The Primacy of Politics or: How Al Gore Would Have Saved Us

Our reaction to 9/11 has surely been bewildering. After being attacked by reactionary religious zealots, we turned inward as a nation, cracked down on civil liberties and invaded a country that had nothing to do with the attacks. Our leaders were engaging in the worst sort of Manichean rhetoric, dividing the world into “with us” and “against us”, all the while squandering the widespread goodwill granted to us following the attacks. Our culture became less tolerant, and by 2004 gays had become a new scapegoat for social and religious conservatives, with many on the Right seriously arguing over what was a bigger threat to our nation: gay marriage or Islamofascism.

Why did we react this way? Susan Faludi tells us that this sort of inward reaction, whereby we punish difference and assert a hypermasculine, retributive and protective identity to cover up for the shame of being penetrated by foreign Others is unique to America and dates back to Puritan times. But surely there is more going on. Is our reaction to terrorist attacks already narrated for us? Faludi’s thesis seems to leave little room for our own collective agency, as members of a polity, to change the direction of our culture and our politics, even when faced by the threat of terrorist attack.

I should note initially that I haven't actually read Faludi's book. But before you stop reading, I have read every entry in the book club, numerous reviews of the book, Faludi's New York Times Op-Ed "America's Guardian Myths" and her interview with Patricia Cohen. Of course, if there are any nuances I missed or details that are relevant, please mention them in comments or in further responses.

My initial problem with Faludi's central argument is that it is non falsifiable. How does someone who supported the war in Iraq, say Peter Beinart or Paul Wolfowitz, prove that they weren't just covering up their own feelings of insecurity? How can anyone disprove that "our response to 9/11 was intended in large part not to defend us against the actual threat but to repair a cherished American myth that the attacks had damaged?" Could Faludi identify a single piece of possible evidence that would disprove her central contention? How exactly does one go about proving that a culture’s response isn’t a replay of the Puritan response to King Phillip's War 330 years ago? The impressionistic nature of her thesis makes evaluating it extremely tricky. It essentially becomes a question of how one feels about it. Some will be predisposed to accept it, others – cultural conservatives, military hawks or most moderates simply will not be convinced. But talking about falsifiability isn't really all that useful when dealing with a thesis that attempts to explain the aggregate of actions by different cultural and political actors by pointing to a common "narrative" of insecurity that is the root cause of all these actions.

While Faludi is certainly correct that much of the post 9/11 cultural and political rhetoric seemed to follow the predictable script of us being penetrated by some dark, inscrutable Other and subsequently lashing out to cover up our shame at being attacked, her theory has a harder time explaining particular actions. Her argument appears to be at its most plausible when discussing the cultural reaction - the celebration of domesticity, the popularity of 24 (which despite its appearance of being deeply enmeshed in the narrative Faludi describes, is actually a much more complex reflection of zeitgeist) - it looks quite thin when explaining the policies we’ve pursued as part of our complex cultural and political reaction to 9/11. Especially the Iraq War.

The War in Iraq is a disaster that can not be explained simply by pointing to a narrative or script that dates back to the Puritan colonies. While it’s certainly true that our rush to war and the jingoistic feeling that accompanied it’s commencement could be explained by Faludi’s thesis, that’s not enough. The hypermasculine assertion of security and strength in face of the weakness exposed after 9/11could have easily been directed towards Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia or any number of Middle Eastern countries -- but we chose Iraq? Why?

This is where Faludi's thesis begins to lose its explanatory power -- because the war in Iraq was being thought up and advocated for well before 9/11. The infamous PNAC letter was written in 1998 and the neoconservative intellectual and policy foundations for war with Iraq were in place before the attacks. Moreover, there were those like Bernard Kouchner, Paul Berman and Kenan Makiya who all supported the war for ostensibly humanitarian and liberal reasons. Would Faludi really chalk up liberal hawks like Peter Beinart, Michael Ignatieff and Kenneth Pollack (and dare we forget Josh Marshall) support for a war as the inevitable result of the narrative America adopts when under threat?

Despite Stephen Ducat's endorsement of the Frankfurt School approach to politics, we can point to the actions of a few individuals that set the stage for our grievously bad policies following 9/11. Ducat says:

On the part of some on the left, however, the challenge has been of a completely different nature. The work of the Frankfurt School, and more contemporaneously, that of George Lakoff, Thomas Frank, and Drew Westen notwithstanding, a surprising number of progressives are still embedded in the naïve rationalism that has plagued liberals and Marxists for generations. Many still hold the assumption that people make voting and other political decisions based primarily on a reasoned assessment of their economic self-interest and the objective merits of policy proposals. And, as this thinking goes, if the public fails to do so, it is because they simply lack access to the facts. The centrality of emotion, metaphor, fantasy and the phantasmagoric eruptions of the unconscious are either ignored or treated with sneering derision

Ducat and Faludi would tell us that our jingoistic reaction to 9/11 and the Iraq War were inevitable outcomes -- because that's how Americans from as far back as Puritan times respond to attacks. I pose this question to Faludi and Ducat: what if the Florida recount had turned out differently and Al Gore was the president on 9/11? Would we have invaded Iraq, engaged in this ridiculous "for us or against us" rhetoric, closed in on the world and pursued a policy of reckless unilateral militarism? No, we wouldn’t have. But in Faludi and Ducat's world, where symbolism, narratives and deep psychological drives govern political behavior, a Gore administration wouldn't have responded much differently than the Bush administration did. If the frontier rescue narrative that Faludi describes is so deeply embedded into our national consciousness, who the president is simply doesn't matter, our reactions are literally already narrated for us.

Ultimately, this type of analysis denies our agency and blinds us to the more immediate, tangible roots of our current situation. The War in Iraq wasn't inevitable, having such a demented response to a terrorist attack needn't always occur. We can hold individuals responsible for certain policy choices, and the public responsible for enabling those individuals. Our country’s actions need not have been foretold in the 18th century Massachusetts wilderness.


Comments (115)

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Before commenting on the substance of your post, Matt, let me say this:

Holy crap! You're 17?! My son is 17, with an interest in politics, and I'm going to direct him to your blog forthwith.

Now for the substance. You say:

Ducat and Faludi would tell us that our jingoistic reaction to 9/11 and the Iraq War were inevitable outcomes -- because that's how Americans from as far back as Puritan times respond to attacks.

Although one can't be sure just based on the fragments of their thinking that have been posted here, I didn't get the impression that either one of them thinks the US post-9/11 reaction was inevitable, or that they think the process by which individual or mass psychological reactions rooted in emotion, fantasy and "phantasmogoric eruptions" influence national decisions is a wholly deterministic one. The point is that there are both rational and irrational (or non-rational or pre-rational or a-rational) elements to individual and group psychology, and I believe Ducat is right that some liberals, with their generally rationalistic and even technocratic outlook, are prone to overlook the role of the irrational.

My own view is that the decisions of various agents, both individual and collective agents, can act can act as "accellerants" or "deccellerants" to these phantasmogoric brushfires. So really the impact of such an outbreak has much to do with the way in which power happens to be distributed in a society when the outbreak occurs.

There is, of course, no one "national reaction" to 9/11. Like you, I think that the emotional reactions of conservatives were better able to manifest themselves in the form of actual government decisions because conservatives were in charge of the government at the time these reactions occurred. They deliberately worked to feed and accellerate the reaction, and that has something to do with their success in recruiting the public to support them.

Matt,

Good stuff. I think you get off target on falsifiability, though. As a matter of science, claims have to be falsifiable (or testable) and in that sense a lot of psychological claims (like Freudianism or Jungian analysis) don't quite reach the level of hard scence.

That doesn't mean that the claims don't have meaning or resonance, though. I'd caution you that if you look at everything through Karl Popper's eyes you're going to miss a lot.

I also really doubt that Faludi is arguing that people (either as individuals or collectively) have no responsibility for the last 7 years of our history or for the symbols and undercurrents that have long existed in American society. It's not that the archetypes control us. They do exert an influence. But so do we. We can rewrite our myths. If we couldn't Faludi wouldn't have bothered writing the book.

Which brings us back to falsifiability and Freudianism -- Freud says you have anxiety because your mother pushed you too hard as a child, made you afreaid of failure. You say, "No she didn't, that's ridiculous." The Freudian says, "Oh, that's just you covering up for the fact of it." It's annoying, because it isn't falsifiable.

But... it's effective for some patients. Even if it's not strictly true, or strictly science, some patients say "You know, I should really let those anxieties go, it's just something that happened in childhood." It can work.

Maybe what Faludi is saying is also useful -- Maybe we can rewrite our myths and archetypesin a way that will help us toward a better future. Maybe the act of trying will be effective even if it isn't hard science.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

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My opinion: best post of this Book Club so far. This boomer feminist, one who also has long had a serious interest in American cultural history, agrees with your well-argued and succinct skepticism. Based on what I've seen here so far, I've not been convinced that Faludi's book (nor Ducat's for that matter,) is a must-read. On the other hand, looks like I may have found another good "reality-based common sense" young blogger whose work I'd be interested in following.

P.S. I find it helpful to always consider something along the line of these two ideas: we are all free agents who do not necessarily have to follow someone else's "narrative;" history never repeats itself the same way twice because the people in different time spans are different people, with variable nature/nuture makeup, not a single one of them were/are robots. In short: things change. :-)

This piece is brilliant. It tracks Krugman's thesis in "Conscience of a Liberal" that inequality in America didn't just happen but was produced by individual politicians whose goal was to produce it. In other words, it ain't fate, it's politics.

Not only do I believe that there would have been no Iraq war had Gore been inaugurated, I believe there would have been no 9/11 period.

Matt, do you get my weekly newsletter IPF Friday which is my weekly take on the I-P conflict. You'd like it and I'd be honored to have you as a subscriber.

Not only do I believe that there would have been no Iraq war had Gore been inaugurated, I believe there would have been no 9/11 period.

What, pray tell, is the reasoning behind this absurd claim, which ignores the fact that al-Qaeda had been bombing us every couple of years all through the time Gore was VP, including the first WTC bombing, and that the plot was already in progress when Gore would have become president?

Are you seriously claiming that Gore would have leaped at what insight we had, put two and two together despite the Gorelick Wall, FISA and other Clinton-era impediments to intelligence gathering and sharing, busted up the Atta ring and, maybe for kicks, flown into outer space and smashed that meteorite that was heading toward us with his fists?

I think Bush's people were neither as bright as they could have been or as dumb as some claim about the dangers leading up to that day, but the idea that Year 9 of the Clinton-Gore era would have seen a wholesale, and fabulously effective, reversal of the whole "end of history" and Sandy Berger legalistic mindset is about as likely as saying that if only Alf Landon had won in '36, Pearl Harbor would have been prevented. 30s isolationist Republicans would have been LESS likely than the guy who was in office to accomplish anything, not more, and the same is true for 90s Democrats.

Oh, and SPHealey, instead of littering all my posts with 1 and 2 ratings like little mouse droppings, perhaps you'd like to be a grownup and actually respond to something thoughtfully for once?

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=== Are you seriously claiming that Gore would have leaped at what insight we had, put two and two together despite the Gorelick Wall, FISA and other Clinton-era impediments to intelligence gathering and sharing ===
FISA was developed during the post-Nixon period and signed in 1978. It was driven in part by concerns that the Nixon Administration had used resources intended for surveillance of foreign entities as domestic political weapons. That sound familiar eh?
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sPh

Rehashing all of the intelligence failures of the Bush administration prior to 9/11 has gotten boring. It's fair to say, though, that the failures were failures of focus, not that FISA was a problem or that there were Clinton-era impediments. I don't think I'd go so far as to repeat MJ's claim because that would take a certain amount of clairvoyance.

I am sure that even if 9/11 had happened that Gore also would have taken us to war in Afghanistan but not Iraq.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

I think that's reasonable, except insofar as the "Gorelick Wall" did prevent sharing of precisely the intelligence that might have connected suspicious flight students (observed by the FBI) with terror networks (known to the CIA).

I'm not one of those people who blame Clinton et al. for that exclusively, or even primarily. It was the tenor of the times; history had ended, there were no real threats, at least that rated above the occasional symbolic airstrike. We saw the same attitude from Republicans during the impeachment, when they accused Clinton of wagging the dog at a particular time; everyone seemed to assume that there was no danger in letting our entire government be consumed by impeachment over piddly private matters.

Nevertheless, the attitude that led to ignoring the al-Qaeda threat was in existence, as surely as isolationism in the 30s, and I'd really like to know how anyone can claim otherwise about Gore (and what powers they assume he'd have that they get up in arms about Bush exercising).

It existed in the Clinton era, no?

Actually, beyond that it doesn't sound familiar-- can you substantiate your apparent insinuation that the Bush administration has used it against any domestic political adversary?

Oh, and I note you've changed your rating to a 0, evidently in order to prevent at least some readers from seeing that I called your thuggish censorship out. I have reported this abuse of the system to the management. If someone else would rate it at least a 2, just to render his inappropriate behavior ineffective, I would greatly appreciate that.

I think he's dead right, though, that there's something so airy and insubstantial about Faludi's insights and references. When firemen doing their job is the result of sexual anxiety, it's hard to know what can't be depicted in that light. That's why I challenged her on the quotidian specifics of the 50s western genre, which she obviously has so weak and stereotypical a handle on-- claims like these need to be closely observed and solidly insightful, there's just not much solidity here.

I really don't think it has anything at all to do with powers.

I also don't think I can convince you on this one because it's going to come down to "who do you believe." If the outgoing Clintons really told the incoming Bush administration that terrorism was going to be a #1 priority, then that's a clue that Gore would have put more focus on it. Also, seems that Richard Clarke felt he had more influence in the Clinton White House than in the Bush White House, and that's a clue that he'd have had more influence with Gore.

Enough to stop 9/11? Like I said, it'd be unfair of me to go so far. But my gut says there's something to it.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

Either Clinton or Gore would have paid attention to what the intelligence was reporting. Had Gore presided in those morning briefings, he would have sent DoD, State, CIA, etc rushing back to their HQ's to shake the trees to find out what the f--k was going on.
Bush asked no questions, ever. A President who does not ask questions and make demands allows the bureaucracy to go to sleep. And that is what it did.
9/11 would not have happened under Clinton or Gore.
Can I prove it? No. But you can be damn sure that Gore's NSC advisor would not have rebuffed Richard Clarke's insistent demands for gov't action on AQ and on the specific plots his people knew were being hatched.
Nor would he or she have ignored the memo that predicted 9/11, leaving out only the time of the attack.

If the outgoing Clintons really told the incoming Bush administration that terrorism was going to be a #1 priority

Exactly. If they'd really believed that they would have acted like that-- and Gore would have run on it. The evidence you need is in plain sight.

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Also, the Clinton administration had foiled 2 serious planned attacks by al-Qaeda in 2000. One in the USA on LAX and the other in Jordan. The Clinton Administration took al-Qaeda seriously, there is ample evidence that Bushco did not.

Google *millenium plots*

Jack

Then why did Sandy Berger steal copies of Richard Clarke's report condemning how the Clinton administration handled the "millennium plots"?

I'm trying to be fair in discussing how our entire government, elected and unelected, handled things poorly prior to 9/11. You're giving every benefit of every doubt to Clinton, and painting the worst possible picture of Bush. Surprise.

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Done. Hang in there.

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I am sure that even if 9/11 had happened that Gore also would have taken us to war in Afghanistan but not Iraq.

That's my guess too. But aside from the question of how Gore would have responded in specific countries, the more interesting question for speculation is what kind of global strategy Gore would have formulated and promoted.

Given his background and intellectual orientation, I believe Gore would have used the 9/11 crisis to revive the dormant internationalist tradition in US politics, moving quickly to negotiate and expand structures and compacts for collective international security, intelligence and law enforcement, and to forge co-operative treaty-based arrangements addressing energy security and also the related environmental concerns close to his heart.

Rather than focus solely on failures of US intelligence or law enforcement, he would have stressed deficiencies in international cooperation on intelligence-sharing and law enforcement He would have taken the opportunity to arrest the post-Cold War drift and global malaise. He would have worked to re-focus attention on lingering regional conflicts, and the permanent threat these pose to global security. The overall message would have been that terrorism is one of many global problems requiring a global solution, and that we need to band together with our many neighbors abroad to address this and other collective threats to our globalized economy and the emerging global community.

Rather than hunkering down in Washington, and pushing a nationalist message, he would have hit the road and become the prophet of internationalism. Rather than dismissing old allies, he would have reached out to them and also cultivated new allies. Rather than exploiting 9/11 to recruit the public into an effort to solidify US hegemony and forge a unipolar world, he would have exploited the opportunity to recruit them into the effort to build a new, more unified, more co-operative world.

Every crisis is fraught with potentialities, and can produce energetic movement in any one of several directions, depending on how leaders seize the day and mobilize their publics. There was a post-9/11 moment when the world's attention and sympathies were focussed on the events in Washington and New York. If a US leader had grasped that opportunity, and moved swiftly to consolidate an international agenda more in line with the aspirations of other countries and peoples, we would have had an entirely different ball game, and a much more favorable global reastion.

The immediate post-9/11 environment was filled with all sorts of excited declamations from every political quarter, pushing and pulling in a variety of competing directions. It took a few months for the Bush-neoconservative strain to establish itself firmly as the dominant voice in the media and political establishment. With a different political culture in place, we would have had different results.

Yeah, that's how government worked in the 90s.

Although the National Security Agency was able to monitor calls on [Zawahiri's] satellite phone, it refused to share the raw data with the FBI or the CIA or Dick Clarke at the White House. When the CIA learned from one of its own employees, who was posted at the NSA, that al-Qaeda's phones were being monitored, it demanded the transcripts. The NSA refused to hand them over; instead, it offered narrative summaries that were often out of date. The CIA then turned to its own director of science and technology to construct a device that would monitor the transmissions of satellite phones from that portion of Afghanistan. They were able to receive only one side of the conversation, but based on one of the partial intercepts the CIA determined that bin Laden and others were going to be in Khost. --Lawrence Wright, The Looming Tower, p. 321

As it turns out, Bin Laden didn't go to Khost that night anyway. But I cite the passage not because it's extraordinarily damning of Clinton but because it demonstrates all the issues this fantasy of Al Gore, Man of (Non-Sexist Western Myth Driven) Action ignores; intelligence gathering was and no doubt remains riven by bureaucratic rivalries, unnecessary duplication, confusion, and random bad luck. To conclude from the complete story that so many, merely beginning with Wright and Richard Clarke, have told that Gore would have magically fixed everything and saved everybody (in a non-sexist Western myth informed way) is simply partisan silliness.

That was a very good post. I was not able to argue so cogently as a senior. Fortunately, I don't here have to show whether I can now. I also read it just after I'd come to similar conclusions in commenting on the preceding post.

Dan K sums it up quite well this: "I think that the emotional reactions of conservatives were better able to manifest themselves in the form of actual government decisions because conservatives were in charge of the government at the time these reactions occurred." And it's not just, as he says, that they could drive hysteria that mimics the symptoms Faludi outlines clearly. It's also that the hysteria may not always match the symptoms. That is, we got cowboy mentality in our leaders not entirely because they'd turned us all into cowboy worshipers, but because our leaders had a cowboy mentality anyhow.

I'll add only something I didn't note earlier: it's not unreasonable to find some of the symptoms in the media, because we can expect the media to play up some of the symptoms. They love cliches, because they're prewritten narrative. BevD listed quite a few movie and TV oaters that didn't meet the standards of Ford and Hawks. In part, as she's arguing, they testify to a different 1950s than mgmax or I may wish to remember. But in part we've forgotten them for good reason: the movies and TV will turn out cliches whether we wish them or not, and we may not wish to judge a generation by them.

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

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I don't blame you for not reading Faludi's book; witholding it from publication could have been the single greatest American contribution to the abatement of global warming, as its publication has released enough hot air to threaten both polar ice caps.

However, I'm annoyed by the constant use of the collective pronoun in your post. "We" didn't turn inward as a nation, crack down on civil liberties, and invade Iraq. Bush did. Was Bush, through relentless lies, nationalist bombast, and xenophobic appeals, able to drag a bemused bare majority along with him? Sadly, yes. But the mantle of collective guilt for Bush's crimes is utterly inappropriate.

It's perfectly open for debate and it's a reasonable criticism, don't get me wrong. Especially when we're in the realm of symbols, archetypes and myths it's important to ask rigorous questions or else anyone would be able to assert just about anything.

Don't take my defense of it as an attempted repudiation of him (or you, for that matter).

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

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After being attacked by reactionary religious zealots, we turned inward as a nation, cracked down on civil liberties and invaded a country that had nothing to do with the attacks.

Baloney. "We" did no such thing, as Long Tom said. It was done by presidential fiat. Hail Caesar!

How can anyone disprove that "our response to 9/11 was intended in large part not to defend us against the actual threat but to repair a cherished American myth that the attacks had damaged?"

I can. The attack on Afghanistan was planned well before 9/11 because Afghanistan is in a key geographical position and its government had become unwilling to kowtow to American demands, including the need for an oil pipeline. The attack on Iraq was for power and profit. There was no national debate on either of these attacks.

The phrase "our response" is part and parcel of the neocon attempt to avoid blame and pin responsibility on the American people for the current military disasters. According to this false scenario, the American people, along with some feeble congressional moves, delivered a "stab in the back" to the valiant US military for disasters which otherwise would have been avoided. It's "our" fault because we're Americans! Faludi's book contributes to this effort. Blame the people, not the evil perpetrators in Washington, according to this new plot. (A similar effort has taken place in Iraq--blame the Iraqis, not the US government.)

Kevin Baker in Harper's:
"The stab in the back first gained currency in Germany, as a means of explaining the nation's stunning defeat in World War I. It was Field Marshal Paul von Hindenburg himself, the leading German hero of the war, who told the National Assembly, “As an English general has very truly said, the German army was ‘stabbed in the back.’”

"Like everything else associated with the stab-in-the-back myth, this claim was disingenuous. The “English general” in question was one Maj. Gen. Neill Malcolm, head of the British Military Mission in Berlin after the war, who put forward this suggestion merely to politely summarize how Field Marshal Erich von Ludendorff—the force behind Hindenburg—was characterizing the German army's alleged lack of support from its civilian government.

“Ludendorff's eyes lit up, and he leapt upon the phrase like a dog on a bone,” wrote Hindenburg biographer John Wheeler-Bennett. “‘Stabbed in the back?’ he repeated. ‘Yes, that's it exactly. We were stabbed in the back.’”
http://www.harpers.org/archive/2006/06/0081080

The idea that Al Gore could have saved us from these mistakes suggests that the 'stab in the back' thesis being aided by Faludi is wrong.

We can hold individuals responsible for certain policy choices, and the public responsible for enabling those individuals.

This is only half right. Democracy in the US is currently gasping for breath, under assault from the two branches of the War Party. The American public public (1) had little or no input to these momentous decisions which have been called "the greatest foreign policy disaster in US history" and (2) in any case the US public was fully propagandized with lies from the highest level of government.

ecotourism
WeGoEco.com

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"You're giving every benefit of every doubt to Clinton, and painting the worst possible picture of Bush. Surprise."

A bigger surprise is why anyone doesn't.

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lol

sPh

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A bigger surprise is why anyone doesn't.

This comment makes no sense. Why would anyone rate it high? Mgmax said that "you" (at least three bloggers) gave something, and then you state that it's a surprise "why anyone doesn't (give)".

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I doubt that having Gore in he WH would have stopped the attack from happening, too.

Do I think that Gore would not have submerged us in another Viet Nam? No, I don't believe he would. He would not have made a false connection between Hussein and binLaden nor would he use that false connection to manipulate and lie to people.

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Good post, Don. I don't agree about Afghanistan and I think that Al Gore would not have made the false link between Al Qaeda and Hussein but the "stab in the back" theory is spot on.

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The reason this foreign policy is such a disaster isn't because of the U.S. prediliction to resort to myths when faced with a crisis, it is a disaster because we we failed and have failed all along to listen to what these people have been saying to us - get out and quit interfering in our domestic affairs.

We can mythologize 9/11, we can analyse it, we can find esoteric and existential meaning in it, but it does not change the fundamental reason as to why they resorted to such an attention getter - we aren't listening.

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BevD,
Thanks. Afghanistan has been 'off the table' at TPMCafe for some time now. I look forward to revisiting the scene of my greatest 0 and 1 collections.

As for Al Gore and Iraq, the AQ/Hussein link didn't even occur to Bush/Cheney until after the WMD justification faded, right? In any case, Gore supported Iraq. Gore in 2002: "In 1991, I crossed party lines and supported the use of force against Saddam Hussein, but he was allowed to survive his defeat as the result of a calculation we all had reason to deeply regret for the ensuing decade. And we still do. So this time, if we resort to force, we must absolutely get it right. It must be an action set up carefully and on the basis of the most realistic concepts."
http://www.gwu.edu/~action/2004/gore/gore021202.html

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Nor do I believe he would have (submerged us in another Vietnam.)

In '98 Bill Kristol wrote a letter to Clinton advising him to take military action against Iraq, which is a clue to the mind-set of the so-called neocons.

When Bush became president he, or Cheney, hired at least two dozen people out of AEI to work in government offices and/or to serve on advisory panels. It's most unlikely that Gore would have staffed so many offices with neocons from AEI.

Given Bush's 'style' of governing, not to mention his seeming disinterest in processing information, the people around him would have and did have a great deal of influence on his decisions. (And, I continue to think that Bush's Iraq caper was based on not much more than, "He tried to kill my daddy.")

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=== it is a disaster because we we failed and have failed all along to listen to what these people have been saying to us - get out and quit interfering in our domestic affairs. ===
I am with you on much of your analysis but I am compelled to point out that there is a bit of a problem here: the US is, for better or for worse, the world's largest economy and leading superpower. There are thousands of groups and entities around the world with grievances - some of which are directed against the US whether deserved or not. There is no conceivable US policy (foreign or domestic) that could satisfy all of these groups simultaneously. In the age of Semtex and AK-47s that is a problem but not one I see as having an immediate solution.
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sPh

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Based upon his recent remarks, Al Gore seems to believe "diplomacy" is the preferred approach in dealing with terrorists.

Perhaps he would have tried "talking" to AQ?

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While there is a good arguement that we are still a Calvinist imfluenced culture among professional historians the Puritans are seen not a typical of colonial America but outliers. There previous central role due more to their vast writings than their being like their more southern brethern.

What was the impact of Pearl Harbor. The entire United States geared itself for war and all of our resources were brought to bear. More Americans were killed on 9/11 than 12/7 and it occured in two major continental cities. Is there really any doubt that any American president would not have launched an attack on Afganistan?.

Reading any of the books of recent history for example Ghost Wars and Cobra II to name two would suggest, with all due respect to Larry Johnson, that the CIA is incompetent and needs to be destroyed and started over. According to Coll one of the problem during the Clinton administratio was that Clinton was so skeptical of the CIA, with good reason, that he did not pay enough attention to them as it was necessary for them to really gear up to go after Bin Laden, esepecially after the African Embassy bombings. Even so Clinton's CIA had a bin Laden Unit and they made a number of efforts to get him.

Finally, there is a real problem with Islam and especially Sunni Islam. These problems resemble those that followed WWI with gave rise to Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism. The problems of the Middle East only get America's attention when Israel or oil is involved. That has been nearly no interest in the region and no effort to encourage liberalism, not democracy tothe region. That a president like Clinton and a would be president such as Gore might have been more open to the need to forge links with the liberal voices that do exist in the Middle East and perhaps help negate the need to get rid of Saddem and perhaps even prevent Musharriff's coup. Big ifs but having Presidents who think about the future and are globalists in their visions would be a key to a differnt response to 9/11.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

Be careful, When Giuliani said that about Clinton and Obama, he was Keith Olbermann's worst person of the week.

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I don’t think that you can associate an increase of intolerance of gays with 9/11. I think there was a backlash against gay marriage due to the Mass. Court decision mandating gay marriage. Gays seem to be more and more accepted in society even after 9/11, the majority are just not ready for gay marriage yet.

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So, do you consider bin Laden the representative of the “these people” that you refer to?

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Plenty of evidence that during last 1-2 yearsr of Clinton admin. Al Queda was recognized as a (the) priority threat to the U.S. And Gore and his people were a major part of this. See for example Richard Clarke's book. Remember they told incoming Bushies. And Bushes went out of their way to ignore and downgrade it.

So, yes, under a Gore presidency it Al Queda would have continued to be, or even more ramped up, as target. Just one example... Richard Clarke would have been a leader at NSC, not shunted aside and deliberately ignored. Similar priorization, instead of being dismissed off top-10 priority list, at CIA and FBI (was top a priority in DOJ under last year of Clinton; Ashcroft took it completely off list on 9/10).

So, yes, good possibility under a Gore presidency 9-11 does not happen. That they were caught or otherwise disrupted.

"He would not have made a false connection between Hussein and binLaden nor would he use that false connection to manipulate and lie to people." In fact, he spoke out against it, starting before the invasion of Iraq and not stopping. Don B. quotes in wildly out of context, as if he was advocating force in Iraq done right. He was discussing the proper place of force, and it wasn't in Iraq. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

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Well, obviously, there will never be a foreign policy that will please all people, all of the time, but this is a message that they have been trying to get across to us for the last three decades and the fact that we left permanent troops in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia and have invaded Iraq and are trying to destabalize Iran would tend to support their grievance.

It's like the Mid-East disaster - we're the only people in the Mid-East who still consider the U.S. to be honest brokers in peace negotiations. No one else does, and yet Americans still persist in the belief that the U.S. can broker an effective peace plan.

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I would consider bin Laden representative of Al Qaeda and they are certainly an eclectic group.

Untrue. Also known as lying. Get a new talking point.

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You said the we were attacked because we didn’t listen to “these people”. If you believe that bin Laden orchestrated the attach on us, should we have listened to him? Again I ask you is he a legitimate representative of “these people”?

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You're wrong. Gore obviously was advocating force in Iraq: "In 1991, I crossed party lines and supported the use of force against Saddam Hussein, but he was allowed to survive his defeat as the result of a calculation we all had reason to deeply regret for the ensuing decade. And we still do. So this time, if we resort to force, we must absolutely get it right. It must be an action set up carefully and on the basis of the most realistic concepts." Subsequently that was the Dem position, that they could have done it better, using more troops.

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Faludi’s thesis seems to leave little room for our own collective agency, as members of a polity, to change the direction of our culture and our politics, even when faced by the threat of terrorist attack.

I disagree with this premise, and question our "collective agency."

I mean, we're not going to pretend that our government works by the will of the people, are we?

The Way Things Work leaves very little room for collective agency. At best, we get to vote once every four years (I would say two years, but Congress has been no match for this President). And, I remember many of our Congresspeople telling us, lecturing us, really, that "elections have consequences," and therefore they voted for people like Sam Alito and Alberto Gonzales.

What are the latest polls? 60-70% of the nation is against the Iraq war?

What collective agency do we really have?

Faced down by a unitarily-powerful Executive Branch and a corporate-owned news media, you know, the people who are supposed to be helping create our "informed citizenry," who did their job so well that years after invading Iraq, half the country still believed Saddam was behind 9/11 and had WMD?

Plus, we now torture people. 

So, really, what collective agency do we end up with here?

Not much, I'd say.

If we are to believe that collective agency is seriously a reality, then I can only conclude we, as a nation, as a polity, like torturing people. 

 

"Thank God George Bush is our president." -Rudy Giuliani

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the war in Iraq was being thought up and advocated for well before 9/11. The infamous PNAC letter was written in 1998 and the neoconservative intellectual and policy foundations for war with Iraq were in place before the attacks. Moreover, there were those like Bernard Kouchner, Paul Berman and Kenan Makiya who all supported the war for ostensibly humanitarian and liberal reasons. Would Faludi really chalk up liberal hawks like Peter Beinart, Michael Ignatieff and Kenneth Pollack (and dare we forget Josh Marshall) support for a war as the inevitable result of the narrative America adopts when under threat?

Or more specifically, would Faludi and Ducat claim it's all this cult of "hypermasculinity" whatever that's supposed to mean? Thats just radical feminism and counterculture for their own sake, reheated.

Faludi's theory is a fictional narrative, not a comprehension explanation which seeks to reconcile facts like those, but to forget them because they're inconvenient to her thesis. Which is exactly how we got into Iraq, by cooking the books with such fictional narratives, and following kooks with agendas.

People such as the NeoCons had an obsession with Iraq. People like Faludi and Ducat apparently have issues with men and masculinity. Whenever something goes wrong, such people always seize upon it to claim it as evidence of their personal monster under the bed at the root of all evil.

Then why did Sandy Berger steal copies of Richard Clarke's report condemning how the Clinton administration handled the "millennium plots"?

Why would Berger filching a copy of a report on the Millenium Plots from the National Archives be in any way proof that the Clinton Admnistration didn't take terrorism seriously? Its not like he destroyed the report, and its not like he wasn't aware that the report could be retrieved by anyone with access.

-Dave Adams-

It seems fairly accepted that US spied on UN Security Council members.

http://www.newsweek.com/id/53312

Then there was that flap over Bolton asking for phone identities associated with intercepts.

Then there is the accepted finding that if one knows absolutely one will never be caught, one tends to go ahead and do the otherwise prohibited action. And since sweeping is lousy at finding new stuff, but targeted surveillance is easy, it does stretch the imagination to hope that unwarranted snooping was 100% proper.

can you substantiate your apparent insinuation that the Bush administration has used it against any domestic political adversary?

There doesn't seem to be much evidence available.
Of course the fact that such information is so secret that even Congress doesn't have access to it is merely a coincidence.

-Dave Adams-

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I have no opinion as to whether bin Laden is a legitimate representative, in fact, that is my point - it is not up to us to decide those matters. Bin Laden, though, isn't the only person in the Mid-East to complain of our mischief in their domestic affairs. From the Iranian hostage crisis to this current debacle the problem hasn't been their meddling in our affairs, but our meddling in theirs.

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Tom, Are you suggesting that the US has ever NOT spied on UN Security Council members? If this is the case then the CIA and FBI are even less efficient than I suspected.

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No, Don, that's not true. In his 2002 speech he specifically denounced the policy of "pre-emptive war" and he said the Bush policy would be a mistake of the greatest magnitude.

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sPh,
I didn't even look at who gave the rating until you responded. So it was you! Well, we all make mistakes. I made one . . .was it last month? No it was probably last year. {:-)

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The "lol" actually refers to another thread that was active yesterday - I don't think you were participating in that one.

sPh

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would have paid attention . . .would have sent . . .would not have happened . . .would not have rebuffed . . . Nor would he or she have ignored

Woulda, shoulda, coulda
Woulda, shoulda, coulda
Woulda, shoulda, coulda
Woulda, shoulda, coulda

Repeat and believe.

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In other words, it ain't fate, it's politics.

Well, you're getting into philosophy now. I think that's an entirely false dilemma. It's both and the same. And you seem to be equating "politics" with a sort of deus ex machina to escape fate.

Certainly environment helps shape the individual, and individuals shape their environment. However, to understand and deconstruct events is to look for causes and preceding events. Complexity may appear irreducible due to lack of knowledge, or as the creationists would call it: "irreducible complexity."

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BevD,
I quote Gore on Iraq and you say that it's not true? Say what?
And how about some quotes from his 2002 speech on your other claims? I don't see them.

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Yes, he supported the first Gulf war. No, he did not support the second Gulf war. His first speech on the issue, Sept. 23, 02, he spoke out very firmly on this second war as a serious mistake.

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Bacon,

The quote and your interpretation of it are two separate things. I think your interpretation of this quote which you've clearly cherry picked to distort, is laughable.

Gore is expressing what a lot of people felt post the Gulf War I. It didn't accomplish much other than to beat up on a two bit dictator who had been useful to us but was getting out of line. It still left a terrible humanitarian crisis. It made matters in many regards worse.

Many also felt that HW Bush had deliberately ignored signals from Hussein, such as diplomatic communications, indicating he intended to invade Kuwait and wanted the US green light. Hussein himself clearly felt betrayed and set up. So there is a case to be made HW Bush wanted war.

That's not to say it was necessarily fixable by force. Just that the previous use of force had been botched and perhaps dishonest.

Regardless of any of that, it's perfectly reasonable to say one should be cautious about war, honest about intentions, and IF one is going to war, then do it right. One could say that about ANY war.

It's a specious argument to then interpret that as Gore pledging to invade Iraq post 9/11 on the same cooked premise as Bush. That's a partisan Republican argument to apologize for Bush. Not a rational one.

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Come on. Speaking of hot air, that's splitting hairs and nitpicking.

He's clearly using "we" in the sense of a nation adopting policies, which is accurate. That doesn't in any way imply "we" are monolithic in approval of them.

Such semantic games make no contribution.

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Again, that's just semantic demagoguery and a straw man attack on Zeitlin. Where did he imply "we" to mean monolithic opinion?

Come on. He's 17, and you're the one acting like a child.

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There is no conceivable US policy (foreign or domestic) that could satisfy all of these groups simultaneously.

Thats a false premise. I'm not aware of any major policy initiative to attempt to please everyone.

You're using infinitive rhetoric to break a utilitarian equation. One doesn't have to satisfy everyone to find utility in reducing enemies by inflaming them less via policies which predictably produce long term blow back for short term gain.

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Whether or not events have some degree of inevitability, Mr Zeitlin makes the point that Ducat and Faludi are specifically reciting the Frankfurt school's definition of inevitability, chapter and verse. Which I think most people would agree is a lot of Freudian and Marxist sophistry, if they're familiar with it.

Ducat and Faludi piece-mealing that reheated sausage without proper disclosure... well that Frankfurter ain't Kosher, so to speak.

Which makes sense for Ducat, being a psychologist apparently of that school, but Faludi must have absorbed it by osmosis or perhaps at university. Much of radical, and especially the most militant elements of feminism were greatly influenced by the Frankfurt school, with themes of sexual repression, "phantasmogoric eruptions," repressed homosexuality, rape and repressed memories, Kinsey's theories, and such.

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BevD,
I understand why you haven't offered quotes. Here's one from Gore's Sep 23 02, his second (at least) speech on the issue (I quoted from the Feb 2002 speech, remember?): "The President should be authorized to take action to deal with Saddam Hussein as being in material breach of the terms of the truce and therefore a continuing threat to the security of the region. To this should be added that his continued pursuit of weapons of mass destruction is potentially a threat to the vital interests of the United States."

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Following an early-on bombing of Afghanistan when 4,000 were killed, Taliban leaders offered to turn bin Laden over to a neutral nation. Mr. Bush refused with the mind-boggling explanation that the Taliban leaders "were insincere."

So, yes, an American president did order an attack on Afghanistan, but I doubt that most American presidents would then allow the reason why he bombed Afghanistan in the first place to continue living free as a bird.

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"In 1991, I crossed party lines and supported the use of force against Saddam Hussein, but he was allowed to survive his defeat as the result of a calculation we all had reason to deeply regret for the ensuing decade. And we still do. So this time, if we resort to force, we must absolutely get it right. It must be an action set up carefully and on the basis of the most realistic concepts." --Al Gore

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Why would Berger filching a copy of a report on the Millenium Plots from the National Archives be in any way proof that the Clinton Admnistration didn't take terrorism seriously? Its not like he destroyed the report, and its not like he wasn't aware that the report could be retrieved by anyone with access.

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Apparently he was destroying copies of the report that contained marginal notations from Clinton and other high rankers that indicate they weren't "taking terrorism seriously"

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Touche'

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kozmik,
You're wrong. He said "We turned inward as a nation", which suggests a "monolithic opinion". I didn't "turn inward", did you? If he was referring to the US, was attacking Afghanistan "turning inward"?

I'm not "acting like a child", I am a child in many ways. Acting responsibly is for bankers and such. What's your excuse?

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You're attempting to conflate a bunch of issues to simplify things to polemic. Nice demagoguery, but vapid.

No, ObL is not representative of "these people" if that refers to Arab Islamic people generally, who do have some legitimate petitions against American and generally Western European meddling and exploitation in the region. Those are issues we could address better, both from a utilitarian and moral standpoint.

ObL is a product of that situation multiplied by his own particular psychology and tendencies.

That doesn't make him "representative" of the general public. It makes him one predictable outcome that will occur in a small percentage of a large population subjected to inflammatory events.

Anyways, one should get one's own house in order, not throw stones from glass houses, and such. there are certainly things we do in the ME that are lacking from a moral and utilitarian standpoint. We should correct those, regardless of ObL.

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I have no opinion as to whether bin Laden is a legitimate representative, in fact, that is my point - it is not up to us to decide those matters. Bin Laden, though, isn't the only person in the Mid-East to complain of our mischief in their domestic affairs.
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I think you're running away from a legitimate question. Bin Laden and his cohorts aren't saying "stay out of our affairs, and we'll be happy." They want a return of the Caliphate and give us Spain back right now like we had it a 1000 years ago.

Are we really going to listen to that?

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"I don’t think that we should allow anything to diminish our focus on avenging the 3,000 Americans who were murdered and dismantling the network of terrorists who we know to be responsible for it." --Al Gore

First the goal was to attack OBL and his network, then to overthrow the Afghanistan government, then to kill as many Taliban as possible, then to do the same to villagers who supported the Taliban, then to kill those who resisted our doing the above--the beat goes on. Six years and counting.

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Hey Zeitlin, Don't know if you'll see this with all the substantive responses up there, but nice job. I'll attempt an actual response later, but wanted to give you some public props.

Sara - RHSM

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I think you, and Zeitlin, are misreading the reference to the Frankfurt School. Ducat said:

The work of the Frankfurt School, and more contemporaneously, that of George Lakoff, Thomas Frank, and Drew Westen notwithstanding, a surprising number of progressives are still embedded in the naïve rationalism that has plagued liberals and Marxists for generations.

The reference here isn't about "inevitability," but of rationality and Enlightenment, and how little they have to do with the practice of politics. 

The right understands this; the left doesn't. The Right has played the affective side of politics much better than their opponents. 

That's why putting a photo of Osama bin Laden next to Max Cleland works, and it's why Rudy Giuliani is at the top of the Republican polls right now.

Rudy knows how to make people cry. 

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Plenty of evidence that during last 1-2 yearsr of Clinton admin. Al Queda was recognized as a (the) priority threat to the U.S. And Gore and his people were a major part of this. See for example Richard Clarke's book. Remember they told incoming Bushies. And Bushes went out of their way to ignore and downgrade it.

So, yes, under a Gore presidency it Al Queda would have continued to be, or even more ramped up, as target. Just one example... Richard Clarke would have been a leader at NSC, not shunted aside and deliberately ignored. Similar priorization, instead of being dismissed off top-10 priority list, at CIA and FBI (was top a priority in DOJ under last year of Clinton; Ashcroft took it completely off list on 9/10).

So, yes, good possibility under a Gore presidency 9-11 does not happen. That they were caught or otherwise disrupted.

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Please stop this fantasy:

"Plenty of evidence that during last 1-2 yearsr of Clinton admin. Al Queda was recognized as a (the) priority threat to the U.S. And Gore and his people were a major part of this."

http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn?pagename=article&contentId=A59781-2004Feb21&notFound=true

Legal Disputes Over Hunt Paralyzed Clinton's Aides

Between 1998 and 2000, the CIA and President Bill Clinton's national security team were caught up in paralyzing policy disputes as they secretly debated the legal permissions for covert operations against Osama bin Laden in Afghanistan.

The debates left both White House counterterrorism analysts and CIA career operators frustrated and at times confused about what kinds of operations could be carried out, according to interviews with more than a dozen officials and lawyers who were directly involved.

Clinton had demonstrated his willingness to kill bin Laden, without any pretense of seeking his arrest, when he ordered the cruise missile strikes on an eastern Afghan camp in August 1998, after the CIA obtained intelligence that bin Laden might be there for a meeting of al Qaeda leaders.

Yet the secret legal authorizations Clinton signed after this failed missile strike required the CIA to make a good faith effort to capture bin Laden for trial, not kill him outright.

Beginning in the summer of 1998, Clinton signed a series of top secret memos authorizing the CIA or its agents to use lethal force, if necessary, in an attempt to capture bin Laden and several top lieutenants and return them to the United States to face trial.

From Director George J. Tenet on down, the CIA's senior managers wanted the White House lawyers to be crystal clear about what was permissible in the field. They were conditioned by history -- the CIA assassination scandals of the 1970s, the Iran-contra affair of the 1980s -- to be cautious about legal permissions emanating from the White House. Earlier in his career, Tenet had served as staff director of the Senate Intelligence Committee and director of intelligence issues at the White House, roles steeped in the Washington culture of oversight and careful legality.

Tenet and his senior CIA colleagues demanded that the White House lay out rules of engagement for capturing bin Laden in writing, and that they be signed by Clinton. Then, with such detailed authorizations in hand, every one of the CIA officers who handed a gun or a map to an Afghan agent could be assured that he or she was operating legally.

This was the role of the Memorandum of Notification, as it was called. It was typically seven or eight pages long, written in the form of a presidential decision memo. It began with a statement about how bin Laden and his aides had attacked the United States. The memo made clear the president was aware of the risks he was assuming as he sent the CIA into action.

Some of the most sensitive language concerned the specific authorization to use deadly force. Clinton's national security aides said they wanted to encourage the CIA to carry out an effective operation against bin Laden, not to burden the agency with constraints or doubts. Yet Clinton's aides did not want authorizations that could be interpreted by Afghan agents as an unrestricted license to kill. For one thing, the Justice Department signaled that it would oppose such language if it was proposed for Clinton's signature.

The compromise wording, in a succession of bin Laden-focused memos, always expressed some ambiguity about how and when deadly force could be used in an operation designed to take bin Laden into custody. Typical language, recalled one official involved, instructed the CIA to "apprehend with lethal force as authorized."

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They were FOCUSED like a laser beam
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Some CIA managers chafed at the White House instructions. The CIA received "no written word nor verbal order to conduct a lethal action" against bin Laden before Sept. 11, one official involved recalled. "The objective was to render this guy to law enforcement." In these operations, the CIA had to recruit agents "to grab [bin Laden] and bring him to a secure place where we can turn him over to the FBI. . . . If they had said 'lethal action' it would have been a whole different kettle of fish, and much easier."

Berger later recalled his frustration about this hidden debate. Referring to the military option in the two-track policy, he said at a 2002 congressional hearing: "It was no question, the cruise missiles were not trying to capture him. They were not law enforcement techniques."

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I'm sure all of this bureaucratic to and fro would have ceased immediately if Gore had been elected. It would have been the same players playing the same games

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Don, if you're offering quotes you must have read the speech and you know exactly what he was saying. I don't want to argue this point, because I believe that Gore set out a forceful argument for resolving the problem of Al Qaeda and terrorism without going to war with Iraq.

We're intelligent people, we should be able to identify the meaning in a speech and we both know that any statement without context is subject to interpretation which may not be the meaning intended.