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Everyone's Favorite: Justice Thomas

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As for Clarence Thomas, I think one aspect of his record receives less attention that it deserves. He is the most conservative justice on the Court since the 1930s. He has made clear, in United States v. Lopez and elsewhere, that he believes much of the New Deal is unconstitutional. And he has a different attitude toward precedent than all of his colleagues. He thinks if a past decision is wrong, it should just be overturned, without regard for the value of stability.

I’ve always thought that the real scandal of Thomas’ confirmation hearing was the pre-Anita Hill portion – where he denied having any fixed ideas about the Constitution. That was not only misleading at best, but it summed up the pitiful state of confirmation hearings. As Arlen Specter is fond of saying, nominees will say just enough to get confirmed. Currently, that is very little. The Senators do not require meaningful answers, so the nominees, who are very intelligent and well-coached in this dark art, don’t give them. It’s very disappointing.

I think the reference to Goldwater is very significant. O’Connor came of age as a Goldwater Republican and has come to find the contemporary Republican Party unrecognizable. As the religious right has asserted control – especially over Supreme Court nominations – the libertarian right has been pushed to the side. O’Connor’s swing to the left in her final years can be attributed to her revulsion at the Bush Administration, especially on such issues as civil liberties in the war on terror and Terri Schiavo. O’Connor always looks forward and is not one to express regrets about Bush v. Gore or any other opinion, but she certainly regrets how the Bush Administration turned out.

Relations among the justices are cordial, not warm. They respect each other, never disparage each other, but there are few real friendships. Good fences make good neighbors seems to be the rule.


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You raise an interesting point. Should stability have been invoked when Dred Scott was overturned?

At what point is it proper to reverse prior rulings? How is one to determine it? Who should determine it?

As I see it there is only one constant in Supreme Court rulings. They always side with the argument that reaffirms the power of the courts. You can trace this back to Marberry vs. Madison.

The court's record on increasing the power and liberty of the common man has been much more spotty. Look at the long string of rulings against unions for much of the 20th Century. Social progress seems to happen in spurts. Every generation or so a truly inspired justice gets on the bench and moves the cause of real democracy forward. Between these moments the court serves to preserve the status quo and favor the rich and powerful.

I don't see where more probing senate hearings will make any difference. Anyone who didn't realize what sort of justices Alioto and Roberts were going to be was either ignorant or fooling themselves. Hearings are pro forma because the nominations are based exactly on the person's political philosophy. Whenever someone turns out not to fit the role expected of him, he is considered a traitor to his party.

I'd like to hear some practical suggestions on how this could be remedied. I don't think any will be forthcoming.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

Perhaps it's because you're not a woman that you think the Anita Hill accusation was not the most scandalous part of the Thomas senate hearings. But for myself and many thousands of women, Clarence Thomas is a sexual harasser. Just because our male dominated senate/culture didn't believe her doesn't mean it didn't happen. I believe it did. Why? Because at the time Ms Hill spoke out, none of the men seemed to understand what she was talking about, but every woman I know(including myself) knew-because we all had experienced this same type of treatment at one time or another in a job. A very common occurrance at that time. Very common. But thanks to Anita Hill, American women no longer have to put up with this kind of unwanted behavior while at work.

KAREN

As Arlen Specter is fond of saying, nominees will say just enough to get confirmed. Currently, that is very little. The Senators do not require meaningful answers, so the nominees, who are very intelligent and well-coached in this dark art, don’t give them. It’s very disappointing.

More than disappointing, it basically bankrupts the entire process.

Until the Sen's start voting against, on the basis that the candidate said absolutely nothing, it will never change.

[edit] To add, and that goes for both parties, because if and when the Dems take the White House, I expect the same crap from their nominees.

 

"Thank God George Bush is our president." -Rudy Giuliani

Karen: "Perhaps it's because you're not a woman that you think the Anita Hill accusation was not the most scandalous part of the Thomas senate hearings." Hmm, with the GOP, picking the most scandalous part is so hard. They offer so many great choices. But point well taken, although so his Toobin's point about the scandal of lying about judicial matters in a hearing on exactly that and about its long-term impact on all of us.

rdf may be trying too hard to fit all court rulings throughout history into a scandalous pattern, of the self-aggrandizing judiciary, and I don't really buy it. Too many justices, too many rulings, too many philosophies, and too much the old right-wing narrative of activist judges.

The question of what to do about things is real, however, and difficult. We can wish all we wanted that the Democrats could filibuster or otherwise block more appointments, but it's like a game of bop a mole. You get rid of one, like Meiers, and there's always another wingnut to take his or her place, just as at justice Ashcroft gave way after protests to Gonzales. I guess the obvious solution is not to have Republican presidents, and it makes me wish we'd all worked a lot harder in 2004. My father always used to say that whatever else, the supreme court is always at stake in presidential elections.

Finally, I admire Toobin's posts here, and I sympathize with what O'Connor obviously felt, but I'm not convinced that we're seeing the betrayal of Goldwater's ideals. He's considered the source of the conservative revolution with good reason. Maybe she just learned that a Goldwater platform of free markets, rhetoric of states rights, federal connivance with racism, and military confrontation isn't t enough to ensure a freer America. And if she's so chastened, she still managed to resign just in time to shift the court rightward. 

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

I don't think it's self aggrandizement, more like protection of their turf. A typical example is when congress passes some bill that contains a provision prohibiting judicial review. This always gets a rough treatment.

As for judicial "activism", I didn't claim that. Each side calls it activism when they don't like the way a ruling turns out. I'm talking about rulings which favor people rather than institutions. An example of that is the string of decisions giving first amendment protections to corporations and granting them personhood. Pretty amazing reading of the constitution given that corporations weren't even in existence in the US when the constitution was written. (Firms like the British East India Company were not organized along the same lines as modern corporations.)

What makes Thomas such an interesting case his is disdain for anyone having to do with the type of environment he, himself, grew up in. Some psychologist could have a field day with his behavior.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

Hey, perjury on the supreme court, who would have guessed?

Perhaps we could discuss a few other things about Clarence Thomas?

Such as the fact that he seems, on the evidence, to be stupid, self absorbed, mean spirited, underqualified and vindictive?

That he's out of his league, he knows it, and he's full of resentment against a legion of imaginary enemies?

I love the way his australopethecine tendencies are presented in such a neutral fashion.

I think you meant australopithecine, which sounds like a racial slur to me. This doesn't improve the tone of the discussion, shame on you.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

Karen, I fully understand your view, and really can't argue with it (except to note that I really couldn't figure out who was telling the truth and who wasn't in the Thomas-Hill hearings; I don't, however, quarrel with anyone who was able to resolve the conflict in their own mind).

But remember, it's possible to be a terrible sexual harasser and a decent Supreme Court justice. (Indeed, it was similar calculations that caused a lot of feminists to support Bill Clinton.) It is also possible to live a life of complete rectitude and be an awful Supreme Court justice. (Perhaps John Roberts will turn out that way.)

We may live with 40 years of Clarence Thomas on the Supreme Court. Whatever he did to Anita Hill is nothing compared to the damage his rulings could do to the country.

There really is only one problem with Clarence Thomas and it is the same problem as when he was first appointed: he is unqualified for the office and unfit to serve. Thomas was a judge for, I believe, less than 2 years. His legal career was certainly not stellar. He just wasn't and still isn't SCOTUS material.

He is the perfect illustration of how insane the Republican Party has become. They have nothing but contempt for our system of government and all of the marvelous means and methods that have been used for centuries to maintain it and it's integrity. They don't even pretend to be looking for people who will serve justice or be exemplary judges anymore. They simply go for whichever ideologue is youngest and most confirmable at the time of an opening. That was what Nixon did when he started this whole trend with Rhenquist. They have done incalculable damage to our nation these past 30+ years and may have even undone us with their extremist political bullshit. It's very sad.

I am not a big H. Stern fan, so I cannot offer a decent time referent for this, other than it was before Stern went over to satellite. I listened to Stern interview Specter once, and during the segment they talked about Anita Hill, Specter mentioned that there was another woman who desired to testify regarding Thomas' bad workplace behaviors, but the committee just didn't have the time for it.

There are some Stern fanatics who have taped just about everyone of his radio shows. If you know one of them or have access to CBS Radio's archives, it might be possible to get a copy of the interview.

The reason I felt Hill was credible was because of the soda pop can episode. It seemed too bizarre to have been manufactured by persons motivated to derail the nomination. Unless the liar is completely out of touch with reality, for effectiveness, the content of deceitful statements are comprised of events that seem probable. Hill did not strike me as a person who was unable to connect with reality.

Given the fact that Specter is not currently the most beloved Senator by the GOP faithful, because of his adamant defense of habeas corpus, I'd advise considerations of timeliness be made before using this presently. No matter how it was used, it would not change the make-up of SCOTUS, or the past, but habeas corpus is not dead and buried quite yet.

Thomas' appointment was a reaction to way that the Robert Bork confirmation hearings played out.  Maybe the lesson from this is to be careful what you wish for; it may come true.

As Arlen Specter is fond of saying, nominees will say just enough to get confirmed. Currently, that is very little. The Senators do not require meaningful answers, so the nominees, who are very intelligent and well-coached in this dark art, don’t give them. It’s very disappointing.

Compare and Contrast the revolving partisan-based conceptualisations regarding the Senate's role of Advice and Consent from Utah's very own poster-boy for term limits, Orrin Hatch, who often refers to himself with glowing self-aggrandisement as a Constitutional Scholar.

During the Clinton Presidency, Hatch said:

"As Senators, we have a responsibility to the public to ensure that candidates for the Federal bench are scrutinized for political activists. A judge who does not appreciate the inherent limits on judicial authority under the Constitution and would seek to legislate from the bench rather than interpret the law is a judicial activist, and nominees who will be judicial activists are simply not qualified to sit on any Federal bench, let alone the Federal circuit court of appeals or any Federal circuit court of appeals.

As chairman of the Judiciary Committee, I will continue to carefully scrutinize the records involved in cases of judicial nominees and to exercise the Senate's advise-and-consent power to ensure we keep activists off the bench."

Orrin Hatch, "Nomination Of Merrick B. Garland, Of Maryland, To Be U.S. Circuit Judge For The District Of Columbia", Congressional Record: March 19, 1997 (Senate), Pages S2515-S2538

"I will concede that some nominations have taken longer than is customary. But in many instances, this has been due to the unfortunate fact that some nominees have not been entirely forthcoming with the Judiciary Committee. In the interest of fairness, I have given these nominees repeated opportunities to fully respond to the committee's inquiries, and when they have done so, we have moved the nomination...

...While I appreciate and concur in the President's expression of concern for the integrity of our courts, we will all be better served by this administration's renewed commitment to sending up restrained, qualified nominees who respect the essential role that the Senate must play in the confirmation process. We cannot serve that function well when nominees are less than forthright with members of the committee."

Orrin Hatch, "Judicial Nominees", Congressional Record: September 29, 1997 (Senate), Page S10182

Mr. Hatch seems to have rather mutable standards of what constitutes propriety in Advice and Consent, which changes with the party of the executive. Here is Orrin Hatch chastising H.R. Clinton for her unconstituional overreach during the Senate's confirmation hearings for Miguel A. Estrada:

I listened intently yesterday morning, when I could, to the comments by the junior Senator from New York who spoke about the role of the Senate in the constitutional advice and consent process. According to the Senator, Mr. Estrada's failure to answer questions about his personal views on legal issues, which she called "basic information about where a nominee stands," amounts to an unconstitutional strategy to deny the Senate an opportunity to engage in its role to advise and consent on nominations.

While this is an interesting argument, it is wrong on the law. It is wrong on the law and wrong on the facts, too. Her argument ignores the basic underpinnings of the Senate's role in the advice and consent process. In fact, I submit that the other side's effort to demand Mr. Estrada's personal views on certain legal issues is itself an unconstitutional threat to the separation of powers inherent in our system of Government and to the Framers' desire to maintain an independent judiciary. I think that is a very persuasive argument on my behalf.

It has never been the case that the Senate is constitutionally entitled to an answer to any question it chooses to ask a nominee while exercising its advice and consent responsibility.

The reason for this is clear. The Framers sought to ensure the judicial branch would remain independent of the legislative branch. According to the Federalist Papers 78, judicial independence "is an excellent barrier to the despotism of the prince" and "in a republic it is a no less excellent barrier to the encroachments and oppressions of the representative body."

Orrin Hatch, "Nomination Of Miguel A. Estrada, Of Virginia, To Be United States Circuit Judge For The District Of Columbia Circuit", Congressional Record: February 12, 2003 (Senate), Page S2233

Contemporary conservatism's continuing plunge into the wafting mendacity of relativism's miasma is repugnant.

You defame Goldwater by implying he was a racist, but facts strongly indicate the opposite. When Goldwater managed the family's Arizona department store business, it was the first Arizona department store retailer to promote and hire black employees to fill positions where they directly interacted with the public, as salespersons and cashiers. The stores were also considered to be at that time the most generous in the state with compensation packages, including profit sharing and health insurance, yet he is often depicted as an enemy of labor for his lack of affection towards big organised labor unions. Goldwater believed in taking personal responsibilities for his actions. To him the concept was not just a relativist ploy enabling the public castigation of single mothers.

Goldwater was not one to speak out of the corners of his mouth. He did not disguise intents within codewords or catch phrases. It's true that his very strong beliefs about limiting the reach of the federal government into private lives was embraced by many southern racists, because they saw it as a method to continue the hateful ways.

One of Goldwater's primary points of opposition to Johnson's Great Society is one that eventually worked it way up into mainstream thought, and that is the idea that non-conditional welfare entitlements were disincentives, and would trap succeeding generations of poor in the lower class. There is a great deal of substance to another of his thrusts; that coercing non-racist private behavior would not change anybody, and would instead drive persons motivated by prejudices into dark rooms and back alleyways, away from the free-marketplace of ideas, where the evil could be defeated. My belief is that he was wrong primarily for two reasons; racism was and is of such pervasiveness in America, that some governmental intervention is indicated as a prescription to cure the ailment; and that the privileges or immunities clause of the 14th Amendment clearly extended the Federal Government's reach into state actions, but I am exceedingly liberal when it comes to extending liberties to all humans, and I firmly believe in substantive due process that incorporates the whole bill of rights to act as a bar against individeual actions of the state.

You do the man a great disservice by not understanding what motivated him, and by using referents of reprehensible contemporary conservatism to judge him with. He was old school conservative, and in his post senate life was considered to be a pariah to the GOP for his vehement oppostion to the religious right, and his embrace of and active support for gay rights in America, often stating loudly and clearly that religious fervency and homophobia were antithetical to real conservatives, as well as working against the advancement of liberty and justice for all.

It is also of note that Goldwater's withdrawal of support for Nixon might have been the act that precipitated his resignation. It is not proper to cloud the rectitude of a person's intents, simply because you disagree with their politics.

"Nixon was the most dishonest individual I have ever met in my life. He lied to his wife, his family, his friends, his colleagues in the Congress, lifetime members of his own political party, the American people and the world."

"You don't have to be straight to be in the military; you just have to be able to shoot straight."

"When you say 'radical right' today, I think of these moneymaking ventures by fellows like Pat Robertson and others who are trying to take the Republican Party away from the Republican Party, and make a religious organization out of it. If that ever happens, kiss politics goodbye."

Barry Goldwater

There is no doubt in my mind that if he were still alive, Goldwater would be a vociferous dissenter to the policies of our current executive either. Mr. Bush can hardly be called a friend or a defender of liberty.

"Extremism in defense of liberty is no vice.
Tolerance in the face of tyranny is no virtue."

"Now those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth, and let me remind you they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyranny."

Barry Goldwater, Acceptance Speech at the Republican National Convention, 1964

Goldwater wasn't a racist, but he legitimized racist policy. He said that he'd personally wish blacks to have every opportunity but it isn't government's business to help. He didn't invent opposition to the Civil Rights act. Indeed, there's total continuity between the divisions in America before him and today. It's just that the switch from Dixiecrats, Nixon's southern strategy, and Goldwater's odd combination of libertarianism and militarism together made it the pillar of the GOP. We excuse him by claiming it's a Neocon invention he'd have disdained. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

1. Senators should refuse to confirm anyone who won't explain their judicial philosophy in great detail, including discussing important past Supreme Court decisions. Anyone who says s/he doesn't have an opinion on seminal S. Ct cases is lying.

2. They should only confirm judicial minimalists, whether on the left or right.

3. If a justice misrepresents her/his judicial philosophy to the Senate, that justice should be impeached.

Force all Dem Senators to vote against nominees like Alito and Roberts.

End the confirmation kabuki dance and vote against anyone who doesn't provide more info, including their opinion of past cases.

Goldwater did not legitimize racism, racists distorted an honourable man's beliefs in the goodness of self-determination and liberty to fit into their plans. Goldwater was miffed and uncomfortable with the support he'd garnered from the Dixiecrats in '64, whereas Nixon leveraged it into an act of abominable rapacity against the Party of Lincoln, and because of that, Nixon was the event horizon for the RNC, that never looked back as it began to get pulled into the well of relativism.

I grew up around Republicans, and I watched without understanding the split and battles between the few that truly believed in liberty and the preeminence of the individual, the hateful Bircher types, and the ends-testers. The ends-testers aligned with the Birchers, and the one true believers got left in the dust. My father is still alive, and cannot even begin to fathom what drives my opposition to the Republican Party, but query him individually regarding the majority of Republican policies, along with the majority of Republican federal politicians, and he will state his distaste for them. He just cannot grasp the whole picture, and understand the pervasiveness of evil that has infected the party.

Let me ask you directly; do you believe the Great Society helped America's poor, or did it actually work counter productively, trapping generations of poor within class boundaries? Been to Bed-Sty recently? I am a child of the west, who believes that when the vicissitudes of life knocks a human down to the ground, you given them a hand-up, and if they are in severe need, you give a stake, but you don't set them up on the dole. unless you are prepared to continue doling it out in perpetuity, unless you are prepared to personally vouch for their every little need.

Do you believe that the government is capable of dictating personal morality? Even if it is capable, why the hell would you cede that power over to one of the most immoral identifiable groups in society, politicians?

The Republican Party is controlled by greedheads, hatebreeders and liars, who are pocketed as cronies by corporations. it is run by people who mouth the words and pose as conservatives, but who do not accept the responsibilities that flow as effect from their actions. There are still many core conservative principles that have value, if they were truly embraced.

As to the militarism allegation, let me ask you, which party dropped the atom bomb? Which party cut-up Europe with Joseph Stalin? Which party set-up the CIA? Which Party clubbed my sisters and bros protesting the Vietnam War in Chicago, 1968? The mote friend; better go to the mirror...

My, a lot there, Pseudo, so I may not respond properly, especially as I hate to drag things out or feel I always have to have the last word. But I appreciate and admire your passion here, so let me just settle for a list-like reply.

I meant Goldwater's opposition to the 1964 Civil Rights Act as one of those key points in building the new GOP we see today, so I wasn't quite referring to the Great Society. As I say, I don't think he was a racist, and he'd supported integration and previous Civil Rights Acts before. By militarism, I mean that his criticism of Democratic policies for not working to roll back the Soviet Union, and his belief that this wasn't at odds with a platform of small government, was again both a central plank and key to the GOP today. 

That's for Goldwater. For what I myself think, yes, I am deeply grateful for the Civil Rights Act of 1964, with such provisions as outlawing refusal to accept blacks in hotels. But it has many provisions that, I think rightly, stick out as a high point of the 1960s. The Cold War liberals weren't totally evil. And yeah, I'll sign onto the Great Society, such things as Medicare, and think it helped. I'm aware we haven't eliminated poverty or ghettos. But then I think of that criticism of liberalism as a deceptive and nasty right-wing argument. I'm aware that libertarians and I are never going to agree, but the existence of poverty and ghettos doesn't support free-market myths either.

As for the Cold War, of course I'm aware of it. I'm also appalled by Democrats like Michael Lind's NAF for thinking of it as a model for today. However, I certainly don't see it as a mote in liberalism's or my eye. I marched against the Vietnam War myself. And since then, I can't help thinking that wars of aggression, from the Contras to Iraq, have been Republican initiatives. I don't say Democrats have always had clean hands. But on principle, liberalism and the Neocon movement are totally at odds, and the latter definitely does have Goldwater roots. 

Oh, and yes, I was in Bed Stuy three weeks ago.  

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

I agree with your general point here, there's not enough we can do to ensure social progress through the Court.

Sorry to go off on a tangent, but I've always wondered about the Dred Scott decision. Does that case reveal the racism of that Supreme Court or expose a glaring injustice in the Constitution (before the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments)?

Fact is, slaves were not citizens, but property, and any human rights denied to them were not rights that were protected in the Constitution before the Civil War.

So is Dred Scott a problem of the Court or the Constitution?

What do you mean by this:

I sympathize with what O'Connor obviously felt...

The only thing I have heard about what she felt was that she wanted to prevent Gore from being inaugurated when she heard he won Florida.  You must be talking about some OTHER feeling that makes you feel sympathetic, right?

I personally would like to have 5 minutes with the former Justice; I'd really love to make sure she knows how much damage she has personally done to our country with that vote, and then giving Bush another appointment.

Jan

Re: You raise an interesting point. Should stability have been invoked when Dred Scott was overturned?

Dred Scott was never overturned. It was rendered moot by the 13th Amendment.

Re: Does that case reveal the racism of that Supreme Court or expose a glaring injustice in the Constitution

Um, tack an "-ed" on "reveal". The justices who decided Dred Scott are long, long dead and it's not a comment on anyone now living. My own opinion to your question (set in the past) is "Both". The justices on the counrt were racists (just about everyone in that day was, even many abolitionists) and they were only too happy to decide as they did. But the Constitution as then written also gave no real reason for hope to the anti-slavery forces.

If a justice misrepresents her/his judicial philosophy to the Senate, that justice should be impeached.

Dangerous, and fraught with subjectiveness, which would in the end be brutally turned against you. How do you think Earl Warren would have fared using this standard? How about Souter and Stevens? Even Rehnquist would have found himself under pressure from the hard right under this standard, and before you conclude that would be a positive: Miranda still stands, although you may not understand the significance; but consider the significance of this fine statement:

"Millions of Bush's own supporters will abandon him if he replaces Chief Justice Rehnquist with someone more liberal."

Phyllis Schlafly, "The Bush-Frist Connection Should Be A Two-Way Street", The Eagle Forum, January 8, 2003

Schlafly, a ravening right-sider cloaked in conservatism's mantle, was implying that Rehnquist was a liberal. Under this rule, the right would devour you as toast for breakfast.

John, my last reply was intense, wasn't it? Thanks for not taking it too personally. If you think I was passionate here, you'd be amused at the heat I desire to throw at theocons who wrap themselves in Goldwater's memory. You proffer valid arguments, they engage in antinomianism. I've probed a bit, and found a few cracks, and wait for the proper opportunities for laying down some good riffs. Again, presently spread too thin and wrapped too tightly. How hard can I tune the snare head down before the skin breaks? Here's an allusion intuition says you'll understand. Here's a chart to a loop of turmoil you should get too:
antiwar->duty-bound '69 lottery winner->chopper doc->antiwar

I glad to hear you get to Bed Stuy. A few years ago, I was talking to a lifer NYC'er who informed me that the village had become a wasteland for the starving, Bed Stuy was were art's phoenix was now rising. Hopefully, that's a reason you visit there. Here's condensed context for the ref: my one visit to NYC of significant duration was a long time ago, early in my aimless phase. The first traveling band had broken up, and I'd been adopted into a loft, where freelance jamming was an almost everlasting event. Some friends I'd met there piled me into their car, and took me up to play at a sort of analog in Bed Stuy one afternoon. I'll never forget the exteriority of bleakness, or the open acceptance to a stranger jamming overnight. When I returned to the loft the next morning and talked about the experience, the fear of Bed Stuy from many was palpable.

It was my upbringing by staunchly Republican parents that caused me not to fear. In the 'late '50s and early '60s, Vegas had acquired the lovely nickname of Mississippi of the West. It was segregated by impermeable identifiable borders. A few Neighbors of ours were Strip Musicians, and the visitors there were completely integrated. In '63, my parents became registrars of voters, and went into the segregated area to register voters there. They were unable to understand why so few would register Republican. As I intimated, old school to the core, but where you may have a difficulty understanding, old-school west. I think Goldwater was wrong about The Civil Rights Act; the 14th amendment clearly allows federal intervention, and racism was and is a pervasive evil. The projects and The neighborhoods are a perverse and distorted manifestation of the Civil Rights Act's intents though. They are places that feast upon human souls.

And I believe you're wrong about the Goldwater/Neocon connection. Few seem to understand when I remind and warn, and it's probably a function of my aversion to Marxism. as well as my reprobate vagrancy within traditional political divisions that gives me perspective. Trotskyites are in large lowlifes, aptly described as renunciants to their past, assumptive masqueraders, and ends-testing chameleons. The movement's external polarity switch of left to right happened during the Carter Administration, but has its roots in Ford Admin's Team B. They were Scoop Jackson democrats until then. The Committee for the Present Danger was the big turning point, and that is where Kilpatrick picked-up her conservative credentials. You need to step back from linear depictions of politics to understand the insidiousness. If we do not do this, the evil will again become manifest in the future. They must not be allowed to walk-away this time. Here's a link for reflection. The traditional dichotomies: left/right, lib/con and rep/dem carry no meaning to them; and instead these divisions are viewed as a vehicle for gaming with brutal dialectics. Or didn't you hear? Perle likes Barrack Obama. Be very afraid.

I'll end this with a final muse tossed in from the elliptic: the use of Brubeck/Pollack in the Cultural Cold War against Shostakovich/WorkerReality was only slightly evil, as in a stroke of evil genius. We 'effin Buried Them, Kruschev's shoe notwithstanding.

Will peace friend; the else is omnipresent obscenity.

Jan, you and I when sensing an approaching storm in the sea of life, will paddle our asses off to get out of its path.  Classical Conservatives' feet are buried in stone on the coastal shelf in water that at high tide touches their chins. When they sense the tsunami's approach, they have nowhere to go.

Classical Conservatives will never engage in second guessing their past decisions using data acquired after it was made.   They make their decisions based upon the available knowledge at hand, apply it to their philosophy, and toss the dice.  They won't waste time on moot rituals of hand-wringing self-doubt about it later.  You could find that O'Connor also believes that the Bush Presidency has been a nightmare with far-reaching implications that she truly desired had never come into being, yet she would still defend her decision in Bush v Gore as correct, given what was known at the time. 

The only way to convince her, would be to get her to understand that  agreeing to hear the case initially, was the flaw in her reasoning.  It was a decision based upon expediency, not precedence or jurisprudence, and was activism that her judicial philosophy should not have allowed.

That still doesn't explain giving him the Alito appointment.  She could have withdrawn her resignation when Rhenquist died.  It would have gone a small way to atone for what she did, regardless of her Classical Conservative -never look back - mindset.  She only had to look forward for that one.

And although your explanation is probably right about their thinking, it is not admirable trait, because what you describe is people who NEVER learn from mistakes.  We are awash in people like that today, and it isn't doing us any good.

When my son does poorly on a test, I don't want him to slit his wrists over it; we look at the test, get a better understanding of what the teacher tests for, and study harder the next time.  If there were simple mistakes we note them and he is more aware of those pitfalls when he takes the next one.  What a concept!

....or, he could just "Stay the Course" and flunk the whole damn class.  I wonder if that was Dubya's attitude in Harvard.  Actually, he probably paid someone to take his tests for him; just told them not to do too well so the prof wouldn't be suspicious.

Jan

It may SOUND like a racial slur to you, but it just refers to a small-brained hominid (now extinct, of course).  From what I have read about Thomas, that is one of the best things you can say about him, because it provides an excuse for his hateful bitter outlook on the world, spewing as it does from someone who has done quite well for himself, and received an enormous amount of help along the way.

There is certainly nothing in his judicial record that would make an argument for a large brain, anyway.  Racial though?  Although he would certainly agree, I don't think so.

I don't think, however it excuses his perjuries during his hearings when he claimed to have never even thought about abortion, or other critical issues.  Lies can come from even the smallest-brained humans.

This guy has made a case for his own impeachment.  Will it happen?  No.

Jan

Duplicate.

Duplicate.

(CVille Dem): "There is certainly nothing in his judicial record that would make an argument for a large brain, anyway."

People often attribute virtues to their team and vices to the other side. "People who disagree with me are stupid." It's akin to people who say Barbara Streisand can't sing, or Clint Eastwood can't act, just because they disagree with your politics.

I saw a journalist who covers the USSC discuss her book on C-SPAN. She related the following anecdote: In his first case while on the Court, Justice Thomaas, as is customary for the most junior Justice, spoke last in the deliberation of the case. It was a unanimous decision. Justice Thomeas subsequently went to Chief Justice Rhenquist and said he regretted his decision, and wanted to write a dissent. The Chief Justice assigned to Thomas the task of writing the dissent, which Justice Thomas circulated. On the strength of Justice Thomas' agruments, the Chief Justice and two others changed their votes, and joined Justice Thomas on the losing side of a 5 to 4 split decision. That indicates considerable persuasive ability. If the other justices are smart, and Justice Thomas can change their minds on the strength of his arguments, he's at least as smart. On that evidence, anyway.

The fundamental issue is that the world changes. Attitudes of society change. Since Dred Scott was mentioned I'll cite one of my favorite works from the period supporting slavery:

Scriptural and Statistical Views in Favor of Slavery - Thornton Stringfellow (1856)

I propose, therefore, to examine the sacred volume briefly, and if I am not greatly mistaken, I shall be able to make it appear that the institution of slavery has received, in the first place,

1st. The sanction of the Almighty in the Patriarchal age.

2d. That it was incorporated into the only National Constitution which ever emanated from God.

3d. That its legality was recognized, and its elative duties regulated, by Jesus Christ in his kingdom; and


4th. That it is full of mercy.

Those who argue that the constitution is the ultimate source are being disingenuous, corporate law doesn't come out of the constitution. Those who argue against "judicial activism" mean they didn't like the decision. Those who cite precedent like the status quo.

Absolutes don't work. Any attempt to find a formula as to when prior rulings should be revised is going to be subjective. I do think that my breakdown is useful, however. The majority of rulings favor the status quo and institutions and those that favor the individual are few and far between.

There is something fundamentally wrong at present when the idea of probing a nominees "judicial philosophy" seems appropriate. Judges should be picked on the basis of scholarship, experience and willingness to uphold the law. The fact that these are no longer criteria is yet another example of how politicized our society has become.

 

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

(Toobin): "I’ve always thought that the real scandal of Thomas’ confirmation hearing was the pre-Anita Hill portion – where he denied having any fixed ideas about the Constitution. That was not only misleading at best, but it summed up the pitiful state of confirmation hearings."
(Valdron): "Hey, perjury on the supreme court, who would have guessed?"
(CVille Dem): "I don't think, however it excuses his perjuries during his hearings when he claimed to have never even thought about abortion, or other critical issues. Lies can come from even the smallest-brained humans."

I'd ask Mr. Toobin to support his assertion that Clarence Thomas "denied having any fixed ideas about the Constitution" before I'd jump to the conclusion that Judge Thomas perjured himself.

I expect that Mr. Toobin's assertion amount to an extremely loose paraphrase of Judge Thomas' answer to a question on Roe v. Wade, which the press misrepresented as Judge Thomas claiming he'd never thought about the issue. That wasn't what he said.

LEAHY: Have you ever had discussion of Roe v. Wade in the 17 years it has been there?

THOMAS: Only in the most general sense that other individuals express concerns, and you listen and you try to be thoughtful. If you are asking me whether or not I have ever debated the contents of it, that answer to that is no, Senator.

Let's have a direct quote from the hearing testimony, Mr. Toobin.

Let's have a direct quote from the hearing testimony, Jan.

"Perjury" is one form of lie. Libel is another.

(Toobin): "He thinks if a past decision is wrong, it should just be overturned, without regard for the value of stability."

Like slavery.

Malcom,  I am always interested in being educated.  Could you please cite the case to which you are referring?  I would like to look at it and read what he wrote.  I have taken the time to read a bit of his writings, and although I admit to a lack of objectivity (and I have not read every word he has penned), I stand by my thoughts (so far) on the relative vastness of his grey matter. 

If he and his law clerks put together a scholarly and persuasive argument once, it should certainly be noted, however.  I believe George Bush put a sentence together once that was not only grammatically correct, but also pronounced without one single error!

The stuff that has been excerpted from his book betrays small-mindedness, at least. 

Jan

What I wrote is what I remembered. This might be it, but:...
a) It's not the first term on which Justice Thomas served and
b) the decision was 6-3 not 5-4.

While you're there, you might read Justice Thomas' dissent in the Kelo case.

....Scalia's pointed comments to Foskett complicate Bush's support for Thomas considerably. Specifically, Scalia told Foskett that Thomas "doesn't believe in stare decisis, period." Clarifying his remark, Scalia added that "if a constitutional line of authority is wrong, he would say let's get it right. I wouldn't do that."....

The proof is in 35 lone Thomas opinions that express a willingness to reexamine a breathtaking range of well-settled constitutional law....

goes on to cite some examples @

Douglas T. Kendall, Washington Post, October 14, 2004

I just spent 1 1/2 hours going over Thomas' hearings.  I cut & pasted pages worth of stuff, but I finally came to this, which I remember hearing at the time:

      JUDGE THOMAS:
Senator, again, I would like to just simply say that the -- of course, one could see where medical certainly experienced and one could see where precedence would be relevant. I don't see at this point where theology would be relevant. But, again, I would like to refrain from further speculation in this very difficult area. The point that I'm making to you, and I think it's an important point is that, when a Judge is engaged in any kind of an effort to make a difficult decision in any area, a Judge tries to examine the relevant evidence and tries to reach a reasoned conclusion and tries to reach a conclusion without implicating or with out involving his or personal opinions.

      SEN. LEAHY:
Judge, you were in law school at the time Roe versus Wade was decided. That was 18 years -- 17-18 years ago. I would assume -- well back up this way. You would accept, would you not, that in the last generation Roe versus Wade is certainly one of the more important cases to be decided by the US Supreme Court?

      JUDGE THOMAS:
I would accept that it's certainly been one of the more important, as well as one that has been one of the more highly publicized and debated cases.

      SEN. LEAHY:
So I would assume that it would be safe to assume that, when that came down you're in law school where recent case laws are discussed, the Roe versus Wade would have been discussed in the law school while you were there.

      JUDGE THOMAS:
The case that I remember being discussed most during my early part of law school was I believe in small group with Thomas Emerson may have been Griswold since he argued that. And we may have touched on Roe v. Wade at some point and debated that, but let me add one point to that, because I was a married student and I worked, I did not spend a lot of time around the law school doing what the other students enjoyed so much, and that's debating all the current cases and all of the slip opinions. My schedule was such that I went to classes and generally went to work and went home.

      SEN. LEAHY:
Well, Judge Thomas, I was a married law student who also worked, but I also found that at least between classes we did discuss some of the law, and I'm sure you're not suggesting that there wasn't any discussion at any time of Roe versus Wade?

      JUDGE THOMAS:
I cannot -- I -- Senator, I cannot remember personally engaging in those discussions. The groups that I met with at that time during my years in law school were small study groups.

I didn't believe it then, and I surely don't believe it now.  There wasn't any discussion at any time of Roe versus Wade?  This from someone who is supposed to be intellectually capable of being on the Supreme Court?

I have a ton more quotes, where he is asked about articles that he has written supportive pieces on, but then claims he never really  read entirely:

     SEN. LEAHY:
Had you read that article before you praised it?

      JUDGE THOMAS:
I think I skimmed it, Senator. My interest again was in the fact that he used -- was that he used the notion or the concept of natural law, and my idea was to import that notion to something that I was very interested in.

And this, after the recess, (the Senator provided him with the article in question so he could review it for when he returned) but instead he was "lawyered up" for the next round of questioning:

     SEN. LEAHY:
Do you have it?

      JUDGE THOMAS:
I have not reread the article.

      SEN. LEAHY:
Do you have the article?

      JUDGE THOMAS:
I do not have it with me.

      SEN. LEAHY:
(To staff.) Does somebody want to just -- (returning) -- I want to make sure somebody gives it to you, Judge, but let me then accept this, that the article, as written, takes a position that not just Roe versus Wade should be overturned, but that abortion, even in cases of rape and incest should be banned in every state of the union.

      Assuming that that is the thrust of one of the main points of the article, do you agree with that?

      JUDGE THOMAS:
Again, Senator, I -- it would be, I think, for me to respond to what my views are on those particular issues. It would really undermine my ability to be impartial in those cases. I'm attempted to respond as candidly and openly as I possibly can without in any way undermining or compromising my ability to rule on these cases.

Right.  Because by not saying what his preconceived notions are, he will be objective?  Who is stupid enough to believe that?  OK, Malcolm.  It's all there.  It is fascinating.  Do your own homework.  Thomas is a lying hack.

It was interesting to see how he came back from each session with what we now call "talking points" to refute what he had blown in the last session.

I gave you direct quotes.  There are plenty more; it's  all in  the record.  Go look.  Educate yourself:

 http://etext.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new-yitna?id=UsaThom&images=images/modeng&data=/lv6/workspace/yitna&tag=public&part=4

Jan

This might be it, but:...

I read it.  Charming.  Thomas also demured in his opinions about capital punishment -- didn't have an opinion -- wouldn't want to say anything that might make him seem prejudiced.  Well, he and George are certainly on the same page as far as executing Texans are concerned!

Jan

While you're there, you might read Justice Thomas' dissent in the Kelo case.

I read it.  I agree with him on that.

Jan

Which proves that Thomas should never be referred to as a Conservative.

He is a right-sided activist, as is Scalia, but at least Scalia gives a passing reference of reverence to stare decisis, his decisions notwithstanding.

How far Contemporary Conservatism has fallen from its once vaunted position as defender of immutable truths that are locked in stone. They now dance the situationalist jig, but without the temerity to admit the truth.

One glaring example: No Real Conservative would ever in a million years ground their defense of an Executive's overreach of power; a President's theft of Natural Liberty, in the acts, words or legacy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt.

I am much more concerned by the Roberts appointment than I am by the Alito appointment.

Just four days before Mr. Bush announced the Roberts appointment to the Supreme Court, Roberts had signed on in concurrence to the Hamdan v Rumsfeld DC Appellate decision which reversed a DC Circuit Judge's decision that due process of law applied to those the government held as 'unlawful combatants'. Either these persons are prisoners of war, and as such protected by the Geneva Convention Relative to Prisoners of War, or they are being held as criminal actors by the US Government, and as such, remain in possession of their rights until they have been properly convicted in a tribunal which adheres to due process of law. There can be no third way on this.

In the midst of Hamdam v Rumsfeld can be found an incredible assertion of judicial dereliction: its cursory dismissal of Geneva Conventions violations as not within the realm of proper judicial review:

"'Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land.'
--U.S. CONST., art. VI, cl. 2.

Even so, this country has traditionally negotiated treaties with the understanding that they do not create judicially enforceable individual rights. As a general matter, a 'treaty is primarily a compact between independent nations,' and 'depends for the enforcement of its provisions on the interest and honor of the governments which are parties to it.' If a treaty is violated, this 'becomes the subject of international negotiations and reclamation,' not the subject of a lawsuit."

Hamdan v Rumsfeld; Appeal from the United States District Court for the District of Columbia (04cv01519)

What is notable in this citation is the omission. The citation to the US Constitution; Article VI; clause 2, is only partial, and what was not cited carries deep implications in this analysis:

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

US Constitution; Article VI; clause 2 (emphasis mine)

The Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, as a treaty made under the Authority of the United States, is the Supreme Law of the Land, and ALL Judges are bound by this. For a Judge to wave it away with a passing reference to general traditions, is for that Judge to be in transparent violation of the very clause which the decision artfully only partially cited. A judge who assented to this, is derelict, and is worthy of impeachment, not promotion to the Supreme Court, and the fact that the announcement of Roberts' appointment occurred just four days after this decision reeked of a quid pro quo arrangement.

When the President picks Supreme Court nominess on the basis of their judicial philosopy, as Bush does, and as Reagan did, Congress is perfectly justified in probing this judicial philosophy and rejecting appointments if they do not approve of it. The Democrats should have filibustored to stop Bush's right wing appointments, just as they should have filibutored against Thomas.

Anita Hill had one very serious credibility problem. She went with Thomas when he swiched to a different departmant when she did not have to. If she was harrassed, why did she do that? She never came up with a satisfactory answer.

Had they filibustered either Roberts or Alito the GOP would have taken away the judicial filibuster. Maybe that would have been a good thing ultimately (the Dems could now retaliate by taking away the filibuster period), but both Roberts and Alito would still be on the Court.

I can think of a few possibilities off of the top of my head:

  1. better the pig you know, than the one you may very well end up with
  2. an implied threat of dispersions being cast into the water cooler winds of gossip if she did not follow
  3. an understanding, either concrete or fantasied, that Thomas had seen his errors, and desired to make up for them
  4. a sense of loyalty not broken by acts of outrageous caddishness
  5. rookie naiveté, and inexperience with the realities of employment, which made it difficult to understand what was real, and what was stated in employee handbooks as the ideal
  6. personal drive to succeed that defeated the inner need for justice
  7. inevitability. I've talked to several women, who believe that harassment is simply a reprehensible part of being in the workplace; that basically, in any situation where they must interact with many men, there are bound to be jerks, and since that is the way things are, why make waves that are liable to cause more trouble than anything they could possibly gain
  8. an inherent lack of self-assertiveness
Is this enough? Many of these would be both difficult to comprehend within one's self and to articulate publicly, once realisation had been reached. It is likely that there would be more than one reason for behaviour such as this too. I sure I could come up with many more with just a little thought applied.

So is Dred Scott a problem of the Court or the Constitution?

 

 

Both

Two reasons why Thomas' Kelo dissent is disingenuous.

First: Thomas elevates private property ownership via an implied right stated within the Fifth's takings clause, to a higher plane than he does the explicitly delineated liberties for all humans that find themselves under the prosecutorial gun of the state:

No person shall be...compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law

No Person cannot rationally be applied only to the subset of persons who are also citizens. It is a universal bar for a state's legitimate actions. What are Thomas' opinions regarding individuals that Mr. Bush has by fiat declared to be 'unlawful combatants'. Has he defended their preeminent rights? Has he without equivocation held that they are entitled to due process of law, which minimally, must adhere to the standards delineated in the Sixth amendment?

Second: Thomas is not one noted for holding that the Fourteenth Amendment confers full substantive due process for all federal rights, firmly binding the actions of individual states, yet he dances with just that assertion, when he implies that an individual state's taking of property must be adjudicated in light of the Fifth Amendment's standards instead of the arguably lesser standard implied by the Fourteenth:

No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.

There is no mention of public use in acts of property deprivation by individual states, only that the process must be applied equally to all, and follow due process of law, which again, Thomas has previously held is less than a complete substantive due process for all federal rights.

It is reprehensible to have a higher standard for taking property in a civil action, in which the property owner is compensated for the taking, than for taking life, liberty and/or property in a criminal action, in which the property owner forfeits his ownership.

I am not defending New London, and in fact am troubled by their actions, but I do believe in a complete substantive due process for all federal rights. Thomas wants to pick and choose his personal preferences arbitrarily.

(PseudoCyAnts): "Two reasons why Thomas' Kelo dissent is disingenuous."

"Disingenuous" is the gone-to-college way to call someone a liar. Let's try to keep this civil.

(PseudoCyAnts): "First: Thomas elevates private property ownership via an implied right stated within the Fifth's takings clause, to a higher plane than he does the explicitly delineated liberties for all humans that find themselves under the prosecutorial gun of the state:

No person shall be...compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law

Okay, but this never applied to prisoners of war or spies captured on the field of battle. Non-uniformed enemy combatants have less protection than either enemy soldiers in uniform or US civilians in peacetime. This is something that Congress will have to sort out, as "war" blends smoothly into "crime" and as non-State actors displace nations as promoters of conflict. I don't think Justice Thomas has enunciated an absurd position.

As to the second, I haven't seen a simple and consistent interpretation of "equal protection" and "full faith and credit". It makes sense that title established in one State should be recognized in another. What about statutory rape and age of consent? Suppose some 17-year-old marries a 14-year-old in a State where that is legal, then joins the military and is transferred, at age 18, to a State where 14-year-olds cannot marry or consent to sex? If marriage licenses fall under the full faith and credit clause, why not concealed-carry licenses? If everyone else is confused, I don't fault Justice Thomas for being confused as well.

Anyway, I found this amusing.

Why did you distort the clear intents in my choice of words? I am very comfortable with its first definition in The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition: "Disingenuous: (Adj) Not straightforward or candid; insincere or calculating"

Dishonest is only a part of being disingenuous, and it implies a cunning use of deceit. It's not really a 'college' word; and if I'd been playing with verbosity, I probably would have used improbity or tergiversation, as I am fond of them both. Maybe you should contemplate acquiring a free dictionary proggie that sits in the task-bar, ready and waiting, and has a much greater probability for advancing personal knowledge in a few sessions, than reading powerline will provide over several years.

Disingenuous also seems appropriate when describing your assertion that due process rights have never applied to Prisoners of War. If these persons were being held as Prisoners of War, I'd have no issue whatsoever, because they would be afforded the Protections provided by the Geneva Convention Relative to Prisoners of War. As to my being civil; there is no rational reason to treat a derelict Supreme Court Justice with civility, who refuses to intervene on behalf of tortured humans held as a criminal actors by the government, which did not first secure convictions against them in a tribunal which adhered to due process of law. That is clearly what is directed by the Fifth and the Sixth Amendments. Even half-assed auguring the entrails of the phrases: No Person Shall Be Held, and "In ALL Criminal Prosecutions" show an intent to universality in ALL legitimate state takings of life, limb and/or property from any human. The Bush Administration's claim that Guantanamo Bay exists without the reach of the Federal Bench is invalidated by the Thirteenth Amendment; section 1:

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

Are you going to argue that Guantanamo Bay is NOT a place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States Government?

Article 4 of the Geneva Convention Relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War delineates who is covered under its protections. Article 4A Defines six separate categories of individuals as POWs. Article 4B defines two additional categories as individuals who "shall likewise be treated as prisoners of war under the present Convention".

Article 5 describes the proper method for ascertaining whether belligerents picked-up in a combat zone do not fit into one of these eight categories.

Should any doubt arise as to whether persons, having committed a belligerent act and having fallen into the hands of the enemy, belong to any of the categories enumerated in Article 4, such persons shall enjoy the protection of the present Convention until such time as their status has been determined by a competent tribunal.

Mr. Bush's fiats, of and by themselves, do not a "competent tribunal" make, and the Geneva Conventions cannot be abrogated after hostilities have begun. In my book that relevant date is September 11, 2001.

Now onto The US Constitution; Article VI; clause 2:

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

What has the right-siding of the Supreme Court bought to America? Derelicts on the bench, who dance the night away at the GOP's relativist's ball attired in their black satin moo moos, while a tyrannical president claims as despot that he is not bound by the strictures within the only document that confers legitimacy to his official acts, and the Republican legislators play peek-a-boo in public restrooms.

As to your irrelevant minor being taken across state line for marriage: it would be a criminal to cross the state line initially, and that is where the power to lawfully annul the marriage would be grounded.

I love it!

In his first case while on the Court, Justice Thomaas, as is customary for the most junior Justice, spoke last in the deliberation of the case. It was a unanimous decision. Justice Thomeas subsequently went to Chief Justice Rhenquist and said he regretted his decision, and wanted to write a dissent. The Chief Justice assigned to Thomas the task of writing the dissent, which Justice Thomas circulated. On the strength of Justice Thomas' agruments, the Chief Justice and two others changed their votes, and joined Justice Thomas on the losing side of a 5 to 4 split decision. That indicates considerable persuasive ability. If the other justices are smart, and Justice Thomas can change their minds on the strength of his arguments, he's at least as smart. On that evidence, anyway.

Wow. What a terrific story. It's heartwarming, enduring, it's full of that homey personal touch that shows off Thomas as a humble guy, a thoughtful guy, a smart guy and a persuasive guy.

But, oh wait...

What I wrote is what I remembered. This might be it, but:... a) It's not the first term on which Justice Thomas served and b) the decision was 6-3 not 5-4.

So it turns out it wasn't true at all though. How utterly REAGANESQUE! I dunno, I anyone can make a mistake. But overall, this whole incident reminds me of Reagan and his endless stories about medal of honour winners, and his being with the soldiers who went into concentration camps, and welfare queens, and trees causing acid rain... None of which was ever true. But it was always a good story, such a good story, memorable, tugging at the heartsprings, full or readers digest sacharine.

Golly gee. It's such a good story, Malcolm, that it ought to be true. Too bad it's horseshit.

Here's the real story with Clarence Thomas:

1) He was completely unqualified to sit on the Supreme Court. He had not established himself as a prominent jurist, a prominent academic, or a prominent politician. His career demonstrated no particular brilliance.

2) It's pretty much settled that Anita Hill's statements were true. They were never disproved or repudiated, and I believe that similar behaviour was documented.

3) Clarence Thomas perjured himself during his confirmation hearings. He perjured himself on both Hill, and on his legal and political views.

4) Clarence Thomas, on the Supreme Court contributes less than any other Justice. He asks fewest questions during hearings, often not asking questions at all. He writes the fewest opinions. These are facts not open to dispute.

5) I will venture the opinion that his opinions, on the rare occasions that he writes them, are generally poorly framed and thought out, but that might be argued to be my opinion. It is, however, universally agreed that he is one of the most extreme right wing personalities, and that his political views are significantly to the right of the American mainstream.

6) His autobiography reveals him to be petty, mean spirited, vindictive and arch. He's a seething pool of self absorption, self pity, anger and hatred. He never lets a grudge go. This is the guy in his own words.

These are the facts of the man, Malcolm. The truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.

Feel free to tell more made up stories.

Oh Jan, you meanie. You just wait. Malcolm will be back with some really dynamite 'made up stories', or maybe some terrific 'embellishments' and then he'll fix your clock but good!

More seriously, excellent work Jan.

(Valdron): "Clarence Thomas, on the Supreme Court contributes less than any other Justice. He asks fewest questions during hearings, often not asking questions at all. He writes the fewest opinions. These are facts not open to dispute."

Oh?

This site maintains a list of Supreme Court opinions, by author. My count may be off by one or two, and won't be up to date if the site isn't, but in raw numbers, Valdron's claim, although it depends on what one counts, is generally false.

(Name, d/m/y joined, opinions, concurrences, dissents, concur in part/dissent in part, opinions plus dissents, concurrence plus concur in part, total).

Breyer, 3-09-1994, O=93, C=60, D=81, C/D=13, O+D=174, C+C/D=73, T=247.
Ginsburg, 10-08-1993, O=108, C=59, D=60, C/D= 7, O+D=168, C+C/D=66, T=234.
Kennedy, 18-02-1988, O=119, C=81, D=44, C/D=8, O+D=163, C+C/D=89, T=252.
Scalia, 26-09-1986, O=123, C=133, D=104, C/D=18, 0+D=227, C=C/D=151, T=378.
Souter, 9-10-1990, O=121, C=66, D=75, C/D=16, O+D=196, C+C/D=82, T=278.
Stevens, 1-12-1975, O=126, C=102, D=180, C/D=27, O+D=306, C+C/D=129, T=435.
Thomas, 23-10-1991, O=112, C=81, D=102, C/D=21, O+D=214, C+C/D=102, T=316.

1) Opinions for the Court, in raw numbers, Justice Thomas wrote more than Justice Breyer or Ginsburg.
2) Concurrances: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, or Souter.
3) Dissents, Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.
4) Concur in part: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.
5)Opinions plus dissents: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.
6) Concur plus concur in part: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.
7) Total: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.

Since they have not all had the same time on the Court, I divided by the number of years since their appointment (rounding to the nearest whole year). Results rounded to the second decimal place.

Breyer, 13, O=7.15, C=4.61, D=8.23, C/D=1, O+D=13.36, C+C/D=5.62, T=5.62.
Ginsburg, 14, O=7.71, C=11.92, D=4.28, C/D=.5, O+D=12, C+C/D=4.71, T=16.71.
Kennedy, 29, O=4.10, C=2.79, D=1.51, C/D=.275, O+D=5.58, C+C/D=3.07, T=8.68.
Scalia, 21, O=5.86, C=6.3, D=4.95, C/D=.875, O+D=10.80, C+C/D=7.19. T=18.
Souter, 17, O=7.12, C=3.88, D=4.41, C/D=.94, O+D=11.52, C+C/D=4.82, T=16.35.
Stevens, 31, O=4.06, C=3.29, D=5.80, C/D=.87, O+D=9.87, C+C/D=4.16, T=14.03.
Thomas, 16, O=7, C=5.06, D=6.38, C/D=1.31, O+D=13.38, C+C/D=6.38, T=19.75.

1) Opinions for the majority, per year: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Kennedy, Scalia, or Stevens.
2) Concurring opinions per year: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Kennedy, Souter, or Stevens.
3) Dissents per year: Justice Thomas wrote more than Ginsburg, Kennedy, Scalia, Souter, or Stevens.
4) Concur in part: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, Souter, or Stevens.
5) Opinions plus dissents, Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, Souter, or Stevens.
6) Concur plus concur in part, Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, Souter, or Stevens.
7) Total, Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, Scalia, Souter, or Stevens.

Feel free to tell more made up stories,

Sorry; duplicate.

(Toobin): "I’ve always thought that the real scandal of Thomas’ confirmation hearing was the pre-Anita Hill portion – where he denied having any fixed ideas about the Constitution. That was not only misleading at best, but it summed up the pitiful state of confirmation hearings."
(Valdron): "Hey, perjury on the supreme court, who would have guessed?"
(CVille Dem): "I don't think, however it excuses his perjuries during his hearings when he claimed to have never even thought about abortion, or other critical issues. Lies can come from even the smallest-brained humans."

(malcolm): "I'd ask Mr. Toobin to support his assertion that Clarence Thomas "denied having any fixed ideas about the Constitution" before I'd jump to the conclusion that Judge Thomas perjured himself."

(malcolm): "I expect that Mr. Toobin's assertion amount to an extremely loose paraphrase of Judge Thomas' answer to a question on Roe v. Wade, which the press misrepresented as Judge Thomas claiming he'd never thought about the issue. That wasn't what he said."

LEAHY: Have you ever had discussion of Roe v. Wade in the 17 years it has been there?

THOMAS: Only in the most general sense that other individuals express concerns, and you listen and you try to be thoughtful. If you are asking me whether or not I have ever debated the contents of it, that answer to that is no, Senator.

(malcolm): "Let's have a direct quote from the hearing testimony, Mr. Toobin. Let's have a direct quote from the hearing testimony, Jan."

JUDGE THOMAS: Again, Senator, I -- it would be, I think, for me to respond to what my views are on those particular issues. It would really undermine my ability to be impartial in those cases. I'm attempted to respond as candidly and openly as I possibly can without in any way undermining or compromising my ability to rule on these cases.

(jan): "Right. Because by not saying what his preconceived notions are, he will be objective? Who is stupid enough to believe that? OK, Malcolm. It's all there. It is fascinating. Do your own homework. Thomas is a lying hack."

You have demonstrated that you can copy material from the hearings. Where is the support for Mr. Toobin's assertion that Justice Thomas "he denied having any fixed ideas about the Constitution" or CVille Dem's claim that Justice Thomas "claimed to have never even thought about abortion, or other critical issues"?

(Jan): "I gave you direct quotes. There are plenty more; it's all in the record."

Here's a direct quote: "he claimed to have never even thought about abortion". Can you back that up?

None of it establishes that Judge Thomas lied. I agree that he dodged controversy as much as possible, but that's hardly the same as denying that he ever discussed or thought about Roe v. Wade or that he had no views on the constitution. Go ahead and quote the entire transcript of the Senate Judiciary Committee hearings if you want.

The data need be corrected for the number of cases decided each term.

There is great variability in the scope and size of concurrences, which make the use of this statistic for this purpose questionable.

To {Concur in part, dissent in part} is to act in a manner that tends to be divisive and potentially leads to fractious relations between Justices. Personal philosophies/outlooks have a significant influence over whether a Justice will even publish one. it is not a valid indicator of a Justice's work output.

Even given this, there would need to be a proper analysis done on the scope, breath and depth of reach individual case. The relative complexities of individual cases vary widely. A simple one page unanimous decision of one controversy should not carry the same weight as a difficult, groundbreaking multiple controversy decision, which took careful crafting to retain the majority.

Your data is invalid.

 

(Valdron): "Clarence Thomas, on the Supreme Court contributes less than any other Justice. He asks fewest questions during hearings, often not asking questions at all. He writes the fewest opinions. These are facts not open to dispute."

I dispute the contention that Clarence Thomas "writes the fewest opinions". The number of opinions written by Justice Thomas, compared to the number of opinions written by the other justices is certainly "valid" (i.e., relevant). The claim that Justice Thomas "writes the fewest opinions" is demonstrably false. One could always adjust for the age of the Justices (but Valdron did not qualify his assertion). One could adjust for the number of cases heard (one could just take recent years).

Certainly it is possible that the Chief Justice assignes the simple cases to some justices and the complex cases to others. That wasn't part of Valdron's assertion, and no one has established that it is the case anyway.

PseudoCyAnts point about concurrences and concur in part opinions was the reason I separated these. Majority opinions and dissents are assigned. The statistics on assigned versus voluntary opinions mean different things. Worse than their effect on other Justices, they create uncertainty in the larger society, and create the expectaton that the court may later reverse itself.

But that's a different issue from the absolute number of opinions.

(PseudoCyAnts): "The data need be corrected for the number of cases decided each term."

The raw data are here, which list opinions since 1990. I didn't catch that, so dividing by total years on the court doesn't measure productivity if you use these data.

The year of the Justice's ascention to the bench and the trend over time of the number of cases, taken together, would make a difference to their yearly averages. Whatever the trend, Justice Thomas writes more than some people appointed before and after he joined the court. Valdron's claim that Justice Thomas "writes the fewest opinions" is demonstrably false even after the data are "corrected for the number of cases decided each term".

The remarkable Justice is Stevens, who wrote more opinions (by a few) and more dissents (by a lot) than the other Justices who joined the bench before 1990. One would have thought that the Chief Justice would give the old man a break.

Here's a question: Why did Thomas' book appear now (or at all)?

I'm going to make a guess that he is planning to leave the court. I don't know anything about the interpersonal relationships, but they have obviously changed with the addition of Alito and Roberts. Perhaps he has lost his mentor (or protector) now that Rehnquist is gone. Perhaps the new justices, who don't think there is any discrimination in America show their lack of sensitivity (or racism) in ways he finds uncomfortable.

On the other hand it seems fairly certain that a Dem will become president and Stevens will retire (perhaps Ginsburg as well). The new president wil appoint more progressive justices who will be younger and more energetic. They may swing the court in directions he doesn't favor.

By getting his case out now he opens the way for a new career. He might move to some sort of international position where he would be given the type of respect he desires. His whole life has been one of feeling put upon, a new role as a senior justice would satisfy his psychological needs.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

Duplicate; sorry.

Perhaps he has lost his mentor (or protector) now that Rehnquist is gone.

Do you have anything of substance to back up this aspersion? Most accounts of Rehnquist show him to have been a person of great humor, who did not carry grudges. Hardly the type of person who would mentor a Justice far to his right in political ideology.

You should not gloss the differences, as you only serve the Big Tent of GOP Inclusiveness in doing so. You should also realise that it was the partisan hammering of Bork that brought about the Thomas appointment. I am not a fan of Bork's Judicial Philosophy, but Bork would have been less of an activist than either Thomas or Scalia.

It's hardly Valdron's unique point of view, and in fact the proposition has a great deal of substantiation in publicly available documentation.

Senator Harry Reid on the December 5, 2004 edition of Meet the Press advanced this same idea:

Mr. Russert: Let me turn to judicial nominations. Again, Harry Reid on National Public Radio, November 19: "If they"--the Bush White House--"for example, gave us Clarence Thomas as chief justice, I personally feel that would be wrong. If they give us Antonin Scalia, that's a little different question. I may not agree with some of his opinions, but I agree with the brilliance of his mind."

Could you support Antonin Scalia to be chief justice of the Supreme Court?

Sen. Reid: If he can overcome the ethics problems that have arisen since he was selected as a justice of the Supreme Court. And those ethics problems--you've talked about them; every people talk--every reporter's talked about them in town--where he took trips that were probably not in keeping with the code of judicial ethics. So we have to get over this. I cannot dispute the fact, as I have said, that this is one smart guy. And I disagree with many of the results that he arrives at, but his reason for arriving at those results are very hard to dispute. So...

Mr. Russert: Why couldn't you accept Clarence Thomas?

Sen. Reid: I think that he has been an embarrassment to the Supreme Court. I think that his opinions are poorly written. I don't--I just don't think that he's done a good job as a Supreme Court justice.

Media Matters for America documented (one -two) that right-sided indignation over Reid's remarks did not offer any disproof of his assertion, but instead labeled Reid as a racist. Of note as a refutation of this specious charge is a recent op/ed:
Eugene Robinson, "Witness for the Persecution", Washington Post, October 2, 2007

I wasn't the one to promote Thomas' incompetence here, but still believe that your data cannot be properly used without corrections. Again, for any proper analysis of the data. there needs to be at the very minimum, a correction for the total number of cases heard in each term.

My umbrage over most analysis of Thomas is the assertion that he is a conservative. He is not. Thomas is a far right-sided activist who does not believe in the concept of stare decisis.

Conservative Activist is an oxymoron.
Paul Gewirtz and Chad Golder, "So Who Are the Activists?", New York Times, July 6, 2005

(Valdron): "So it turns out it wasn't true at all though...Golly gee. It's such a good story, Malcolm, that it ought to be true. Too bad it's horseshit."

Like, your memory is perfect. Sorry, but the difference between 5-4 and 6-3 in this context is minor, and the difference between Justice Thomas' first decision and the first decision of the first complete term is minor. I don't remember the author who was interviewed, or the title of the book. If there were some way to put a secure wager on it, so you could make it worth my while to dig, I'd look for it. As it is, Valdron can throw slime from the sidelines, as usual.

(Valdron): "2) It's pretty much settled that Anita Hill's statements were true. They were never disproved or repudiated, and I believe that similar behaviour was documented."

It's pretty much settled that sexual harassment charges are usually he said/she said affairs that are difficult to prove one way or the other. It's the case that Anita Hill made similar charges against a previous employer, that Thomas' other subordinates testified overwhelmingly on his behalf, and that Hill's supporting witness perjured herself wrt the chronology.

(Valdron): "6) His autobiography reveals him to be petty, mean spirited, vindictive and arch. He's a seething pool of self absorption, self pity, anger and hatred. He never lets a grudge go. This is the guy in his own words."

I understand that that's how journalist reviewers see it. I suspect that they haven't read it. Have you?

Unless I missed something,

this
is the earliest dissent by Justice Thomas in the data base. Rhenquist and Scalia join Thomas in dissent. There is one other dissent by Justice Thomas with this date. None that I see earlier.

(Valdron): "Clarence Thomas, on the Supreme Court contributes less than any other Justice. He asks fewest questions during hearings, often not asking questions at all. He writes the fewest opinions. These are facts not open to dispute."

(PseudoPsyAnts): "The data need be corrected for the number of cases decided each term."

Okay.

Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, Scalia, Souter, Stevens, and Thomas all joined the bench before 1995, so if one counts desicions from 1995 to present, no correction for their date of ascention or the changes over time in the number of cases decided each year makes any difference.

Supreme Court decisions since 1995.
Name, opinions for the majority, concurrances, dissents, concur in part, opinions plus dissents, concur plus concur in part, total.

Breyer, O=87, C=60, D=81, C/D=13, O+D=168, C+C/D=73, T=241.
Ginsburg, O=101,C=50, D=53, C/D=7, O+D=154, C+C/D=57, T=211.
Kennedy, O=99, C=59, D=35, C/D=6, O+D=134, C+C/D=65, T=199.
Scalia, O=119, C=98, D=92, C/D=14, O+D=211, C+C/D=112, T=323.
Souter, O=94, C=45, D=60, C/D=13, O+D=154, C+C/D=58, T=212.
Stevens, O= 100, C=73, D=145, C/D=23, O+D=245, C+C/D=96, T=341.
Thomas, O=91, C=66, D=112, C/D=18, O+D=203, C+C/D=84, T=287.

Opinions for the majority: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justice Breyer.

Dissents: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, Scalia, or Souter.

Concurrances: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.

Concur in part/dissent in part: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.

Opinions for the majority plus dissents: Justice Thomas wrote more than Justices Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.

Concurrances plus concur in part: Justice Thomas wrote more than Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, Scalia, or Souter.

Total: Justice Thomas wrote more than Breyer, Ginsburg, Kennedy, or Souter.

The claim, that Justice Thomas "writes the fewest opinions", is false.

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