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Sellout or Saint? Those Arent' the Only Options

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Although uninvited, I can't resist jumping in to this discussion of The Trap. I read it a few months ago, and it's a very good book, deserving of a place next to Tamara Draut's rhymingly-titled, Strapped as an evocative discussion of the astonishing pressures on young people, which create burdens that extend well into the life cycle. The discussion here has focused mostly on the economic analysis, and it should be said that Brook has the extraordinary intellectual range, curiosity, ability to combine ideas from different fields, and prose of an extraordinary cultural critic.

But on the economics, and speaking from the land beyond group houses and Ramen-noodle dinners, from the far continent of mortgages and kids, I want to emphatically echo Dana Goldstein's reaction, which was essentially that Brook runs the the risk of letting his Ivy League subjects off the hook too easily. What they insist is “no choice” but to go to work at a law firm or become a lobbyist is almost always very much a choice.

It's not an awful choice – there's nothing wrong with working at a law firm and lobbying is no crime – but I long ago got tired of hearing people solemnly declare they had no option but to do some ultra-lucrative thing. (Making an exception, of course, for people who have particularly costly responsibilities, such as a chronically ill child.)

There's a thin line between between understanding the enormous financial pressures on young people and going too easy on people who not only make the more lucrative choice, but then also claim the moral credit that deep down they would really prefer to do some other thing, but oh what a terrible pity, they just can't do it.

And some of Brook's examples cross that line. They bring to mind a conversation I overheard in a Chinese restaurant on the Upper West Side back in the late 1980s. Two young women in investment banking were discussing their career options: “There's investment banking, and then there's commercial banking, and then there's, like, socially useful stuff, but how do you even find out about that? And it doesn't pay.” And with that it was settled (it went unsaid that commercial banking was out, because that's for people who go to colleges with the word “state” in the name): there was no option but investment banking. That's the trap in action – often a very lightly reasoned justification for staying on the high-dollar track.

And that's my reaction to one of Brook's characters, the 30-ish health-policy consultant who wants to do good but has to work for Big Pharma, because he “wasn’t willing to be one of the public servants in the new plutocratic DC...who either forgoes owning a home and raising a family or commutes to work from West Virginia.” That's nonsense. No, he probably couldn't have four kids in private school and a non-working spouse and a five-bedroom house with a brand-new kitchen, so if he can't imagine life without all those things, he may be trapped. If you need to make four to five times the U.S. median income, your choices are indeed limited. But just as Dana points out that it's not impossible in the early years of a career to live on a mainstream non-profit or journalism income, it's also not that difficult later on – even if that path is not always as clear.

Note here that we're not talking about tremendous sacrifice, like Peace Corps or teaching in Newark or one of those “socially useful” things that the young investment bankers were talking about. Neither sellout nor saint, I've never done anything that I consider particularly selfless – I've basically done what interested me at each point in my so-called career – but I haven't worked for a for-profit since I was 23. I've worked in government, at a foundation (one that operated on the healthy principle that it should not pay more than the non-profits it was funding), and now at a non-profit think tank. My wife's a newspaper reporter, now a freelancer. At various times we've each been drastically underpaid (although at other times, I think it's miraculous that I get paid at all); it was a drag that we were priced out of the Brooklyn neighborhood we loved; and it's a drag that we bought our first house at the peak of the market. But in DC we live in a neighborhood with plenty of law-firm lawyers but also plenty of public-interest and government lawyers (too many lawyers, anyway!), people who work at nonprofits or unions or in journalism or on the Hill or as filmmakers, and they all own nice little 3-bedroom houses and send their kids to a perfectly good DC public school.

In certain ways, The Trap captures some things that have changed significantly for the worse over the last 20 years or so: Student debt levels are outrageous (my best tactic to keep the debt manageable was simply not going to law school – a path I've had little success in persuading younger people to follow), housing costs are much higher (recall the 1991 movie Slacker, which depicted an era when job prospects for young people were terrible but housing costs, especially in a place like Austin, were so low that it barely mattered), and of course your peers at law firms and hedge funds and management consulting, or in DC, the lobbyists, are making infinitely more money. If that matters.

But in other respects, the book seemed to be describing the past more than the present. Brook's chapter on how Washington is full of well-paid young right-wing policy operatives, while there are few opportunities for young liberals or for “public intellectuals,” certainly describes the Washington I found in 1989, but the situation has dramatically improved. And when I graduated from the same college as Daniel Brook, there were very few structures for doing anything “socially useful” or even just non-investment-banking related. I remember going to the career advisory office, and there were a dozen baskets lined up to put in your resume to be interviewed by Morgan Stanley, Lehman Brothers, McKinsey, etc., and when I asked if there was anything else, I was directed to some faded red binders on a high shelf that listed some internships, and I was warned that they might be out of date, which they were. Now there's Teach for America, Idealist.org, and various other systematic ways to start out doing something other than making the big bucks.

There's also been a major upgrade in nonprofit pay – at least the nonprofits I'm aware of – as the Baby Boom-generation leaders who had been trained in the Ralph Nader model of asceticism give way to younger leaders who are much more realistic about what people need to make a real career and pay student loans. One of Brook's examples is an ACLU lawyer, but that case proves my point – under its Gen-X president Anthony Romero, the ACLU ramped up its starting pay for lawyers from $36,000 to $59,000, which is not competitive with firms but enough to make it possible to be an ACLU lawyer if you actually want to be an ACLU lawyer, rather than just pretending that you might want to do something socially useful but can't.

There are plenty of people in today's economy, perhaps a majority, who have no choices or very limited choices and are teetering on the edge. Those are the people we should worry about and that public policy should address. The recent graduates of America's elite private universities are not among them. They may have more limited, or different, choices than their elders, but they still have greater range of opportunity to fulfill their own dreams than just about anyone who has ever lived on this planet. That so many of them choose not to exercise that range of options is depressing, but to accept their claim that they are trapped is to perpetuate the very situation that Daniel Brook eloquently decries.


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I agree with you that people can make other choices if something other than money is really important to them. But now I think you're being too easy on the economy and how we distribute money in America.

Part of the problem is that society just doesn't properly value all of these good jobs in the service of wonderful causes. It's pretty annoying that the lawyers defending the Telcos in the domestic spying cases are making so much more than the lawyers defending American's right to privacy, you know?

If you're right that people aren't trapped, they're still saying "I won't do that job at that price." That's a problem that needs solving.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

Yes, that would be a tradeoff. In that case, it would trade off personal decisionmaking for a far more substantial government role in deciding who gets what care, and what standards (eg., not smoking or not weighing too much) entitle you to what care; it would trade off overall economic growth for the huge tax impact of a vast new entitlement program; it may well trade off innovation for universal access, since any single payer would impose price controls and guidelines which would discourage new treatments.

Re: In that case, it would trade off personal decision making for a far more substantial government role in deciding who gets what care,

What personal choice? Your healthcare "choices" are made by your health insurer and your providers. I fail to see how a government payor in place of a coporate one changes that equation at all. Or rather, given the fact that the government would face political pressure from the public if its coverage decisions were too rigid while a corporation faces shareholder pressure if its decisions are too lax, which is more likely to produce results amenable to the public will?

and what standards (eg., not smoking or not re: weighing too much) entitle you to what care;

See above. The same applies to the current healthcare market.

Re: it would trade off overall economic growth for the huge tax impact of a vast new entitlement program;

Nonsense. Healthcare is already an entitlenment, if only through the backdoor of emergency rooms, uncompensated care and the bankruptucy courts. The country's total healthcare tab is what it is; it would not increase because of universal care, and might well decrease because of administrative efficiencies (which has been the experience of every other country on earth that has implemented universal care)

Re: it may well trade off innovation for universal access,

So what? If that's true (and that's a big If) it's the ethical choice, isn't it? At this point how many innovations do we really need? Radical life extension for the rich so they can live 250 years? Apart from mopping up a few troubling diseases (e.g., AIDS) and other conditions (some cancers) we're pretty much where we should be healthcare-wise. Anything much beyond what we have will be a new sort of thing entirely: not really healthcare but a fundamental change (via genetic manipulation and the like) of our basic humanity. Do we want to go there? Well, maybe we do, but let's get everyone up to par first and then debate if we should try to become immortal gods.

Well said. "No choice" in these circumstances always means "I refuse to sacrifice certain luxuries I've been fantasizing about." Of course, as The Firm showed in its pulp way, plenty of law firms and other high-paying entities encourage new folks to get themselves hocked to the eyeballs-- the wife (or sometimes the husband!) gives up her career, they buy the too-big house in the hoity suburb, and soon they do feel strapped at $200K. Yet at the same time plenty of people they went to law school with (to pick one area) have gone to work for the state attorney general or a judge or public interest groups or whatever and are doing fine on a much smaller salary (if still healthy by overall standards) because they adjusted their expectations. Too many people come out of school believing they deserve what you get if you sign your life away to the big firm, while thinking they shouldn't have to sign your life away to get it. That's why they call it a tradeoff, dummy!

Frankly, a good example of this is the Frosts, the family who've become the crossfire victims between the parties over the SCHIP legislation. When you look at their total resources and abilities, it's obvious that they have made certain choices and could have afforded health care if they had made other choices. One of them could have remained at a job where they had family coverage; many married entrepreneurs hedge their bets that way. (I'm one.) They could have sent their kids to public schools and saved a lot of money. He could have structured their business to be able to offer his employees, and himself, a group plan. And so on. I'm not saying that the current system is ideal but the fact is, with tradeoffs and sacrifice, they could have had health coverage but chose not to sacrifice something else. Well, life is about tradeoffs and nobody can change that.

We can change some of the trades, though. For example, we could provide universal health insurance so that entrepreneurs such as yourself or the Frosts don't have to make a choice between what they want to do and healthcare.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

Quite frankly, I think that the problem with America- and particularly with conservatives- is that we can't quite get our heads around the fact that "life is about tradeoffs" on a macro level, as well as individually. We've enjoyed relatively painless productivity gains that paid for our luxuries- both personally and as a nation- for so long that we haven't had to make very many hard choices about resource allocation the way that other countries have. However, as the most recent boom has slowed, it's becoming more apparant that we're going to have to start choosing between, for example, low taxes and a working primary healthcare system.

What seems to be happening right now is that we're trying to push these big choices (and the blame for having to make them in the first place) off on individuals, as this entry does. Take the Frosts for example: they were forced to choose between a combination of 1) taking daily care of their children, including one who is permanently disabled; 2) small business ownership; and 3) providing healthcare for their family. Now, all three are supposedly things we as a society consider to be good, and say we support. But the increasingly real fact is that it's very difficult- if not impossible- for many families to do all three at the same time on their own. What we need is a national conversation about childcare, corporate welfare, and healthcare. What we're getting is an uber-hyped debate by anecdote.

"Trapped," therefore, (and I'll admit to not having finished the book) is valuable in that it helps call attention to the problem of these sorts of impossible, forced choices. This is not to absolve people of responsibility for their choices, of course. One can always choose to go to, say, Alabama law- which is still a top tier school, with a public interest institute, in a city with a very low cost of living- rather than the prohibitively expensive Columbia, where you know you're going to come out with hundreds of thousands of dollars of debt. But, society needs to face up to its burden of making it a little easier for people who do make the "right" choice.

In closing, the whole situation reminds me of nothing so much as a quote from one of the greatest episodes of the greatest shows in the history of television:

"It should be hard. I like that it's hard. Putting your daughter through college, that's-that's a man's job. A man's accomplishment. But it should be a little easier. Just a little easier. 'Cause in that difference is... everything."
From West Wing: 'Twenty Hours in America.'

Another thing I want to dispute about this entry: there may be "plenty of choices" for people seeking non-profit/meaningful work in large cities, but the opportunities are still woefully pitiful outside of major (i.e., D.C., NY, Atlanta, etc.) metro areas, and/or, for government work, capital cities. And, contrary to your assertion about rising public interest salaries, what jobs may exist in these areas pay absolutely nothing.

Of course, the irony of this is that the need is really much greater in such underserved areas, particularly for service professions, like doctors and lawyers. Perhaps what is needed is a 'Law/Medicine/Social Work/etc' for America type program that would help pay off and defer debt. Then maybe it would be more fair to criticize people's choices.

JPF311, I salute you for actually dealing with these questions forthrightly, and not pretending they don't exist. You make some good points; if we actually had this kind of debate, we might arrive at a genuinely good solution.

Eh--it's true people have choices and it's fair to want to hold them at least somewhat responsible for making them. And yes, there are many millions of people the world over who would kill to have the lifestyle and choices of an American social worker.

At the same time, it's truly remarkable to me that so many presumably liberal writers seem so eager to defend a system that makes a lot of non-profit and other do-gooder work so tough, personally and financially, to do.

Just today, a California think tank released a study finding that to have a reasonable middle class lifestyle--that is, paying the rent, having health insurance, having a separate room for the kids (!)--a family of four with two working parents needs to make a bit more than $75,000, well above the national median of abotu $47,000 or the California median of about $64,000.
(See here: http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2007/10/17/MN0ISQEFP.DTL&tsp=1)

Note that this isn't to own a home, send a child to private school, or take first class vacations to Paris. Families need to make that much money so the parents can sleep in a separate room from their children.

This also doesn't include debt repayment. It sounds nice that the ACLU offers $59,000, but assuming most lawyers are going to have $100,000 or so debt paid off over 10 years, you're talking about $10,000+ of loan repayments before rent, food or taxes. And, I imagine, the ACLU pays more than most non-profits since it's a large, national organization with a huge donor base.

Personally, I think it's unfortunate when anyone who is willing to work hard has trouble paying the bills; your argument, Mark, in effect, is that these sorts of financial challenges aren't that big a deal and that people need to take responsibility for the work they do.

That's fine. I am happy as a liberal person at a for profit job making good money and doing work that I feel is also generally good and helpful. It's nice.

But I can also say that when I did my most recent job search, I categorically ruled out certain professions, such as teaching, not because I'm uninterested or because I wouldn't be good (I taught college writing for two years while I got my MA) but because I know that one day I'd like to have a family and I can't imagine supporting one reasonably on a teacher's salary. And again, I don't mean expensive things--I mean the sorts of things that my public servant parents provided me with like a yearly vacation, occasional jaunts to baseball games, a home I spent 18 years in and a childhood where I was blissfully ignorant of how damn expensive things can be.

So yes, I've chosen to go a corporate, rather than a public route. And if ten years down the line, I feel like a vapid, corporate drone, it was my choice, though thankfully, I don't see that happening.

But to defend a system that requires people to choose between public service and what were once regular middle class comforts seems like an odd choice, and one entirely at odds with anything like traditional democratic ideals.

I think this is an argument for forcing rich schools to start spending down their endowments by cutting tuition.

You can't really force them, but a lot of schools are starting loan forgiveness programs for students who pursue public interest careers.

Yeah, this really seems to be just restating Daniel's point. You will have to sacrifice quite a bit if you want to do good.

There's no reason public policy can be concerned with various different situations at once, including the poor and the folks in the situation described in Brook's book.

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