Spooky Encounters

One day in 2004, I got a telephone call from a senior intelligence official. “You’ll never guess what I did yesterday,” he began. “I spent four hours hooked up to a polygraph. The security guys wanted to know why I was talking to you.”

I thought he was kidding.

Three years later, I have a first amendment lawyer and a renewed appreciation for tenure.

I used to wonder why more academics didn’t study U.S. intelligence agencies. Not anymore. Getting data about spies and G-men is extraordinarily difficult. And sometimes it’s very very creepy.

Forget about obtaining classified materials. I keep my one and only Freedom of Information Act request on my bulletin board as a reminder not to bother. It’s been pending for 2 years and seeks declassification of a 1996 Pentagon letter to Strom Thurmond opposing intelligence reform. Here’s the kicker: the contents of the letter were summarized in the Washington Post more than a decade ago.

No, it’s the unclassified but embarrassing stuff about organizational weaknesses in U.S. intelligence agencies that I find really interesting. Trouble is, that’s often deep-sixed, too. Squirreling away information doesn’t require a top secret stamp. It just takes good bureaucratic stalling. In “Survivor: Beltway,” outlasting is all you need to do to win.

When I first started researching Spying Blind, I requested several documents from the FBI that I thought might show how and why the Bureau failed to adapt to the rise of terrorism in the 1990s. These included the FBI’s own unclassified 1998 strategic plan and information about Bureau employee awards. For years I got nothing. And then last year, after interviewing FBI Director Robert Mueller (on the record), a Justice Department package suddenly arrived at my office. In it was – I am not making this up – a “data package” that consisted entirely of color photocopies of the FBI’s web site. (I eventually got all my data from other sources.)

The CIA isn’t much better. All but 19 pages of the agency’s 2005 internal 9/11 review remain classified, despite repeated requests by Congress to release them. And those 19 pages saw the light of day only because Congress finally passed a law last summer requiring it.

Recently, I learned about an important document I never knew existed: an unclassified report examining the CIA’s Counterterrorist Center before 9/11. I’m told it includes many criticisms and was finished in the summer of 2001. But apparently it’s marked “for official use only,” which means that it sits in the vast twilight zone of government materials that are technically public but not really available.

When paper records are that hard to unearth, people matter more. But many insiders are afraid to talk with outsiders – even minivan-driving-soccer-mom professors like me. Who can blame them? As my polygraphed source put it, “I didn’t care, but imagine if I were a GS-13. No way would I be talking to anybody again.”

Of the 75 government officials I interviewed for Spying Blind, 70 spoke on the condition that they remain anonymous. Most undertook considerable professional risk to share their insights about what’s broken in the CIA and FBI, and why. Some asked that I never tell anyone I’d ever met them. And one, a high-ranking FBI official, who spoke to me only because people even higher up made him, got so angry during our interview that he unleashed a flurry of F-bombs at me. His tirade prompted the public affairs officer listening in on the call to ask nervously, “Professor, are you by any chance recording this interview?”

It wasn’t the swearing or the venom in the official’s voice that unsettled me. It was his job. Here was one of the Bureau’s leaders, a man with the full power of nation’s premier law enforcement and domestic intelligence agency behind him. And he was pissed off. At me.

I understand why. Nobody likes hearing criticism of their organization from an outsider, especially when that organization is working 24/7 to stop the next terrorist attack and the outsider is an Ivory Tower academic who’s never put her own life on the line to protect the country.

But as my mind pondered all of this, my hands were shaking. Was I intimidated? You bet I was. For a brief moment, I got an inkling of what my source must have felt when he was hooked up to the polygraph.


Comments (6)

I simply wish to echo artappraiser in thanking you for your work in this area.

While I understand that there are times when secrecy is necessary and even vitally important, I feel it is used far too often as a means to cover corruption, inaction or inability. By and large I'm terribly against secrecy and have little trust or faith in those who wield so much of it. There is very little room in the space between a secret and a lie (deception) IMHO.

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I used to wonder why more academics didn’t study U.S. intelligence agencies. Not anymore. Getting data about spies and G-men is extraordinarily difficult.

Thank you for continuing to do it anyway. My opinion, the entire field of International Relations cannot compare in importance to what you are doing. They talk grand theory, often as if the world is a chess board and human beings in countries and within organizations are pieces of stone, the leaders with power the only ones that need to be considered. You're studying actual realities, what really happens.

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And one, a high-ranking FBI official, who spoke to me only because people even higher up made him, got so angry during our interview that he unleashed a flurry of F-bombs at me.

This seems to indicate such rigidity and lack of perspective that the individual would be blind to anything that does not fit his expectations and mythic worldview. Add power and the damage done to an organization and its mission is indescribable.

It seems the personality of J Edgar Hover is still alive and well in the power structure of the FBI.


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Today, are we searching for I deals or Ideals?
-Thinking

"Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never be afraid to negotiate." JFK.

On a better day, the man may have spoken differently. On the other hand, the FBI has been known for extreme rigidity which makes it pretty hard for some to do the job without pulling a thousand teeth. Pull the one too many and ... kaboom.

For what it is worth, some agency big wigs at some level squelched street agent info and negligently let it sit so that even bigger wigs didn't hear it sooner (the Phoenix Special Agent's crucial reports) before 9-11. That doesn't necessarily create confidence under questioning of one's performance.

The bottom line: those agents are paid by US taxpayers and are supposed to be working for you and me. The yelling and F-bomb storm are abuses of the role. The use of intimidation to discourage inquiry is also a sign of weakness in the man you interviewed. What more could he have done to tell you that you were hitting a nerve?

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The more things change the more they stay the same. Reading this I was reminded of 'The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence' a book written in the 70's, but relevant today.

Amy,

Few scholars are contributing as significantly as you are to our understanding of the impact of organizational culture on national security policy and its implementation. There is more glamour -- and less tethered research -- in focusing on the policy and the personalities rather than the organizational structure and process as artappraiser says. Still, both the CIA and FBI took a congressional beating in response to 9/11. The creation of Homeland Security was no small slap at the turfs of both those institutions. Their silly sensitivity to organizational questions posed by you is perhaps, best understood in the context of their recently having had their rice bowls smashed. No excuse, but perhaps an explanation. I look forward to reading your new book to learn your views of that transformative legislation. Your earlier book, Flawed By Design, has stood the test of time. Thanks for your valuable work. Please continue.

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