Why States Matter I - It's the Filibuster
Since Ezra Klein and I will be sharing a panel at a conference this Thursday to contine our debate on whether progressive domestic policy should be pursued at the state or federal level, I thought I'd elaborate on the issue in a few posts in coming days.
The core point is that despite the conventional wisdom, most domestic programs are funded and administered by state governments because federal instituations have historically been resistant to policy innovation, forcing states out of necessity to take the lead in creating the policies to solve the problems facing American working families.
Federal inaction and state innovation is not a historical oddity but part of the institutional DNA of our national constitutional system, symbolized by the Senate filibuster which kills policy after policy. For this reason, policymakers at both the state and federal level need to think about all policies in the light of creating a "collaborative federalism" that builds policy on that reality.
States: The Check on the Tyranny of Federal Inaction: Civics texts often celebrate the "checks and balances" in the federal Constitution, where the House checks the Senate, the President's veto checks the Congress, and Senate filibusters can block most legislation. While pictured as a check on government power, what's missing in this happy picture is the way this tyranny of the status quo allows social problems to fester and private corporate interests to benefit as wages are eroded by inflation year-by-year, health insurers hike health care rates, oil companies benefit from windfall profits even as global warming advances, and people continue to suffer discrimination based on their race, gender, sexual orientation, disability or of other characteristics.
The Filibuster as Defender of Status Quo: The Senate filibuster symbolizes this tyranny of inaction. Historically, that filibuster was used by a racist minority of Senators to delay federal civil rights laws for decades, but in recent years it has become the routine weapon of those blocking health care reform, labor reform, energy programs and a range of other needed legislation.
It's not just that forty-one Senators can block legislation from becoming law. It's that the uneven size of the populations those Senators represent means that Senators elected by incredibly tiny minorities of the American population can use their power to defeat the national democratic will. Here's how crazy the system is: the forty-one Senate votes needed to block legislation could be elected by just twenty-one states -- with two filibustering Senators from each of those states -- which if they came from the smallest states would mean that Senators representing just 11 percent of the American population can defeat legislation supported by Senators representing 89% of the population. See the chart below for a graphic version of how small the slice of votes represented by that minority.
Since most of a state's population doesn't vote and the Senators representing a state need only a bare majority to win office, it's actually possible, as Progressive State's co-chair David Sirota wrote in a column, Tyranny of the Tiny Minority, for Senators supported by just 7 million voters out of a population of over 300 million Americans, just 3% of the voting population, to block all substantive federal legislation. In practice, filibusters are put together with a hodepodge of states representing larger minorities of the population, but when corporate special interests start with such a low threshhold of votes needed to preserve the status quo, it's hardly suprising that federal inaction is the norm.
When you look at the years when the most iconic federal legislation was passed, such as the federal minimum wage in 1938 or Medicare in 1965, the numbers were overwhelming on the progressive side. Democrats held 76 seats in 1938, enough to overcome both Republican and Dixiecrat defections, while they held 68 seats in 1965. These were the highwater marks in American history of post-Reconstruction single party dominance and unlikely to be duplicated at least in the next couple of legislative cycles.
Enter the States: Luckily, our constitutional system does have a check on federal inaction, namely state governments that can generally take action with just a majority of the vote in their statehouses. Not only can states deal with crucial problems locally, they can collectively create such a strong wave of action that even Senate filibusters fold under the weight of the trend. Twenty-nine states passed state civil rights laws preceding passage of the landmark federal 1964 Civil Rights law and, more recently, states representing two-thirds of the American population enacted increases in the minimum wage in the last decade, finally spurring the national government to pass a long-needed change. But in many areas, federal laws may remain half-hearted in the face of filibusters, which is why state action will inherently remain critical in areas ranging from health care to energy policy.
Tomorrow- the little known secret that states spend far more money on domestic programs than the federal government-- and adminster almost all of them.
















The flip side of this (optimistic?) description of federalism is the willingness of the present odious supreme court majority to use result oriented reasoning to stymie the very experimentation and activism ascribed to the states as "laboratories".
Vide, eg. the medical marijuana decision.
October 15, 2007 6:58 AM | Reply | Permalink
Stupid Texas ruins everything! Just kidding.
Still, gotta echo Jollyroger... The Supreme Court has bashed down a lot of state ideas.
Let me add a further concern -- "State's Rights" has never been one of the left's weapons. Maybe that's to our detriment or maybe times have changed. But you have to admit that a whole lot of people have used state power to rationalize and protect bigotry.
For example: when people say that a homosexual's right to marry "should be up to the states" don't they really mean "Let Alabama practice state sponsored bigotry?"
thosethingswesay.blogspot.com
October 15, 2007 9:34 AM | Reply | Permalink
Nathan Newman Says:
Seems to me that this question is posed as a classic example of "false choice." Why does one have to choose between pursuing progressive domestic policy at either level? Why not at both? I can see some very sound reasons for not neglecting the federal example, even as I can see some sound arguments for pursuing it at the state level.
Perhaps the one which concerns me most often is rather the obverse of the one which concerns Newman: States, and communities within states compete with each other, and in the absence of a national set of rules by which a sense of fair play is established, a rush to the bottom seems to me inevitable. Let me cite two examples, one historic, one contemporary.
What would happen to a state's ability to set a minimum wage in the absence of a national minimum wage. Certainly the national wage minimum will rise slower than that of the more progressive states, but absent the national minimum, I wonder if the states would be able to set a minimum at all.
So...push for progressive policies everywhere and always, and let the progressive forces in individual states help each other out. Seems common sensical to me.
aMike
October 15, 2007 11:06 AM | Reply | Permalink
Destor's point is well taken. I'll think of state initiatives in two ways. There will be genuine state protections when federalism kicks in, but we should not fool ourselves into thinking of them as national solutions. And there will be ways to use the states to keep controversial proposals alive, so long as we thus don't doom them to fail.
John
http://www.haberarts.com/
October 15, 2007 11:07 AM | Reply | Permalink
My problem with the filibuster is not that exists as a check on the "Tyrrany of the Majority". I actually think that in theory it's a good idea.
The problem now is twofold. First, use of the filibuster has become so common and so routine that essentially nothing can get done that doesn't have to get done or that isn't overwhelmingly popular. Thus the GOP can obstruct legislation all year just to be spiteful, not because they are concerned about a tyrannical majority. The behavioral norms that prevented its abuse have been worn away.
Second, it has become too easy to actually filibuster. All anyone needs to do is declare an intention to filibuster and it's the same as if there was actually extended debate. Unless the Senate goes into all night session, which rarely happens, the filibusterers are spared the actual onerousness of the process. That's clearly not what people had in mind.
October 15, 2007 12:28 PM | Reply | Permalink
I seem to remember the the Repugnuts pulled up the "nuclear option" which makes me wonder why the Democratic Party is being so patient?
October 15, 2007 1:21 PM | Reply | Permalink
"why the Democratic Party is being so patient?"
one word:
LIEBERMAN...
October 15, 2007 2:44 PM | Reply | Permalink