we left this racial divisiveness in the 20th centrury and move forward without it encumbering American politics and if the only way to do that is to reassess whether the blue collar voter is truly the base of the Democratic party or not..is long overdue.

We need to build a bridge to the 21st century a coalition made possible by the post-Civil Rights generation just as the New Deal was made possible by the post-Depression era generation.

Obama is a visionary because he understands this. He understands why our nation is crumbling economically and in global standing is due to these archaic racist economic issues and policies.
Americans are not benefitting from these groups having hijacked our government so that multinational conglomerates and special interests rule in oppostion to the values of American democracy and Americans earning a living wage.

Let the Reagan Democrates and blue collar voters go there way they are dinosaurs and a link to the anchor that is pulling American down into terrorist, global warmongering and the loss of our civil liberties.

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look, I agree that this group has been focused on way too much, it's practically a media fetish. but there's no reason to simply ignore them, especially if Obama has the potential to broaden his coalition with pre-existing aspects of his message.

so I'm not suggesting Obama actually fake some connection that doesn't exist (the way Hillary does for example). but is his background not relevant to the struggles of working class families, black and white? if so, why not put more focus on that connection?

I see your point ChrisG, it is always good to have as broad of a voter demographic as possible.
I just don't see how though when that demographic has been the one that has most reliably responding to the southern racebaiting strategy.

Historically, no Demoratic President since Carter has been successful at appealing to the 'bluecollarethniconservative' voter, as the GOP patented the Southern strategy for that very reason. Had other Democratic Presidential candidates been successful post 1968 in this demographic then Nixon, Reagan, BushI and BushII would not have been in the oval office.

That demographic reliably responds to the racial divisive dog whistle, every single time...even Bill Clinton was unable to get those folks to vote for him and he was a Southern 'legacy' white boy or as they say 'a son of the south'.

So, all I am saying is if this group wants to wallow in the racial muck and mire of America's past we can't do a thing about that...not even if you are a good ol southern son of the south.

Thus it is specious for anyone to make the argument that it is due to race that Obama is unable to tap into this group. White Democratic candidates for the past 40 years have failed to do so.

All of which says Obama has to build a new coalition that does not rely on them. Just as Hillary will need a new base to rely on if they steal the nomination from Obama as African Americans will stay home. She is banking on the Hispanic vote, which is why her and Bill were so pissed about Richardson.

In order to move into the 21st century the Democrates need a new post-civil rights era coalition comprised primarily of the post-segregation children. That is Obama's core base along with those whites and jews who believed in civil rights.

He needs to identify that core constituency. And it is those children who will bring their parents and those parents who will bring the folks in that generation who will build the new Democratic coalition. America is now comprised of a majority of minorities and they can become the new Democratic base.

And we shall be lead by the children.

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Vicissitudes,

I think you’re mistaken about Clinton not taking the white working class vote (yes, there was a move of Southern whites to Reagan but that was a conservative block that had been held from bolting since FDR and would have left anyway. I don't think race is the main issue today either. I'm one of these southern white working class grunts and I no of no-one who was hearing dog whistles or even thinking about race (outside the media obsession) until the Wright thing raised it. There will be some of any group that will only vote their race but it's not the issue.

Working class whites, blacks and browns have been the backbone of the Democratic party and are going to elect the next president. Axelrod’s “Screw ‘em” today was a gaffe. Obama doesn’t want to alienate this group. He may squeak by in the primary with a new coalition but McCain will clean up if he can swing even just the white working class leaners.

I love a good historical analogy as much as anybody--what Reagan did to Ford in 1976 has been much on my mind of late, because I fear it is much on the minds of Hillary and her immediate circle--but I am kind of feeling the need to state the obvious. This is not 1968 or 1972 or 1976, nor is it any of the election year that followed in the next two decades.

The demographics of this country have fundementally changed. Whites are now the largest minority in a nation of minorities and the Reagan Revolution has collapsed under the weight of a moral and intellectual bankruptcy what was beginning to show by the end of W's first term. Even among our seniors, the differences between the life experiences of a 60 year old and a 70 year old are profound.

History is a tricky thing. Know too little, and you're an ignorant fool making ignorant mistakes like starting new wars before the old ones are done and getting into land wars in Asia. Learn too much and you can become its prisoner, parylized into indicision or folly by perceived perils that are the product of false analogy or, worse still, perpetually clinging to ancient grievances that are the proper province of the dead.

And the most dangerous history of all is that which has occurred in our lifetimes. We are genetically programmed to see patterns and make connections between the datapoints created by our own experiences, but we should never forget that it is that same programming that causes us construct a face out of a random arrangment of craters and lava flows on the moon.

Hubert Humphrey "threw the kitchen sink" at McGovern during the California primary contest in 1972. He accused McGovern of weakening U.S. defenses in general, of leaving Israel defenseless against the Soviets and their Arab friends, and of proposing left-wing programs on social issues. He rallied machine Dems, was backed mainly by senior citizens and old-guard labor leaders, and forced McGovern, way ahead in delegates, to go all the way to the convention to obtain the nomination. Although McGovern prevailed, he and his staff were exhausted at the convention and made their most famous and fatal errors there.

Sounds terribly familiar.

Doesn't it, though? And neither McGovern nor Humphrey ever saw the inside of the Oval Office.

On reflection, I think Bruce Miroff has directed our focus to the right side of the equation:

To me, perhaps the most striking parallel is between the roles Humphrey played in 1972 and Hillary Clinton is playing this year.

Bruce, could you perhaps start a discussion with a new blog entry that shows where Hillary and Humphrey are playing similar roles, where there are differences, and where the political context of Democratic politics remains the same and where it doesn't? Can you shed light on whether Hillary is ending Democratic chances, or has the world changed enough so that her "kitchen sink" attacks are mild and harmless, as she and her advisers suggest?


I have numerous friends who are in their mid to late 60s or older who are on the Obama-is-McGovern kick. I voted for McGovern, my first vote in a presidential election and so did many of my same-age friends. We are not fools. We didn't push Kucinich, who would be McGovern or even less electable.

I know the 60s + set votes more than others, but it is inconceivable to me that Obama will follow the McGovern pattern. McGovern rode the wave of anti-war politics, but that wave was never a tusami, otherwise the very soon afterwards election of Reagan would have been impossible. McGovern was never charismatic, he was right on the right issue with the most vocal part of the public, before he began making foolish mistakes. Obama is a different character.

I am, frankly, shocked at the rigid behavior of some of my 60s + friends, who are hostile to Obama allegedly because of their fear of McGovern-effect, but at least some of them seem to be admitting that they have sold out to "the way things are done" for so long that they cannot imagine objecting to Clinton merely for her sell out on so many critical issues. This seems like a deep psychological defense to me, sort of: "well of course we accept her sell out, everyone must sell out, we sold out but we are still good people... blah blah blah" I don't buy it for a second, myself.

...at least some of them seem to be admitting that they have sold out to "the way things are done" for so long...

So they "seem to be admitting" that they've sold out? That sounds like your interpretation when they told you to grow up after you explained to them how Barry was going to change everything. SHOULD he get elected, he isn't going to change anything.

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This is a bit of a tangent, but...

Sorry - I can"t let the casual dismal of mental health issues or of Thomas Eagleton pass without comment...

"Nor is he likely to choose as his running-mate an unvetted politician who turns out to have a string of drunk-driving citations, or has repeatedly undergone electro-shock therapy. (If Obama's running-mate did prove to be weak..."

Shame on you - is it the fact that Eagleton was a Navy veteran that made him weak, or perhaps the fact he was a grad of Harvard Law?

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There is no Nixon in this equation.

To paraphrase Carville. Judis is acting like Gov. Bill Richardson.

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To Bruce Miroff:

I haven't read you book, but will, and do appreciate your last post about the flip side of the Obama/McGovern analogy: the HRC/HHH analogy.

I dunno about this latter analogy: HHH did indeed batten on the acid/abortion/amnesty charicature of McGovern, and did falsely accuse George of favoring a gigantic welfare program and big defense cuts. Since HRC's policy attacks on Obama have mainly been in the territory of arguing about health care mandates and slurring him on relatively obscure features of SocSec, I don't think it's quite comparable.

As for the general idea that McGovern and Obama were savaged by Democrats after they "won" their nominations--well, that's an endlessly debatable proposition. And for all the current worrying--which I share--about the consequences of an endlessly contested nomination, I don't think Obama faces anything like McGovern's defection of labor leaders, party leaders, including an entire region of party leaders(the South).

Ed Kilgore

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Aidan:

I was careful to stick to the facts about Eagleton, other than the implicit criticism of McGovern for picking him without vetting, then backing him, then dumping him.

Yes, Eagleton was a "weak" Veep nominee, if not because of his mental health issues, then because of his drinking problem, and because he lied to McGovern about all of it.

I tend to agree with the point of view that McGovern would have been better advised to stick with Eagleton and use his candidacy to educate people about mental illness (which might have met a more amenable public than was understood at the time). But ask yourself this, Aidan: with all the advances over the last thirty-six years on public understanding of mental illness, do you really think there's any chance a contemporary presidential candidate would knowingly choose a running-mate with Eagleton's profile today, particularly given Eagleton's slim positive credientials? No, of course not. Maybe that's a negative reflection of where we are as a country with respect to mental illness, but it's no particular reason for condemning George McGovern.

Ed Kilgore

Watch Clinton's Penn victory speech. She lambasts an Iraq occupation that she voted for and the No Child Left Behind bill that she voted for.

To be a Clinton supporter is to live in a no-accountability world as a mirror image of GOP voters.

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McGovern was in a pickle vis-a-vis Eagleton. As he wrote later, his instinct was to keep him on the ticket, and that resonated with his compassion as well. But the word came from the big donors of the Democratic Party that if Eagleton didn't go, their wallets would slam 1000% shut. Eagleton went.

By the way, the 1972 election was also the classic example of the "October surprise". About a week before the election, Henry the Kiss announced that "Peace is at hand"; the Viet Nam war was about to be over. The press bought it, and even went so far as to run retrospective stories. Peace, of course, wasn't at hand at all, and after the election Nixon unleashed on North Viet Nam the heaviest bombing campaign of the war.

Peace,
Paul

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This is a small point in terms of your post but one I am compelled to make.

You wrote:

"Nor is he likely to choose as his running-mate an unvetted politician who turns out to have a string of drunk-driving citations, or has repeatedly undergone electro-shock therapy."

Your characterization of the late Sen. Tom Eagleton as an "unvetted politician" is simply untrue and incredibly unfair. As someone who had the great honor of knowing Senator Eagleton personally and being quite familiar with the details of what was known or not about him when he was selected as the Vice Presidential nominee in 1972 I feel compelled to say that you just don't have it right.

By 1972 Senator Eagleton had been elected statewide in Missouri as Attorney General (1960), Lt. Governor (1964) and then United States Senator Senator since 1968 having defeated an entrenched incumbent in a primary as the liberal anti-war candidate. Prior to his election on the state level he was elected Prosecuting Attorney in the City of St. Louis in 1956. At the time St. Louis was the largest city in the state and one of the 20 largest in the country. Winning statewide as a liberal, Catholic urban Democrat in a rural dominated, Jim Crow, largely protestant state was no mean feat in and of itself in 1960.

His personal difficulties were known but not widely publicized, there was no effort to cover them up or deny them and those circumstances hadn't prevented him from achieving the stunning electoral successes he had achieved. Neither did they prevent him from being re-elected handily more than once afterward.

That the national press and public would react as ignorantly as they did in 1972 with respect to his having been treated for depression is what it is, but it is hardly a result of the Senator being an "unvetted politician". The issue of his driving record (including no arrests) was hardly on the radar screen with respect to the controversey over his place on the national ticket and frankly, was nothing all that out of the ordinary in that period of our history for either politicians or private citizens.

And lastly, you wrote:

"particularly given Eagleton's slim positive credentials?"

Tom Eagleton was one of the most eloquent and charismatic public figures in the Democratic party at that time (and I would add it was a time populated with far more gifted speakers than our present time and thus, that he stood out on that score is all the more impressive). His passionate oratory was well known and well recognized. He was a courageous and articulate spokesman for the liberal Democratic agenda. He was a fearless and unapologetic opponent of the war in Viet Nam in a state that the common wisdom would have predicted would never support an anti-war candidate. He was one of the most influential doves in the Senate. He was a candidate that connected with average, blue collar voters and had a very strong track record as a vote getter with that constituency. I don't know what your basis is for saying he had "slim positive credentials" but it couldn't be based on knowledge of Tom Eagleton or his career.

After 1972 he was one of the leading figures of opposition to Nixon and the war in the Senate. He was a central figure in passage of the War Powers Act and on other measures designed to curtail Nixon's ability to continue the war in Viet Nam and to keep future Presidents from abusing their powers to wage war. It was Tom Eagleton's amendment that finally cut off funding for the war in Viet Nam and put an end to the killing there.

Our nation would be far better off if we had more "unvetted politicians" with "slim positive credentials" like Tom Eagleton in office today.

You are right that the specifics of HHH's attacks and HRC's attacks are different. But I was pointing to the idea that Humphrey was pushing the image of McGovern as too "radical" for the American people long before Nixon did and previewing most of the attacks on McGovern that the Nixon campaign would use in the fall. And while the stop-McGovern coalition included many conservative Democrats whose kind are no longer in the party, HHH was the figure who stood behind them and was expected to gain the nomination if they were successful.

To Ed Kilgore,

Ed, I meant to add one last point to the theme of fratricidal warfare within the Democratic Party: in both 1972 and 2008, a party establishment used to governing resented upstarts who beat them at the grassroots. The irony: among the upstarts in 1972 were Bill and Hillary, who worked for McGovern's Texas campaign.

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Bruce,
What is your take on the media depiction of McGovern and Nixon, compared to Obama and McCain (or the framing of the internecine Dem candidates)? I was a young foot soldier in the McGovern campaign and my very hazy recollection is that he was generally represented as more radical than reformist (or was this the revisionism) while Nixon was portrayed as more centrist and honest than later revealed. It seems that the press at least tried to appear more fair and impartial then, and of course, this was before the cable explosion and Howard Beale-Network tabloidization of broadcast news. How did news coverage jibe with your take on the situation?

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Erstwhile Boomer radicals (and J. Judis is one of my all-time favorites) have to put everything into a context of what was going on back when they were radicals. They are obsessed with either A) avoiding the mistakes of their radical past or B) reigniting the radical passions of the past. It mostly depends on the particular issue. First rule of Boomer politics: All socio-political paradigms of any interest were invented in the decade between 1962 and 1972.

very well stated

Don,

Actually, the press did a poor job in 1972--see the classic book by Timothy Crouse, Boys on the Bus. Robert Novak (yes, the same one) and his partner Rowland Evans were the first to propagate the image of McGovern as radical. Reporters covering the McGovern campaign went from dismissal in the early primaries to praise when McGovern won the later primaries to disdain after the Democratic convention, successively portraying him as bumbler and opportunist (the Eagleton affair), moral prig (for condemning Nixon's immorality), and then hapless loser. Meanwhile, Nixon was inaccessible to the press during the campaign, and they never laid a glove on him.

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Thanks, I’m kind of curious now and will look further into it. I can’t say I was paying a lot of attention to the mainstream press at the time, but I remember passing out McGovern campaign literature that had a big centerfold with the Watergate burglars profiled and the dirty tricks (as far as known) and ties to the WH. I was frustrated because no one I talked to had heard anything of it or seemed to care, and the press didn’t seem interested before the election.

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I resent the snarks at we boomers. Many of us have been trying to fight the good fight against the establishment for 35 years to no avail. Case in point:

http://thehill.com/leading-the-news/dems-hedge-on-healthcare-2008-04-23.html

Even BEFORE the election, the establishment Dems are telegraphing that they will sell us out on healthcare "reform". Heck, and we're not even talking universal health care here.

How can anyone take this party seriously? It ought to be renamed the preemptive surrender party.

It is cute though how they are so willing to announce that the campaign is one big lie months before the election. If I were a Republican, I'd run with this great quote from Rockefeller:

“We all know there is not enough money to do all this stuff,”

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"Telegraphing" that they will sell us out? That's putting it rather mildly is it not?

They've already sold us out twenty times over. Making matters worse, we have only two centrist, corporate Dems to choose from! The irony is that win or lose, the establishment/DLC crowd will sell us out so they screw the average American for their own benefit either way.

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