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Reports and Analysis

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BCgraphic
We should, perhaps, first put forward a few things about me in the interest of “full disclosure.” Even in this Age of Google my somewhat unique background in coming to this discussion obtains. People might get pissed, or ascribe ulterior motives and conspiracies, if they do not know who I am up front and only discover this later. We should avoid that. Those who want to rant personally to me are welcome to use my personal e-mail at the end of this tag.

I am a professional Army officer. You have to know that first. I have all the requisite Boy Scout badges for an infantry officer. I served in Iraq. I now work in the Pentagon, though not in public affairs. That’s the disclaimer. My day job also has little to do with why I am here. Oh, and in complete-complete disclosure, I am also 7th Cavalryman, and fellow-panelist Joe Galloway used to be my housemate.

OK, so let us move on, shall we?

Two serious questions rest before us. I will address each separately to the best of my ability as a historian, a strategist, and a media commentator/ethicist, within the word limit they gave me. (Hey, I’m also a professor, I could talk for hours on this stuff…) The first is actually in two parts, so I will dissect. Greg asks, “How do you judge coverage of the “surge” results in the past year?”

From where I sit the journalism about the surge has been decent, but the analysis of this tactical and operational level event has sucked.

Now, how to explain that in a few words? The synopsis might be that yes, the “Surge” made sense, as it was originally envisioned by my non-military friend, the neo-con Fred Kagan. Folks, a moment, please. Fred is a neo-con. At least by my measure. But that does not mean that one is always wrong. No more than it means a Marxist is always wrong. Or Derrida. OK? But Fred originally, if privately, posited a surge of 70,000 additional troops. That might have been significant. Unfortunately, Fred was not cognizant of the fact that this number was not possible under this Administration. Bottom Line: We did not (and do not) have enough soldiers and there was not sufficient political will to create the numbers of new soldiers quickly for that size of a “surge.” 30K was all we could do, and that for only about a year. So we went with what we had on hand.

So, what is “positive” about that? Well, obviously, the casualty drop these past six months is nice, and the reporting on the topic generally took into account the immutable fact that any such “surge” would require some time to take effect. But the reporting also failed to make appropriate comparisons. Almost all the reports I saw compared 2007 to 2006, and by almost any measure by the second half of 2007 things were calming down in Iraq. But that was moderately misleading because the resultant analysis generally ascribed this to the addition of 30,000 troops whereas the reality was that it was probably mostly the effect of a change in our tactics. Somebody should have been writing about that.

Admittedly this is a complex and intellectual issue, but I never saw any analysis of where the balance rests between our change in tactics and our increase in troops. Which should have more credit? Was the “surge” what changed things, or was it the tactics, or were there other cultural factors (either within the US military, or within Iraq) which brought the violence levels down.

Additionally, though it is natural to compare 2007 to 2006 and see “success,” the better comparison would be to 2005, which is the last time we had comparable numbers on the ground in Iraq. Indeed, three times in 2005, during each of the major elections, we shifted arrival/departure dates for units so that we effectively had “mini surges” of a little more than 150,000 troops on the ground for about a month. Since that is the case why have the comparisons not been to those three periods within 2005? (Remembering also that in 2005 we didn’t think that things were going well enough to pull out, so how has that calculation changed.) There are a host of other related questions coming off those streams, but I’ll leave that for others to puzzle out. For now let’s look at the second query.

“The overall portrayal of Gen. Petraeus?”

OK, more disclosure: I worked for General P, in Iraq, in 2005. I think he is smart, and were I to write about him as only a person who had close contact with him for a sustained period could, you would probably like him too. But that is beside the point, in no small part because of that “full disclosure” stuff. I am a soldier, and a former subordinate, and that pretty much disqualifies me from writing about him. Besides, the question is about journalism, and the implied question is “are journalists fawning over him?” A not unreasonable question, so why has most of the media apparently gone head-over-heels for Petraeus? From where I sit that seems to be pretty simple to answer.

General Petraeus is not afraid of the media.

That is a significant statement. It makes him somewhat unique in my profession, which since the days of General Sherman has had a generally adversarial relationship with the media regardless of the medium. As a lieutenant I was taught that “nothing good ever came from talking to a reporter,” and in general that is how many if not most of my peers feel. The recent dust-up over Admiral “Fox” Fallon, the commander of CENTCOM who was forced into retirement essentially because of a magazine article, is the latest reinforcement to that idea. The result, across my culture, is a situation where a journalist is viewed with suspicion at best, and hostility is the immediate first-blush reaction.

So imagine that you are a reporter in Iraq. Embedded or unembedded, either way you are dealing with my peers. The battalion commander is leery of you, the brigade commander is distant and borderline hostile, the division commander might not even deign to talk to you at all, and there is a Public Affairs Officer who you feel is constantly trying to “spin” everything you see. (That would be your perception anyway.) So there you are, lonely and alone. A journalist peer of yours sends you an e-mail saying, “Hey, write to General P, he’ll answer.” You doubt this could be true, but you give it a shot. About 30 minutes later you get an e-mail from Petraeus himself, with his aide on the cc line, setting up an interview. Petraeus, steeped in the counterinsurgency doctrine he helped create, understands that we cannot follow the dictum of the WWII Admiral who had the opinion that there should be two press releases in a war: one announcing the war, and one informing the public who won. He realizes that to communicate with the public one must go through the media, and he is not afraid of the media. In the Army, that is pretty unique.

I should note that he does not seek attention. It comes to him merely because he is not afraid of it. Sort of like the old adage, “In the land of the blind, the one-eyed man is king.” Follow? Add to that the probable psychological relief of the reporter who, after weeks or months of the de facto hostility and wariness coming from most officers, suddenly finds himself speaking to a general who is not paranoid about the journalist’s motives or methods, and who can express himself well. I suspect it is very much like a long cool drink of water. (The “desert” part is redundant.) The result is a lot of positive coverage for General Petraeus, even though he himself is not trying for that as a result.

I am more or less out of space for now, so I will leave this post with the contentious opinion (as always, all of these thoughts are mine alone, not those of DoD, or the Army, or any official body), that Print Media has been failing…because they have failed to see how “war” could provide a new income stream which would result in a massive increase in journalists “in theater.” But that is a business issue. More on that later.

If you want a personal argument, complain to r_bateman_ltc@hotmail.com.


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Okay, I'm not sure how you feel that this is contentious in any way. Your comments are thoughtful and finely balanced, and you're not pushing any specific form of conclusion. The principal subtext of your discussion seems to be an urge to consider the situation with more nuance and less heat.

That's always welcome.

Valdron,

Thank you, that was the intent. But the disclosure part is because although I've regularly written over at Eric Alterman's site "Altercation", this is my first foray here at TPM. I've learned, the hard way, that people who do *not* know of my background, and then later discover it, become extremely suspicious. (One person once postulated that I did not even actually exist, but was a consortium of PR people in the bowels of the Pentagon. Others have had similar thoughts.) So I introduce myself in full...it'll get more contentious later this week because although I know and like Greg, and his book, there are some things that need to be punctured all around. Or maybe I just like poking things with needles...

Regards,

Bob Bateman

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Robert says:

"Was the “surge” what changed things, or was it the tactics, or were there other cultural factors (either within the US military, or within Iraq) which brought the violence levels down."

Didn't Petraeus use the Surge to change the Tactics?

Didn't the Surge start at a time when the Baghdad neighborhoods were close to being ethnically cleansed?

I read we're now paying the Sunni "Sons of Iraq" a monthly stipend to keep the peace and not attack US Troops. That's certainly a new tactic.
I'm elated that it seems to work as our troops casualty count is down.

I have yet to read of any substantive progress made by the Iraqi Government to reconcile the various factions, the major reason for the Surge.

It seems like General Petraeus took a page out of John McCain's book, give the press access, it pays off.

"I support the troops", bring them home.

"I am more or less out of space for now, so I will leave this post with the contentious opinion (as always, all of these thoughts are mine alone, not those of DoD, or the Army, or any official body), that Print Media has been failing…because they have failed to see how “war” could provide a new income stream which would result in a massive increase in journalists “in theater.” But that is a business issue. More on that later."

Didn't it become too unsafe in Iraq for Journalists to move around the country to actually cover the story in full, so how could you expect them to obtain the coverage that would lead to the new income stream?

The US can not solve the Iraq problem. They made it worse by going in. They are now in the same posture as all Colonial powers have always ended up in.

The USA was stupid enough to think that jumping on the back of a caged tiger was good idea. They never stopped to think: How the hell do we get off the tiger's back without getting mauled. A tiger is caged for two reasons, first to keep the tiger away from you, and second to keep stupid people away from the Tiger.

The problem is you elected a stupid guy to be your zoo keeper, and he just had to jump on the back of the tiger that was already in a cage.

Sooner or later you are going to have to get out of the tiger's cage, and you will have to be very lucky to survive the experience.

That's quite a tortured defense of your "friend"--I was unaware that Derrida included war planning in his oeuvre.

That said, what was so innovative about Kagan's plan, other than the way it was marketed? You seem to cut him lots of slack, yet from where I sit, calling for a huge troop escalation beyond our military means has been the barstool warrior's chief calling card for generations. This part is so simple that Bush himself probably said it once at a meeting. What's remarkable about this?

Given the lack of political rapproachment, isn't the "surge" just an unsustainable troop escalation that has weakened our military in other theaters? While all sorts of fancy metrics and benchmarks can be applied in trying to find progress in Iraq, these won't provide any more indication of success than they did in Vietnam. The Iraqis aren't stupid, and even though they don't have county fairs, they certainly know how 'whack-a-mole' is played. And what 'lame duck' means.

Robert,

No, the surge and the shift in tactics were independent of one another. When the surge is over, we'll still be using those tactics. They only appear related because both came in at about the same time, with General Casey's departure and General Petraeus's arrival.

And that's what I mean. There should have been more reporting on how the two are not the same.

Some Baghdad neighborhoods certainly are de facto ethnically "cleansed," and were by the time of the start of the surge. There are still a few, however, which remain mixed. Some (such as Sadr City) never were mixed at all. There have been a few, a very few, good articles on that.

Bob Bateman

Liam,

Well, I am loath to tell people in business how to run their businesses, particularly since I have never *been* in business, but the idea that at least a few major papers might try something out of the box, should not be impossible to consider. Journalists are always wringing their hands (on journalism internal sites) about the "death of journalism" due to (take you pick) radio or tv or now the internet. It seemed to me that this would have been a place/time to demonstrate why print journalism is still vitally important.

But to put forward just one idea as an example, say to create a new section in their paper expressly dedicated to analysis and reporting on the multiple wars we're fighting...which then might draw in more ad revenue (and support the reporting from overseas) is an example.

Yes, reporting in Iraq *is* very dangerous. But reporters do get out, and some get around (it depends in no small part on their appearance, and ability to speak Iraqi Arabic). Plus there remains the option to embed with a US unit for a week or a month, if one wanted. That hasn't gone away.

I am not sure your colonial power/tiger analogy holds up to history, and in any event I am leery of words like "always."

The Dutch colonial system, for example, did not result in their creating much in the way of ground forces to "police" their empire. Same with the French. But then both of those were intent upon resource extraction more than anything else. The British system, which lasted roughly 250 years (depending upon when you start and end it), did come apart that way, but their colonial legacy (Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and even the United States in a way) also ended up being what saved them, twice. So you might want to reconsider that comparison.

Your "tiger cage" allegory, however, seems useful, with modification I might use it myself sometime in the future if you don't mind.

With regard,

Bob Bateman

Bob,

Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the USA were not heavily populated modern nation states, or even cohesive cultures when they were colonized. Also take note of how long ago they were colonized.

You need to look to more modern times for examples of what actually happens to foreign occupations.

What Michael Collins did to the British Empire, at the height of it's global power, and just twenty miles across the sea from England, is a better example of what should have been expected in Iraq. I opposed the Iraq invasion because I expected that the USA would end up in the mess that they currently find themselves in now.
I was amazed that anyone could expect anything else to happen.

How on earth did anyone expect to be greeted with flowers and sweets. You were invading their country. You knew nothing about their culture or religions. You did not speak their language. You had fought them just a decade before. You had urged the Shiites to take up arms and revolt, and then you allowed Saddam to slaughter them. You had aided Saddam, even after he had gassed the Kurds. Gee, those all sounds like great reasons why they would be rushing to shower you with flowers and sweets.

In case you haven't noticed, America has not had a great record of bringing their wars to successful conclusions, in a long long time. Korea, Vietnam, Lebanon, Somalia, Gulf War One, and now this Iraqmire.

I do not want to hear about Japan and Germany. Both of those places opted for the lesser of two evils. They knew that if they did not accept the USA, they would be overrun by the Red Army. They are not good examples.

America better learn from the history of other nations and stop lying to itself about how they can do it better. No you can't. You couldn't in Vietnam, because the Vietnamese having just fought a war of Independence against the French were now about to accept a new colonial master.

Look what happened to the Soviets in Afghanistan, and they had the advantage of being able to supply and reinforce across their own border.

What has happened in Iraq, was all so predictable, except for those who keep on buying into the American Invincibility Myth. Hubris is what will destroy America.

Yes, you may use The Tiger in a cage metaphor, but be sure that you use it to convince people not to jump on the back of an Iranian Tiger, or you will end up with no supply lines from Kuwait up to Baghdad. Think about that. Attack Iran, and the Shiites of Iraq will join with Iran to cut off your supply routes from the South. Use some common sense for a change.


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This is a very confusing post. How can anyone judge whether the surge has been adequately covered by the press when 1., we don't have reporters who can cover it, and 2., we have such large discrepancies in numbers reported that it is impossible to reconciliate them? The Pentagon releases the most confusing of the figures with the most convuluted accounting, while the GAO's method of accounting is completely different. We then have the McClatchy News Service accounting and the Iraqi government accounting method. All of them are so different in their compilations, numbers, methods of collecting that it is impossible to come to any meaningful conclusions or analysis at all at this time or even years in the future.

I doubt that it matters what years we compare or use as a benchmark because no year accurately portrays the whole picture. In the last three months we went from Jan., - 20 killed a day, Feb., - 26 killed a day and the first part of March - 39 killed a day. (Averaged) Here's a report from McClatchy for 18.03.08 - Baghdad, 12 dead, 17 wounded, Nineveh 3 dead, 42 injured, Diyala, 3 dead, 3 wounded, Salahuddin 1 dead, 1 kidnapped, Diwaniyah 12 rockets launched at city, Basra, 3 dead, 3 injured. These are the results of car bombs, kidnappings, rocket launches, assassination attempts and no doubt criminal activity for one day! But how do you sort them out? You can't, at least you can't accurately because there is not enough information to accurately assess the numbers.

As an aside, I am very surprised that an active duty Army Officer would comment on any aspect of this particular operation. (I am not criticizing, merely mentioning that I find it surprising, I thought that the policy was that they were not to comment.)

Dave,

Fred is, first and foremost, a historian. He's pretty good at it too. (Since it's military history, and generally Napoleonic military history at that, it's not political.) It was from this angle that Fred approached the problem, and his hypothesis was two-fold. First, that we needed to focus on just one area/place, since we would *never* have all the troops we would need for the whole country. And second, inside that one area we should get the troop levels up to the numbers which historically we've determined is what is needed to enforce peace.

You remember when General Shinseki was castigated for saying that we'd need "several hundred thousand" to pacify Iraq? He was relying on the exact same calculations. There's nothing mysterious about it. Well before this war, during the 90s (and the Balkans in fact), several quite good historical monographs were published outlining what the "troop to population" ratio had been in successful, and unsuccessful, situations. So that was the basis for both Shinseki's comment, as well as Fred's recommendation. (My own estimate is that even that was a low-ball. I believed that 250,000 would be needed just to control Baghdad alone.)

The difference is that in 2003, before the war, the political leaders of this country did not want to hear what General Shinseki was saying (which was also partially echoed in a book Fred wrote in 2001), but by late 2006, they were willing to listen to Fred say pretty much the same thing.

But Fred knew that 250K wasn't possible, so he proposed 70K and "most" of the city, and even that wasn't possible...or sustainable, and that's why personally I think that the surge may not have been worth the cost. (Not in casualties, those went up because of the change in tactics more than the additional troops on the ground. But in our ability to field a force.)

Last week Gen P said pretty much exactly the same thing you just did...that the political leaders of Iraq (at the national level) have not succeeded.

Hope this helps,

Bob Bateman

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Both of you may like Juan Cole's brilliant new book on Napolean's wars, in particular the occupations. You can find it through informed comment. fascinating stuff in the vein of battle for algiers.

BevD,

Well, I've been writing and commenting for about 16 of my 18 years in the Army, so it doesn't feel strange to me. Indeed, inside our profession (mostly in our journals) we are very self-critical. Sometimes nowadays when some of that leaks out into the "mainstream" it creates a brouhaha, such as when my friend Paul Yingling wrote a critique of our general officer corps.

Anyway, you're certainly on the mark about the confusing nature of the reporting, and the statistics, and believe me, it's no better on the inside.

One of the things we've been wrestling with for years now is the question, "what are the appropriate things to measure in this war?" I mean, how do we *know* if we're winning or losing, or even if we're having a net positive or a net negative effect towards our objectives. But more reporting would help that, on both sides of the equation.

And we *do* have reporters who can cover it. We have a whole nation with literally hundreds of thousands of journalists...we're just not sending them to Iraq. (And here I will lean on Chomsky's thesis from his book Manufactured Consent, wherein he notes that journalism is at the core a business...and the market forces inform the newsroom that "Iraq doesn't sell.")(I don't generally agree with Chomsky in most things, but like Derrida, or Fred Kagan for that matter, some things he gets right.)

Regards,

Bob Bateman

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i think we are at an impasse now.

bush has threatened to veto any attempt to begin the process of dis-entanglement which is surely coming. he is quite explicit that he hopes John McCain will continue his strategy and that he believes John will win, thus somehow justifying the continued digging of one big expensive hole in Iraq for the next President to climb out of.

you see it in fallon's resignation. he was forced out as has anyone in the administration who will not parrot Cheney's talking points.

the government says nothing on iraq except that we are there for as long as it takes, and, yes, we will keep torturing and no-bidding our friends. this is no longer news.

throw in the absence of any hearings in congress and the steady release of scandal after scandal associated with this maladministration, there is no oxygen for a story in the MSM on same ol' same ol' iraq. another 10 marines killed today..., ho hum...

every WH comment is the surge is working, the surge is working. that's not news either.

Jay Rosen mentioned Report Cards and holding Petraeus accountable to Bush's much hyped Bench Marks. That record was issued.

The Iraqi government got a gentleman's D... no two ways about it.

Instead of a withdrawl, which America favored and continues to favor, we got the surge and another delay in setting a timeline for US withdrawl.

the press is a sucker for Petraeus the same way they fawned on tough guy Rumsfeld.

it's not Petraeus's fault and I think he's performing an admirable task in maintaining the effective functioning of a military that is being abused by the President. however, he does so by lending the bush administration his good name... just ask powell how that turned out.

Nothing can be done with Iraq but hope it doesn't get worse between now and the swearing in of a new Commander in Chief, hopefully one more sensible than the stubborn git we have now.

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I'm familiar with Mr. Bateman from his posts on Eric Alterman's site, and I have no reason to distrust him. His posts on Altercation were always
informative and never lead me to beleive he was trying to sell me aluminum siding.

However, I believe nothing that comes from the Bush administration, and I'm very skeptical of any of his appointees, knowing full well they were vetted before their appointments; this goes for civilian and military appointees speaking on domestic conditions or conditions in Iraq.

During WWll I fought in France, Holland, and Belgium; and it wasn't until I crossed the Rhine into Germany that I had to worry about the civilians trying to kill me.

Our troops in Iraq are in the same position as the Germans and the Japs during WWll, occupying countries where the civilians are what we now call "insurgents."

Bush/Cheney have abused our armed forces by sending them into Iraq. Get them out as quickly and as safely as possible.

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"Folks, a moment, please. Fred is a neo-con. At least by my measure. But that does not mean that one is always wrong. No more than it means a Marxist is always wrong. Or Derrida. OK? But Fred originally, if privately, posited a surge of 70,000 additional troops. That might have been significant. Unfortunately, Fred was not cognizant of the fact that this number was not possible under this Administration."

- Mr. Bateman


The Fred Kagans and Bill Kristols have been consistently and %100 wrong almost %100 of the time. It is truly an astounding feat.

Kagan works at Think Tank. For him not to be cognizant of the fact that we didn't have enough troops is ludicrous.

Wrong about the cost.
Wrong about the number of troops.
Wrong about the length of time needed.
Wrong about the objectives.
Wrong about the planning.
Wrong about WMD and the threat posed by Iraq.

A bit of history about the NeoCon Fred Kagan and the surge, courtesy of Glenn Greenwald,

When Fred Kagan, the the think tank version of Bill Kristol, wanted to unveil his AEI Surge plan in December, he did so at the Brookings Institution, where he was feted beforehand by Ken Pollack and praised afterwards by Michael O'Hanlon, who on that day gave Kagan's Surge his official blessing. Pollack began his reverent introduction of Kagan this way:

We are delighted that Fred Kagan of AEI was willing to come over here today and be the lead speaker in this series . . . It [the Surge Plan] is obviously a very important contribution to the debate because it is the first time that a group of serious people have sat down, worked out a plan by which they believe that both of these things. . . .


It quite unfortunate that Fred Kagan was wrong indeed, but, let's not obscure the fact that he was wrong on everything.

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no exit,

Wasn't it the Pentagon that financed a trip to Iraq for O'Hanlon and Pollack?

And when they arrived in Iraq weren't they taken around by PR people?

And when they returned didn't they write a glowing report on Iraq?

And finally, didn't they take a lot of heat for the whole escapade?

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several quite good historical monographs were published outlining what the "troop to population" ratio had been in successful, and unsuccessful, situations.

I guess the war in the Phillipines a century back must be considered one of the successful operations. In these histories does the fact that the US killed 300,000 natives (about 10% of the population then) count as part of the success.

I have read about some of the more unsuccessful operations. Namely, French attempts to hold onto Algeria, the British in Kenya and the US in Vietnam. Were all of these loses due to "troop to population" ratio failures? The thesis I have seen advanced in these cases is long term, near impossibility of western countries to successfully occupy third world countries. Unless, like in the example with the Phillipines we are willing to kill 10% of the population.

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Killing 10% of the Vietnamese population didn't work in Vietnam. Indeed, the rate of fatality in Vietnam may have been as high as 13 to 15%. It's more extravagant when you consider the mortality rate under the Japanese (as much as 10%, in part due to famine), and the Post-War French.

I don't know that there's a set number that we have to extirpate. But we probably got off pretty light with the Phillipines.

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Don't we have a responsibility as occupying power to prevent crimes against humanity in Iraq? Isn't the ethnic cleansing of neighborhoods in Baghdad a crime against humanity? So how are we not participating in a war crime?

I hate to sound like a hippie, but one of my relatives had some responsibilities at the Pentagon during WW II, including commissioning a plan for the occupation of Germany. I don't think he'd find much to be proud of in our Iraq adventure, so I ask questions more in sorrow than anger.

ALCON,

I'll make one more post on the general topic of Iraq, and then I request that we move this back to a discussion about Greg's book and the state and nature of journalism/war today. Fair?

OK, in sequence: Liam:

Yes, I understand your point about history. Indeed that is one of the reasons the Army chose me, an academically educated historian, to be a "strategist" (it is now a very very small specialty within the Army). And as a historian, I am inclined to think in big chunks of time. Again, that goes to why they asked me to become a strategist. But your Collins argument doesn't work. Why? Because you're ignoring the fact that Ireland had been unsuccessfully rebelling for more or less 350 years at that point.

From a historical standpoint, the fact that England dominated Ireland, extracting wealth and labor and value for 350 bloody years, works exactly contrary to your thesis. 350 years, I would suggest Liam, is nothing to sneeze at. You look at the very last one of the rebellions, and point and say, "See? SEE?" and ignore the history of Ireland from Henry VIII and Elizabeth and James I (not to mention that asshat Cromwell).

Moreover, the contention that England was at the "height of it's global power" is also ahistorical. The height of England's global power was either 1763, or, if you prefer, 1848. At the time of the Collins-led rebellion England was exhausted, having lost so heavily in WWI in human, economic, and spiritual terms that I would say they could have been pushed over by a feather. (Which, no offense, is essentially what Collins presented, in comparison to earlier more robust Irish Rebellions.)

I am, I should note, again in "disclosure mode", a scion of the Kelleher Clan. But history is history, and you shouldn't cherry-pick it anymore than people should cherry-pick intelligence.

Beyond that, I will NOT be arguing in favor, or against, the decision to go into Iraq. As I said, that's beyond my ken while I wear the uniform. Fair dinkum.

NO EXIT: I can't respond to most of your post, because you don't posit any questions but merely make assertions. (As is your right.) But on Fallon, well, I'm working on an article on that. I want you to consider something: If a Democrat was president, and a senior admiral or general publicly made comments contrary to the Administration, would you support their relief? (The salient modifier is "public".) I will not comment on Iran, or current events within my "day job", but it does occur to me that this is not a bad thing, in the Looooooong term, for the nation. Truman sacked MacArthur for, more or less, the same exact offense. No?

WE are supposed to be subordinate to you, all of you, regardless of party. And that, I believe, is the way it should be.

JOHNW1141: No comments. Thanks for the compliments.

Now all, can we return to the topic of Greg's book and journalism?

Bob Bateman

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With all due respect, there is a major difference between Fallon's sacking and MacArthur's sacking.

MacArthur was disobeying the direct orders of his commander in chief and deserved to be sacked. Truman should have had him court martialled, but, he knew MacArthur was too popular and would come back stateside and sink himself with his big mouth, which he proceeded to do.

Fallon, specifically chosen by Bush, dared to disagree with Commander in Chief and, thus, forced out. Taken by itself, I concede your point that the President has the right to select his counsel. However, this President selects his counsel solely on the basis of their willingness to tell him what he wants to hear.

I take it you agree that a military officer should be honest.


Hence Fallon's blunt appraisal of Petraeus as an ass kissing, chickenshit.

Viewed, rightly I might add, through the lens of a long and disturbing pattern suggesting that Bush will not tolerate ANY dissent in the ranks your comparison is apples and oranges.

MacArthur didn't merely disagree with Truman he actively sought to undermine him. Fallon spoke his mind.

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Bob Bateman asks:

"Now all, can we return to the topic of Greg's book and journalism?"


I was watching a panel discussion on C-SPAN regarding the Iraq war and the media. Amy Goodman of Pacifica Radio and Democracy Now, who some call a muckraker and others call an investigative reporter, made the claim that in the run up to the Iraq war and within a 2 week period surrounding Colin Powell's UN testimony the Networks conducted war interviews; 393 of those interviewed were pro war, and only 3 were anti war.

The media's record on the Iraq war is a disgrace.

On another note; what pissed me off about General Petraeus is the glowing Op Ed he wrote in the Washington Post on Sep 26, 2004, just prior to the '04 elections. I thought that was ill timed and I'm even not sure he should have wrote it, but Bush/Cheney probably disagree with me.

If you read that article today and compare what he said then to the reality now you simply end up shaking your head in frustration.

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i posit that the reason reporting about the surge has fallen off the front page is that nothing new has happened.

the bush line is the same. iraq forever.

congress is resigned to their self-imposed powerlessness to end the war.

the public is waiting for a new president.

from a news point of view there is nothing to report.

fwiw, i think the media has done a fairly good job of informing the public that the levels of violence has subsided somewhat, but, that nothing else has been accomplished or looks like it will be accomplished any time soon.

but then i get my news from TPM.

Bob,

Sorry, you are the one who is cherry picking. Mao, Castro and Menachim Begin all studied and applied the lessons of the tactics that Michael Collins had developed. You are going to get no where if you do not study how others got defeated, instead of writing them off as being ready to be pushed over by a feather, unless you are conceding that is the stage where America is now.

The Brits were not pushed over by a feather in Ireland. They tried every tactic that you are now trying in Iraq. They reinforced and reinforced, and they resorted to destroying homes and town centers. They tortured, they detained without charges. In short they they rallied those on the sidelines to root for and support the home team.

You know about how everyone roots and supports their home team, and why the odds favor the home team.

You are playing every game on the road. You can not win.

Do you really want to make a case for staying Iraq for as long as the British did in Ireland, and have to do the same things in order to last that long. Wow. John McCain only talks about a hundred years.

Now. Let us get down to the central issue.

Explain to me why you want to stay in Iraq. What the hell are we doing over there. What is the end game, and how will we know when we have achieved it. Who's country is Iraq, and who's country is the USA, and would you not resist if it were the other way around.

Imagine if some foreign power had invaded and occupied your country for the past five years, and some of their most senior leaders are openly promising to stay here for decades. Would you be a resister or collaborator.

I know I would fight the occupation as long as I lived.

Even the French started a resistance campaign shortly after Hitler invaded. It is human nature. Study that more, instead of listening to the Kagans, both Father and Son drone on and on about ancient battle texts.

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Liam,

Since we invaded I felt there are no Iraqis in Iraq; there are only Sunnis, Kurds and Shiites living there.

As to the French Resistance, refer to my previous post. In the countries they occupied, the Germans and Japs were never safe from the civilians. Sad to say, this is the position in which the Bush gang put our military when they invaded Iraq.

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that didn't come out right.

it is the president's perogative to fire a general for whatever reason.

truman fired macarthur because macarthur was acting completely beyond his authority to start a war with china which truman desperately wanted to avoid.

which is nice contrast to a general that wants to prevent a president from pursuing an ill fated occupation of iraq.

fallon's dismissal is a part of a disturbing trend in the WH, whereas macarthur's was not.

In fact the MacArthur and Fallon cases are polar opposites. MacArthur was pushing to expand a war into China and even use Nukes on China. Fallon was doing the exact opposite, and actually being a calming influence against the hot heads who want to dig the Iraq hole deeper by attacking Iran.

Bob: Very good post.

General Petraeus is not afraid of the media.

I loved your explanation for why General P. gets good press. It's really the best I have seen.

I think a similar thing applies to the press and McCain. Not that I am comparing the General and the Senator, except in this one way. They (the press corps) like him because he's not afraid of them, or their questions. He doesn't think he will come away from a press encounter with greater risk for disaster.

He thinks he will come out ahead. For many reporters he's the only pol they ever covered where they ran out of questions for the guy, or didn't want any more access because they had all they could ask for. That doesn't happen often. With McCain it did. A method of getting good press that takes great confidence.

Thanks for your post.

JR

No Exit and Liam,

More than happy to talk history and historical issues with you, but let's do it offline. Feel free to e-mail me. Here, let's focus on Greg's book and the media in general.

I love a good debate, and both of you have points which I look forward to disputing, or clarifying, or agreeing with. But not in this space, kay? This is for Greg's topic.

If you're bound and determined, send me an e-mail. Danke.

Bob Bateman

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Thanks for the cogent answer to my question.

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I tend to disagree that the history of colonial empires, such as the British, French and Dutch have much useful to offer in terms of the Iraq venture.

Instead, I'd argue that the period of European colonialism occurred during a period of historical fluke, in which the technological gulf, a gulf that included weapons, communication, transportation, commerce and forms of organization, between European societies and soon to be colonial ones was vast.

So, consistently, it was the extraordinarily strong preying upon the extraordinarily weak. Spain overrunning plague decimated stone or copper age societies in the New World in the beginning, and British gatling guns slaughtering Zulu armies in the end.

The picture is more complicated, of course. Indonesia and India were relatively advanced societies, though still backwards compared to European advantages. Still, Britain, France and the Netherlands did not so much overwhelm these states as take advantage of their political discords and insert themselves. As models go, this might be analogous to globalism and concepts of neocolonialism, but certainly it has nothing to do with Iraq.

Where European states went up against societies with comparable levels of organization and technology, the results were often unhappy.

Spain's colonial adventures in Europe, such as in the low countries, failed spectacularly even while succeeding in the New World.

Indeed, the record showed that wherever the playing field started to even up in any substantive way, things started to go south pretty dramatically.

The Haitians were able to throw out the French in 1804. Spain's latin America possessions broke away in 1820, and with the exception of Mexico... neither Spain nor any other European state was ever able to reassert control... the playing field was just too level.

The only efforts that were partially successful - the United States and then Frances depredations on Mexico illustrated the strengths and weaknesses. The United States used technological and organizational superiority to successfully rape away hinterland territories. On the other hand, France was able to use the same technological and organizational superiority to temporarily take over Mexico, but it wasn't able to hold it in the face of a determined insurgency. By the time the US Civil War ended, the French were about to throw in the towel. The writings of French commanders in that theatre are occasionally quite reminiscent of those from Iraq. Juan Cole might be better served studying the adventures of another Napoleon in a different land of Pyramids.

Lagging but organized states were able to consistently resist European colonialism. In the 19th century, both the Italians and French failed dramatically in Abyssinia. Thailand, Japan and Persia avoided colonial subjugation, as did China (with compromises). Islamic mediterranean societies mostly held out until the late 19th and early 20th century, and were often the most restive. The British occupation of Iraq commenced 1918 and immediately ran into trouble.

Essentially, the closer the technological gulf became, the less effective was colonialism.

Today there's an immense technological gulf between Iraq's resistance with its IED's, rockets, mortars, suicide bombers, RPG's and Kalalshnikov's on the one side... and armour, air superiority and stealth fighters on the other.

But it's not nearly as wide as it appears. For one thing, America's advantages are incredibly expensive. Those stealth fighters cost as much as if they were made from solid gold. On the other hand, Iraq's resistance technology is incredibly cheap. Factor that into each side's effectiveness, and things flatten out dramatically.

Moreover, the sharp or killing edge of the technological gulf only tells a part of the story. Such things as cell phones, photocopiers, computers, techniques of organization, dissemination of information, planning, communication and local transportation mean that in crucial areas there is very little gulf.

The European colonial era had many astonishing successed. But it also had its share of humiliating failures. Ultimately, the question is, how close is the resemblance to those humiliating failures...

Pretty close, I'd say, in far too many respects.

LTC Bateman,

You reference self-criticism among military personnel in professional journals. In the interest of furthering public awareness of how the military actually thinks and functions, can you provide cites or links to publicly-available journals? I don't think the public can access really fascinating sites like CompanyCommander or any of the other .mil sites available through AKO, but Small Wars Journal , for example, has a user-friendly website.

I think most civilians would be stunned to discover how the military really works. (Disclaimer: I'm in my 21st year as an Army employee, either as a green-suiter or DA civilian, and it still stuns me sometimes to realize how little 'command-and-control' there is in the Army.)

Phein,

You're right, Small Wars Journal is a great site (and I'm not just saying that because I am on their roster), but the professional journals such as Military Review and Parameters are also both good places to go to see our internal workings. Military Review, for example, not only discussed British Brigadier Nigel Alwyn-Foster's critique of the American military, they invited him to publish it here in the US. (And then there was a military-internal free-for-all on the topic.) Google will help people get to most of those sites. On the USMC side, Marine Corps Gazette is the place to look for the intellectual side of the Marine Corps (no, that's not an oxymoron). The Navy sees the most intellectual content in either the Naval War College Review (more academic), or Proceedings (less academic, but sometimes more interesting).

With regard,

Bob Bateman

Hello Bob.

(I'm the physics professor you corresponded with a few months back.) That was an insightful post - and I learned something. The word limit seems far too severe, but I look forward to reading more in your next post.

Also, I can now say I've seen a U.S. officer cite Noam Chomsky. Didn't see that coming. (Not sure if this is a good or bad thing...)

Regarding your comments: As I recall, Kagan had the surge taking place in Baghdad with (hopefully) effects spreading to other regions later. Instead, Anbar and other parts of Iraq evolved first and Baghdad followed.

It seems to me this aspect of the war is the most important now because bottom-up is meeting top-down (CLCs, militias being integrated into the
Iraqi army or not; gov't fear/distrust of the Awakening; etc).

I'd like to know where Petreaus thinks this is going. But, he can't speak frankly on this, can he? In the few interviews with him I've followed closely, I didn't feel I learned anything.

Also, shouldn't the focus of journalists be more on establishing relationships with people in the Awakening, in the militias and in Sadr's camp? Hard, but since we're going to be here for awhile...

DWSATTPM,

To tell you the truth, I'd like to know where it's going to go as well. "The Awakening," which calmed Anbar Province, it should be noted, was something which occurred independently of both our change in tactics and the surge.

As for what General P is going to say in his next assessment, I haven't a clue. A lot of that, I suppose, depends upon what questions he is asked. (And remember that last time he was here some Congressmen literally spoke so long that they never actually got their questions out. Stewart on the Daily Show had a funny segment on that. Which is a problem in its own right.)

With regard,

Bob Bateman

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