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The Ur-Story Behind Obama's 'Cling Gaffe'

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Let me say something so sweatily self-referential and implausible that I had to think awhile before saying it: Barack Obama's remarks at that California fund-raiser were well-intentioned and decently modulated, and he identified currents I have reason to know are deep, But that's the problem: Those currents are really deep.

I need for you to do something now that most casual blog readers don't: Please click this link now and read a description, written 32 years ago,-of what he has gotten himself into by remarking that small-town people "cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren't like them, or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations."

Do stop and read this story of January 28, 1976 -- in the Harvard Crimson, of all places (editor-in-chief, Nicholas B. Lemann) --- about how I persuaded some young, white working-class Boston guys to go to hear James Baldwin address a heavily black audience of undergrads at Harvard. Thirty-two years later -- a few months ago -- most if not all of these same men became part of the reason why Obama lost the Massachusetts primary, despite endorsements from Ted Kennedy and the state's first black governor, Deval Patrick.

As this ancient tale foretold, some working whites' not-so-hidden injuries of class were rubbed raw by Harvard whites' preference for elevating selected blacks above themselves. It isn't just what Obama said; it's that he said it at an exclusive California fund-raiser to rich whites who spend so little time caring about poor blacks in Oakland or Watts that they're quick to blame their plight on working whites and want this black Harvard lawyer to lighten their own moral and political responsibilities by balancing things out.

Obama's remarks about dispossessed small-town whites weren't as condescending as some would have us believe. He defended the people he was describing against charges of racism. But if you've now read what I wrote in 1976, you'll know why I've exhumed it.

It's about racism, sure enough, but also about how some upscale whites pile less fortunate whites' racial resentments onto those same whites' class resentments, clucking their tongues disapprovingly in ways that tend to diminish or distract attention from the class part of the problem.

The Crimson essay of three decades ago is the Ur-story that drove me to write here in February about Obama's Biggest Weakness. To the exasperation of some of my friends, I don't now believe everything I said in 1976 about the interdependency of capitalism and racism and the viability of a socialist response. There are better, transitional responses. And, for now, Obama's candidacy is the best of them.

He deserves immeasurable credit, first, for working his own way through coils of racism and racialism that could have constricted and constrained him forever, and, second, for immersing himself in an African-American community of memory and endurance that most with his options would have danced away from. What he did showed courage and intelligence, not just political calculation.

What he did not do was engage working-class whites very deeply -- first, because no one man's life gives him a chance to do everything, and, second, because a skinny black kid named Barack Obama wouldn't have gotten far had he tried.
He has played the hand he was dealt as intelligently and honestly as anyone could, and, as a senator, has used his prodigious moral imagination to try to compensate for the cards he didn't hold.

That has left him with some blind spots, and, if you've read the Crimson piece, you understand why this one could prove fatal. For all the differences between the working and unemployed guys I knew in Boston and the ones I don't know in Pennsylvania, the toxic landfill of racial and class resentment is still as deep in the one place as in the other.

The only thing even more toxic and damnable than those resentments is their willful stoking by the former first lady of Arkansas, who has every reason to know that the voters she's courting this way wouldn't have invited Obama over for barbecue had he come from Columbia and Harvard to live and work among them instead of among the people in Southside Chicago. In her desperation, she has made the moral burden of Obama's supposed "condescension" hers as much as his.


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You do claim to be a scholar? Of what?

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For a guy named Sleeper, you sure have a way of waking people up.

I did read your eloquent piece: "Above The Battle: The Price We Pay."
I'm tired, so I must read it again. There is lots there to ponder.
But I want to comment and react in the moment, about what struck me.
Here's some context: Flipping through channels yesterday I came upon the 2006 Oscar winning movie, "Crash", which is about race relations or irrelations, to coin a term.
There is a scene where the white cop, played by Matt Dillon, pleads with a black medical insurance social worker to bend a rule so that his father, who is dying of cancer, can see a different doctor. After spewing racial epithets at her and "her people", Dillon's character explains that his father owned a janitorial business that employed many black workers, with whom he worked side by side. He then tells her that his dad lost his business, wife, family ect. when an affirmative action law was passed and a contract went to a "black-owned" business.......


Anger, bitterness and clinging can be explained in innumerable ways. Understanding it empathically takes time and begins with a frank discussion, which I am hearing.....for the first time in many years.
That is hopeful.
What concerns me is this observation you made in 1976 about how racism blossoms in economically tough times like we are in:


"Still there were barriers between us, and the strongest to surface that autumn in Boston was racism.
"What can I say? Sleezy arguments, innuendos, inflated anecdotes--and legitimate complaints about abuses in preferential hiring and busing. Racial tensions had increased, I argued, because of scarce jobs and deteriorating schools for both black and white working class families. Our economy has always permitted blacks some exit from chronic unemployment in times of plenty, but it has found them easiest to fire when times are hard. If blacks refuse to bear the brunt of the current depression, they become scapegoats for white workers unwilling to share it. That keeps the heat off employers and the upper class. Take away racism, "heroic" wars and pacification programs like welfare or unemployment compensation, and the corporate profit system has to admit it can't make room for everyone; then it must resort to outright repression, using techniques and technology developed since the sixties to cope with future uprisings."


I'm fearful how some power-grabbers might use that dynamic today to their benefit.


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So when is TPM ever going to have a black male writer?

Everyone on the TPM Cafe roster is a white male.

When is TPM Cafe ever going to have black female writer?

Just wondering.

Thanks.


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Jim Sleeper you can be obtuse. I

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(somehow my comments were posted midstream).

I didn't understand what you were saying until going back to that Crimson piece. Sorry, but that is not good writing if you have ask the reader to go back and read some background before they understand your primary point.

In any case I think you have missed Obama's appeal. He is reaching out to these working class people that have resentments against the meager gains many people of color have achieved. His campaign has worked from the beginning to talk to these people. It is of course a complex dialogue but he has been connectin. I happen to be firmly in the middle class academic world today but I entered this world within the working class, perhaps by today's standards it would be considered poor but that is not how we saw it. Your earlier piece really does describe attitudes that I experienced and witnessed. But I do believe that Obama is talking to these people in a way that neither you nor I fully understand.

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I consider this piece by Jim Sleeper poorly written. Aside from the glaring lack of an opening thesis statement to focus the reader's attention on the point at issue, the title of the post simply assumes a "gaffe" on the part of Senator Obama where a qualifying "ostensible" or "putative" or "alleged" placed before the debatable noun might have acknowledged the intelligent reader's ability to come to his or her own conclusion. Personally, when I heard the words "bitter" and "cling" raised in a discussion of divide-and-rule fascist politics exploiting the anxieties of economically squeezed working-people, I immediately thought of George Orwell's masterful treatment of the subject in The Road to Wigan Pier (1937).

I posted the following extended quotation in another thread started by Todd Gitlin, but I post it again here for Mr. Sleeper's benefit, as I cannot imagine how anyone familiar with Orwell could have ever read it and then found Senator Obama's comments the least inappropriate or surprising. For easy reference, I've taken the liberty of emphasizing key words and sentences with italics and/or bold fonts. (I hope the "blockquote" HTML tags work this time).

If social stratification corresponded precisely to economic stratification, the public-school man would assume a cockney accent the day his income dropped below £200 a year. But does he? On the contrary, he immediately becomes twenty-times more Public School than before. He clings to the Old School Tie as to a life-line. And even the aitchless [“H”-less] millionaire – though sometimes he goes to an elocutionist and learns a B.B.C. accent -- seldom succeeds in disguising himself as completely as he would like to. It is in fact very difficult to escape, culturally, from the class into which you have been born.

As prosperity declines, social anomalies grow commoner. You don’t get more aitchless millionaires, but you do get more and more public-school men touting [selling] vacuum cleaners and more and more small shopkeepers driven into the workhouse. Large sections of the middle class are being gradually proletarianized; but the important point is that they do not, at any rate in the first generation, adopt a proletarian outlook. Here am I , for instance, with a bourgeois upbringing and a working-class income. Which class do I belong to? Economically I belong to the working class, but it is almost impossible for me to think of myself as anything but a member of the bourgeoisie. And supposing I had to take sides, whom should I side with: the upper class which is trying to squeeze me out of existence, or the working class whose manners are not my manners? It is probable that I personally, in any important issue, would side with the working class. But what about the tens or hundreds of thousands of others who are in approximately the same position? And what about that far larger class, running into millions this time – the office-workers and black-coated employees of all kinds – whose traditions are less definitely middle class but who would certainly not thank you if you called them proletarians? All of these people have the same interests and the same enemies as the working class. All are being robbed and bullied by the same system. Yet how many of them realize it? When the pinch came, nearly all of them would side with their oppressors and against those who ought to be their allies. It is quite easy to imagine a middle class crushed down to the worst depths of poverty and still remaining bitterly anti-working class in sentiment; this being, of course, a ready-made Fascist Party.”

To wax perfectly pedantic for a moment, please note Orwell's unapologetic use of the concepts embodied in terms like "bitter" and "cling." Good English words, those; giving>/i> offense to no one but those determined to take some, no matter what. Anyone finding Senator Obama's words "offensive" aggressively wishes to find them so -- and out of suspiciously (if not obviously) self-serving motives.

If anything, I fault Senator Obama and other "Democrats" with not having the courage to openly address the corporate crypto-fascism that the Seizure Class Republican Party has ruthlessly, relentlessly, openly, and -- in fact, joyfully -- perpetrated upon the American working person for at least the past three decades. I realize that the infantile sensibilities inculcated in, and promulgated by, the co-opted American corporate media will consciously (mis)interpret as a "gaffe" (if not "treasonous" insurrection) any such openly honest discussion of the Republican Party's trademark "culture war" political opportunism. Still, I think that Senator Obama's comments mark at least the possible beginnings of such a long-overdue investigation.

As I believe others have pointed out to good effect: Committing Truth does not mean that one has committed a "gaffe."

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Apropos of Senator Obama's comments on what I wish he had called "Contemporary Corporate Crypto-Fascism in Republican Party America," I would like to add here a letter that I wrote to Newsweek Magazine on 2/17/2005 in reaction to an article by Jonathan Alter entitled “The Bush Deal,” which largely gave a pass to Sheriff Dick and Deputy Dubya's assault on (under the guise of "reforming") Social Security. Three years later, I think the letter still has some salience in regard to Senator Obama's efforts to engage us in an investigation of divide-and-rule reactionary recidivism run amok at home and abroad. At any rate:

"The Calvinist and his Hobbes"

Permit me to acquaint you with a bit of history as a supplement to Jonathan Alter’s column (2/17/05) From The Uses of the Past (Mentor Books, 1952) by Herbert Muller, page 293:

"The chief sufferers from [the] development [of Puritanism], were the poor. In the Middle Ages, the poor were objects of charity, however sentimental; poverty itself was sanctified by Christian tradition. In the Puritan scheme of retributive justice, poverty was a sign of moral failure. The poor became the ‘idle poor.’ The spiritual fervor that once had focused on the sins of pride and greed now focused on indolence and improvidence. Presently it was discovered that the best way to keep the poor industrious and rescue them was to pay them low wages, keep them poor. A long line of ministers down to [the 20th] century preached the necessity of poverty in the divine economy. Protests on behalf of the poor were early denounced as incitements to ‘class hatred.’ Protestant theology supported a privileged class, with its division of mankind into the elect and the damned, but the pious grew even more uncharitable because of their innocence of economics. Like the naive businessman, they assumed that success or failure was due solely to the individual; they were quite unaware how extensively their society supported and endowed business. With the Industrial Revolution the state became more lavish in its favors to business but continued to deny any responsibility for unemployment, poverty, and distress. Not until the Great Depression did the American government fully recognize, and frankly accept, this responsibility."

So now we can better understand the truly noble and devoutly religious aspirations of Wal-Mart and the Bush Administration. Keeping the poor working unpaid overtime off the clock will, in fact, keep them poor and thus safe from falling into evil indolence and leisure; will, in fact, save their souls. We can also see that the current Republican fashion of attacking the poor for their ingratitude and “class warfare” far predates FDR and the New Deal. Decades of concerted attacks by Republican Party Administrations on labor unions, Social Security, public education, and family planning (the chief means by which the poor might better themselves and escape their poverty) do not constitute anything new under the sun, but rather only resume a Calvinist aggression, a true and historic “class war,” against the poor launched centuries ago as a result of the Protestant Reformation. The Calvinist Puritan, George W. Bush, along with his amoral Thomas Hobbes, Dick Cheney, do not have any problem whatsoever with either big government or “class warfare,” as long as they get to monopolize the former in the service of exclusively practicing the latter.

The current Bush Administration no doubt has purely angelic motives in wanting to enforce the “salvation” of the poor (who somehow don’t seem capable of achieving it through their own efforts) by giving the misunderstood rich even more government protection and lavish support. Lucky for the overworked rich that their stalwart religious piety prevents massive government subsidy, extensive leisure, and chronic conspicuous consumption from corrupting them as it would the “idle poor,” should these undeserving ingrates ever achieve a minimum living wage. The Calvinist Bush Administration obviously believes in eviscerating the Social Security System (after first looting its surpluses, of course) not for any selfish or privileged-class-perpetuating motives, but only out of a sincere desire to keep the working poor safe from themselves and thus deserving of a better life after death than the miserable one they have only themselves to blame for living here on earth.

Michael Murry,
Kaohsiung, Taiwan
2/19/2005


First, Obama's comments in San Francisco revealed his attitude. Since he is running for the presidency, an examination of his attitude is not only fair political game, it is imperative. Both Hillary and McCain are right to question his attitude, as we should all.

Second - and I'm sorry to reduce this to such simplistic terms, but sometimes the truth is simple - your argument essentially says that we should be more understanding of Barack Obama's failures because he is black and therefore had to go through a lot. No! Whomever we elect President, that person must get there on their own two feet, not through well-intentioned sympathy.

What was written in 1976 is as meaningless today as then; the basic constructs and dynamics of group behavior are correct but the conclusions from these experiences are not. Much as Glenn Loury's South Side Chicago, the framework of Boston circa 1976 juxtaposed against Baldwin has little relevance for today; the common thread between the views of Loury and those above is that each extrapolate personal experiences to encompass a larger narrative on class and race.

Most citizens would be clueless about these experiences or locations as they would be clueless about 3rd Ward in Houston, Hunter's Point in San Fransisco, or Anacostia in southeast D.C. but less so of 9th Ward due to Katrina in 2005. Each has a rich history and story to tell that is as disparate as life in the rural south as compared to life in the great plains or upstate New York.

They sound good but ideas above just don't hunt too well; the fundamental is simple: group differences do and will continue to exist. Rodney King expressed it best(to paraphrase): how can we find the ground to get passed that and this? In sum the starting point is "we" or the common good and thread; once established Baldwin and hunters can agree to return to the "we" minus arguing about novels and ducks while hunting. Of course horse trading and local politics do graze on the common greens; the trick is to keep the commons' green as in give and take.

Nuts? In the past 150 years how did the various ethics European communities function together in cities and town of the Eastern United States? Remember, since 1970 the U.S.A. has experienced: the Rust Belt, the Southern Strategy, Forced Busing-Boston Style; Vietnam; Agnew's elites; women libs, etc. Then along comes Obama, the rage of Harvard who relates to a lot of different folks; it does confuse the powers that be and more so those who want to be in power.

In sum the classic clash of class and wealth arises to maintain the status quo; i.e., Obama will screw up the presumed gravy train, and possibly send some folks to jail even if Scooter will be safe from those bars. And, the small town bitters awake, this non-vetted guy who cannot win is exposed, and Rove is a non paid staffer for McCain meet, at least in the heads of some desperate folks; i.e., a redux of the past 35+ years. In short this redux is the subtext to this narrative in this article; this has nothing to do with small town or rural white America.

Problem: Folks are tired of this; this being the got-ya thing, the race thing, the gas thing, for certain the Bush & Co thing, and the MSM thing. Folks are just tired and fired-up to get rid of a bunch of folks. Nonetheless, their is an element to be concerned about which is the convergence of strange bed fellows; it has nothing to do with upscale or downscale classes and race, the issue is powers that have no quarter for Obama.

Finally, those mid-western states along the Mississippi river kinda sinks the whole theory of this article, race and class. Farther east it is the Mason-Dixie Line or border states scenario that is the problem, and has been since the Civil War. The status quo and powers that seek to be in power seem to be the most plausible answers.

Jim Sleeper is a Yale political scientist, a columnist, essayist and author of several books, including one called Liberal Racism. He writes well, and has clearly spent decades focused on the issue of race in American society.
While defending Obama from charges of overt condescension, he seems to be warning that Obama's achilles heel could be not "deeply" engaging with working-class whites and instead hanging around with upscale ones -- although he quickly concedes that Obama could hardly have done anything more, and deserves "immeasurable credit" for what he's achieved so far.
Now, I'm sorry, but that's condescending.
Sleeper shares with us a sincere story about introducing a handful of working-class white students to James Baldwin back in the 1970s. Then tells us it didn't seem to work.
Meanwhile, before our eyes, Barack Obama is introducing the whole of America to the concept that it might want to elect a black man president. And it very well might.
I haven't read Sleeper's books, but I'd suggest Obama's proposal is a quantum leap over the boldest, deepest insight that he may have formulated in any of them. Obama doesn't even have to win to have changed the discourse forever.
"Liberal Democrats have been here before, and paid dearly for it," Sleeper writes in an earlier posting. Bullshit. Liberal Democrats have never had the cojones to try anything like this. Obama's candidacy is sui generis.
Now, an actual Obama presidency will be a different story: the challenges are so great the next person elected is doomed to fail dozens of crucial tests. But that will have nothing to do with their class or their race.

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To help those self-abasing "liberal Democrats" buck up and face down the epithet-hurling reactionary Repoublicans, I wrote a little "conservative" anthem for them to study several years ago. While not up to the standards of William J. Lederer's "Nation of Sheep" or Charles Beaudelaire's "Fate Driven Herd" or Gore Vidal's "most easily frightened people on earth," I still hope to offer a least a small poetic footnote to the desultory demise of the former American republic. Hence:

"The Boobie Pledge of Subservience"

(lapel flag pin and brown-shirt mandatory during required daily recitations)

http://themisfortuneteller.blogspot.com/2008/04/boobie-pledge-of-subservience.html

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I agree with "acanuck" that so-called "Liberal Democrats" (certainly no one by the name of Mr. and Mrs. William J. Clinton) have never had the courage to throw the Republican Party's fascism back in the Seizure Class's collective face and laugh while doing so. While Senator Obama has not yet gone far enough in punching back at the Republicans and their phony, divide-and-ruule "culture war" distractions, he has at least made a beginning in that notable direction. I encourage him to continue going on the offensive and "just tell the truth about the Republicans," as Harry Truman said, "and they'll think its hell."

Moreover, I want to see all Democrats, not just Senator Obama vocally and obstreperously reject reactionary canards like "elitist" aimed by rabid Republicans at the "Liberal" tide now sweeping back into America after a long and disastrous absence. As a general principle of this in-your-face rejection of Republican Party fascism, I recommend remembering the source of the word "liberal" as a pejorative term and what countervailing pejorative (self-seen as an accolade by its formulators) liberals might best use to their own advantage. From Kenneth Burke, in The Philosophy of Literary Form (1941):

Imagagine a new movement arising in history; and, as is so often the case with new movements, imagine that it is named by the enemy (as "liberalism" was named by the Jesuits, to convey connotations of "licentiousness," in contrast to "servile," to convey connotations of "loyal").

Following Burke's observation here, I think Liberals should happily reject "naming by the enemy" and instead point out that, originally, those who found free-thinkng "liberalism" objectionable also considered bootlicking subservience to authority -- as connoted by the word "servile" -- a truly laudable quality. And America's radical reactionary Republicans obviously still proudly feel the same way. When they say "loyal," they mean "servile." Therefore, as I believe the Spanish once did or now still may do, we "Liberales" should henceforth refer to intellectually and morally constipated conservatives as the "Serviles," since servility and lickspittle conformity to the dictates of authoritarian fascism name and define them in terms their kind originated long ago.

Barack's comments about Pennsylvanians weren't "elitist," whatever that means. Rather, they suffered from being too generalized, simplistic, and just not having the ring of truth. Referring to the loss of jobs in Pennsylvania over the past 25 years and government's failure to do anything to help, he said people "cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren't like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations."
Well, are they anti-immigrant because unemployed or unemployed people who happen to dislike immigrants? Are they rascist because they are out of work, or are they unemployed people who happen to be rascist?
What the hell could Obama -- or anyone -- accomplish by lifting the lid on such a Pandora's box? The comments were a momentary lapse into glibness and pop sociology, and they were unconvincing.
I am for Obama. He's smarter than Clinton, who has proven that she wouldn't hesitate to jump naked into a mud-wrestling pit to be President. That's what her campaign has become, and it doesn't bother her that her tag-team mate is
John McCain.

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I think that Icarus is right. Obama lapsed into pop sociology not because he was ill-intentioned but because, as I wrote in the post, he just hasn't been able to spend all that much time in these communities, largely for reasons that are no fault of his own. I hope that readers will re-visit the Harvard Crimson piece that is the first link in the post. It's about something long ago and far away, and yet, so near.

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. . . and dear?

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Still no up-front recognition, let alone discussion, of corporate crypto-fascism in America. Ralph Nader put the issue even more concisely with his memorable line "Crime in the Suites." Senator Obama barely tiptoed around the glaring gorilla in the nation's living room.

But back to our regularly scheduled non-sequiturs about whose tender white feelings got hurt by hearing carefully-culled excerpts of some uppity negro daring to observe and analyse -- in Soddom and Gommorah San Francisco, no less! -- a classically proto-fascist American demographic of the sort Republicans have tormented and exploited for decades. Take it away with the lizard-language, cattle-prod semantics ABC ...

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