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Arrrgghh

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Ignatieff's piece in NYTimes Sunday mag makes me crazy.

He doesn't even begin to know all the reasons why he was so completely nutso about Iraq. It makes me wonder if anyone who was wrong about Iraq has yet gotten right about why they were wrong. Does it matter? If you think that those who misread their own history shouldn't be trusted with the power to make the same mistakes twice, then yes.

Here's what I'd like the correctionists to recognize:

The history of colonialism, which I studied in college under the great Robin Winks of Yale, teaches that made-up subject countries like Iraq generally fall apart as soon as their authoritarian regimes crumble.

Iraq comprised at least three, if not more, major factions that stood less chance of finding common ways to recreate a nation than did, say, Northern Ireland and Ireland. So not only would Iraq crumble, but it would probably fall into three pieces, at least.

Given that the West wanted to take control of the oil in Iraq, the West was unlikely to be a stabilizing force. Instead, its exercise of power over Iraq's only source of real tradeable wealth would, as it does almost everywhere in oil lands, lead to the empowerment of some factions as against others.

The surrounding powers, trapped in their own unending conflicts, were certain to pull the factions of Iraq apart instead of forcing them together, as a common enemy might have done.

Moreover, no foreign military occupation is likely to quell long-standing internal factionalism -- in any country -- absent the sort of ethnic cleansing or extreme brutality that Americans simply would not do and of course should not do. So using military force in Iraq was unlikely to produce a solution to factionalism.

The implicit plan to convert Iraq into a democracy was contravened from the outset by the experience of every other Arab state -- in not any of them does the United States presume to insist upon democracy and so its efforts to do so in Iraq would inevitably be undercut by that inconsistency. Meanwhile, the idea that real multicultural democracy can precede economic growth is belied by most other developing countries' experience, especially including Hong Kong, Singapore, China, and even Japan and Korea.

It was certainly going to be necessary to re-install Baathists in the post-Saddam government, given the lack of practical alternatives, yet that solution as applied in, say, Germany or Japan, was not possible in Iraq because Sunnis are a minority of the population. So there was no obvious replacement for the existing ruling group.

The total lack of connection between Iraq and the attacks on the WTC and Pentagon meant that the invasion of Iraq would be perceived globally as unwarranted, in distinct contrast to the first Gulf War. Consequently, there was little chance that a multinational force could be assembled, or if created, would last long. Moreover, in the absence of such an international commitment, the United States would bear the costs alone and also would suffer other international ramifications, including an inability to constrain Israel, Russia, or Iran from aggressive actions.

None of these arguments against the invasion depended at all on foreknowledge about the absence of WMD or upon some crazy judgment that Saddam was anything less than monumentally evil. Assuming the worst about WMD and Saddam, nevertheless the invasion was ill-advised.

As to why great America made such a blunder, I reject the unpatriotic view that no one had good motives. But motives don't substitute for learning from history and learning about reality. I suppose in that slight respect I agree with Ignatieff's point that his wishes triumphed over facts: but what I've asserted above consists not so much of facts but of practical deductions from history. Those he could have made for himself, for his sake and, even more important, for the sake of America and of course his students at Harvard.


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Iraq: (oil + dictator + WMD/Fear)

War: (War powers + money + need for intelligence)

If they were not considering history here, then were they considering POWER, the getting of it, the keeping of it? Through oil and money? As an excuse for more surveillance? Funded by money siphoned from the war? War Powers to enable it all?

You lay out a great case for why they never should have invaded. I agree.

But then the question remains, exactly as you pose it: "why great America made such a blunder?"

Thus my speculations and questions above.

Could such a terrible, horrible scenario have been operative?

[self-censored for snarkiness regarding the profs who teach "lessons" of history and the undergrads who love them...]

I find a lot to like in Greg Palast's view that there was a tussle between the neocon and more sober state dept/oil types. While the neocon dream was insane, the "realist" approach was at least fairly plausible, if not exactly moral. But the balance see-sawed toward the crazies when the time came, and the realist Jake Garner was ousted quickly, too.

The administration coudn't agree on a unfied rationale so they used all of them. Thus various writers could find something to be down with.

Mainly, I think, the elite was feeling that Afghanistan was just reaction, and they wanted action. 9/11 embarrassed them as much as angered them. The one rationale that had the widest popularity was "they only respect strength", which I heard from conservative and nominally liberal friends both.

SeeDee

Thanks, Mr. Hundt, for the incisive views on the blunders committed by the U.S. in Iraq, and the Middle-East in general, by the Bush/Neocon cabal.

Tour article should enable those who are reluctant to admit to 'Civil war' in Iraq to see that 'Iraq', absent a strong, brutal dictator, is not a 'nation' at all.

There's nothing unpatriotic about not believing that there were any good motives for this war and you should probably apologize for implying otherwise.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

I keep wondering just who it was who thought Bush had any ability to judge the plan to invade Iraq. It was obvious from before the 2000 election that he lacked any qualification at all for being in that position. But, the "wise men", the pundits all failed to tell the voters about that. What is the point of having pundits when they fail to point out such obvious truths?

Then, when it became obvious that Bush's administration was going to invade Iraq no matter what happened, those same pundits once again failed us. Virtually none of them were willing to articulate the obvious reasons for not invading. But, those reasons were very well known at that time. In fact there was a very good cartoon style video that went the rounds at that time that predicted almost exactly what has happened since the invasion. Apparently the pundits never saw that video.

Now all of those same pundits continue to give us advice, and many people assume the advice is good advice. I think our country is afflicted with the "stupid" virus - an epidemic or even a pandemic. Where is the NIH when we so desperately need them?

Hoppy in Sacramento

Ignatieff . . doesn't even begin to know all the reasons why he was so completely nutso about Iraq. It makes me wonder if anyone who was wrong about Iraq has yet gotten right about why they were wrong. Reed Hundt

But listing all the facts which made invading Iraq a bad idea has little if anything to do with the question of why Ignatieff made the error in judgment that he did -- that is, the question of what "reasons" led to his mistaken judgment.

He says it resulted from a combination of wishful (hopeful?) thinking and of admiration for and loyalty to Iraqi emigres whose lives were being rendered meaningless. The issue is whether 1) those are the true reasons and 2) whether, if they are, the rest of us should care.

As to the first we cannot know and in the event there's no reason to think that Ignatieff is telling the truth. And as to Ignatieff's character flaws, who cares.

There's nothing unpatriotic about not believing that there were any good motives for this war and you should probably apologize for implying otherwise

They shoulld tell that to the dead, dying and crippled, Iraq was no threat to America and had zero to do with 911. Saddam was largely our creation and certainly our tool for many years and in a long bloody war with Iran. His tank heavy army frightened but certainly did not threaten Israle who has long since had the nuclear power to obliterate any Middle east enemy or combination of them. We only get nine or ten percent of our oil from all of the Middle East so Iraq’s oil was not critical to anyone here except for the oil companies and their need for monopoly (notice what happened to the price of oil once we controlled Iraq's oil?)

So greed on the part of the oil companies and unreasonable fear on the part of the powerful Israeli lobby is why we went to war and patriotism had zip to do with this craziness and greed. These mad zealots and modern Midas meddlers have murdered nearly four thousand American soldiers maiming eight times that many and killed no telling how many Iraqis. Enough!

IMO, only an uninformed fool thought it was patriotic to invade Iraq in a first strike fashion. This madness has done this nation untold harm and the liars who fashioned the war in Iraq are traitors not patriots.

Good points, TW. It should be noted that their respect of strength was "monorail" and did not extend to the peace/negotiating table, public relations or strength in planning. The rationale only related to immediate physical military strength. These are the same ol' same ol' rationales from our cave man ancestors; nothing elevated.

. It makes me wonder if anyone who was wrong about Iraq has yet gotten right about why they were wrong. Does it matter?

Yes it matters. It matters because it tells us that judgment trumps experience. It tells us that all the conventional wisdom was wrong and that 'experience' without judgment is even more dangerous than being inexperienced. When folks are inexperienced we ask more questions and do not 'presume' they understand the issue or consequence better we do not acquiese to their intellect.  When folks are experience we consider them experts and do not press them on the inconsistencies in their logic and reasoning. We 'trust' that they know more than we do. The past 8 years have shown us that we need to pay attention to how discerning people are and how they reason with the facts available. If we have doubts we should not trust them based on 'experience'.

Right now folks who were wrong repeatedly about our FP and Iraq are still being touted as experts. That should matter.  It should matter enough that we not believe it and that we vote for change.

What bothered me about the "strength" argument was it left out the fact that revenge was equal if not more important to desert cultures.

Reed's summary of a meandering article is laudable. Ignatieff doesn't seem to have a clue, other than that something went wrong. But I appalud Ignatieff for at least going there. Now if only he could grapple more with what "wishful thinking" was wishing for and made him believe. Clearly he wasn't wishing for an Al Qaeda connection or WMD.  So he could only have been wishing for a Neocon-like plane to reshape the world by force. It seems to me that he has to go the next step past to accept that he had such a hope, that it was unrelated to the idiotic justifications of his own side for war, and that it was not a wise hope regadless of the facts. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

Another aspect of Ignatieff's delusions is a simple failure to recognize that there are limits to American power. He's not the only one. War supporters and critics alike frequently fall into what are essentially meaningless debates about what mistakes were made during the Occupation and how things might have -- or might still -- turn out better.

For all of the reasons Reed Hundt has articulated, it should have been obvious -- repeat obvious -- to any thinking person that the invasion of Iraq would lead to disaster It was a war built on delusions, and now we're screwed no matter what we do. Anything else is just more wishful thinking.

Ignatieff cites Machiavelli that a prince (i.e., a dictator, since he wrote "The Prince" as a handbook for dictators) ought not to be afraid of doing wrong, and Ignatieff gives the example of t Churchill and Roosevelt as not having been afraid of doing wrong (I'm not sure to what extent this is even true, by the way. Tellingly, we are not supplied with details).

1) The fact is, however, that Churchill and Roosevelt (who were not Princes, or dictators, but leaders of republics) (and DeGaulle, whom Ignatieff also mentions) are not remembered for doing wrong i.e., for making mistakes -- but for what they consistently and predictably did right 90 percent of the time, and for consulting with and deferring to the knowledge of experts when they were wrong (conspicuously and often, in Churchill's case). In contrast, Ignatieff and Bush will be remembered for what they consistently did wrong 90 percent of the time and for flying in the face of and ignoring expert opinion.

2) Significantly, Ignatieff does not cite Machiavelli on the disastrous unwisdom of trusting exiles that comprises Chapter 31 of his "Discourses on the First Ten Books of Livy" (or handbook for Republics), a book that is less sensational but more representative of Machiavelli's beliefs and conduct of life and certainly more germane to the political system we ostensibly have now.

It is troubling that Ignatieff was a teacher of history and political "science" (which he correctly characterizes as worthless, as a discipline of knowledge) to our future leaders at Harvard's school of government. No doubt this partially explains the abysmal leadership we now have.

Ignatieff's article shows him to still be a full-blown neo-con and egomaniac, a' la Conrad Black, and he will thus be remembered.

Saith Mr. Ignatieff:

In academic life, false ideas are merely false and useless ones can be fun to play with. In political life, false ideas can ruin the lives of millions and useless ones can waste precious resources. An intellectual’s responsibility for his ideas is to follow their consequences wherever they may lead. A politician’s responsibility is to master those consequences and prevent them from doing harm.

I'm rather glad he decided to enter political life.  The Academy is a better place without this kind of thinking and what it is and what role thinking plays in it.  False ideas are merely to be discarded, and useful ones are more fun to play with.  An intellectual's responsibility for his ides is to abandon them when they're proved false, to admit they were false in the first instance, and to save his colleagues from pursuing them in a way which wastes their time...in other words, to have enough humility about his/her ideas to toss them on the dustheap when reason dictates that's appropriate.

aMike

Flashback 2002, the Guardian, UK:

"Officials in the CIA, FBI and energy department are being put under intense pressure to produce reports which back the administration's line, the Guardian has learned. In response, some are complying, some are resisting and some are choosing to remain silent.

"Basically, cooked information is working its way into high-level pronouncements and there's a lot of unhappiness about it in intelligence, especially among analysts at the CIA," said Vincent Cannistraro, the CIA's former head of counter-intelligence. .............
Mr Cannistraro said the flow of intelligence to the top levels of the administration had been deliberately skewed by hawks at the Pentagon.

"CIA assessments are being put aside by the Defense department in favor of intelligence they are getting from various Iraqi exiles," he said. "Machiavelli warned princes against listening to exiles. Well, that is what is happening now."

by Julian Borger in Washington
Guardian Newspapers Limited 2002

I have yet to be convinced that Saddam was a threat to the United States. As evil as Saddam was, he was our ally until the Bush family came to power in the White House.

After Daddy Bush became President and launched his "new world order", Saddam became our enemy. Through April Glasby, Bush gave Saddam a wink and a nod to invade Kuwait, and so he did. Bush kicked Saddam out of Kuwait, got his bases in the Middle East in Saudi Arabia, Osama's Holy Land, and 9/11 happened.

Neither Hugo Chavez nor Saddam hate/d the Americans or United States, they simply hate/d the Bush Family Evil Empire.

I think destor meant if you didn't buy the BS and lies Bush gave to invade Iraq, you should not be called 'unpatriotic', or in a nutshell, a patriot could think Bush was full of shit.

Thanks, that's what I meant. Reed's phrasing was weird and mine weirder, as a result.

There's nothing unpatriotic about ascribing bad motives to the people who started the war in Iraq.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

They opposed the invasion because they believed the president was only after the oil or because they believed America is always and in every situation wrong.

Ignatieff

No, they opposed the war because wars kill and terrorize people. Unjustified wars and conflicts based on lies, fear mongering, and greed are without a doubt crimes against humanity.

"War is not always inevitable. It is always a defeat for humanity,"

Pope John Paul II Jan 13, 2003

"As I told the President on January 10th, I think [the troops] will be greeted with sweets and flowers in the first months and simply have very, very little doubts that that is the case." Kanan Makiya, Sylvia K. Hassenfeld Professor of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies at Brandeis University

One of Ignatieff's exile friends?

Query: As between Kanan Makiya and Edward Said, proponents of the two dominant, antithetical positions in the academy, where was (who spoke for) the middle ground?

Yes, I too think he meant just that.

I was tying to say tell it to those ascribing patriotic motives the Iraqi disaster not destor.

I guess I wasn't clear enough that I was amplifying his remark.

aMike,

Ignatieff is saying:

First intellectuals determine policies and follow them (yes, he does mean abandon them*) intellectually while politicians somehow manage these policies to make them beneficial.

Here Ignatieff is describing a government by a think-tank-and-politician coalition entirely apart from any democratic forces, which probably is a valid description of the current state of affairs, no?

-------
*He means by "follow their consequences" that they will someday need to write obligatory mea culpas when disaster results as with him, William F Buckley, Jr., Francis Fukuyama and the other neocons who have 'jumped ship', and then their sins will be forgiven, he hopes, and they can move on to the next non-democratic disaster.
---------
Perhaps Ignatieff will run for PM in Canada? Watch out.

Wishful thinking can still be checked, in a thoughtful thinker, by "defensive pessimism": certain events should stick in one's mind like red flags or warning bells. For instance, the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center (how hard was it to imagine they would want to try again?), or the well-publicized fact that Iraqi soldiers dropped their guns and ran when confronted during the first Gulf War (these are the guys we're counting on now?). Or the fact that Ahmed Chalabi stood to gain from the invasion. Of course, the energy that goes into careful thinking usually gets displaced by the drive to enhance one's comfort zone - barely even a choice for those whose choices counted.

What is truly frightening is just how close Iggy came to becoming leader of the Liberal Party of Canada. He may yet if Dion doesn't kick Harper's ass in the next election.

Why he would even want to be a Liberal MP is still a mystery. My theory is that he thought someone said 'Libertarian' and signed up.

First of all, Ignatief's rambling, non-specific maybe-culpa was a very sorry excuse for an epiphany. This guy was a professor of political science? I guess today political science is essentially the science of saying nothing in as many words as possible. That part about intellectual life vs political life reminded me of Rumsfeld-speak: known-knowns and unknown-knowns and such. Drivel.

As an influential and supposedly intellectual person, Ignatieff participated in bringing to pass this nightmare of the Iraq War, with all its glaring immoralities and disastrous outcomes, and he bares responsibility for it. Yet he could barely bring himself to say he was sorry, much less articulate clearly how he came to make the mistakes. Perhaps in a moment of bad conscience (and why try to explain your mistakes if you don't feel bad about them?), he felt the need to talk about it, but when pen met paper he lost his courage and started kerfluffeling with intellectual mumbo jumbo having almost nothing to do with his ultimate realization that he'd been wrong and the result is horrific.

I think Ignatieff should rewrite his essay using a few expository writing rules, a little Strunk&White action, and see if he can make it clear and simple.

Maybe he could explain how he forgot how horrific war is, how unpredictable, how expensive, what a lousy instrument of policy, how completely antithetical war is to the principles of humane, democratic ideals, how stupid and cruel and unjust it is, how good intentions in war are inevitably vaporized by bombs and bullets no matter who sets them off.

Reed ticks off a long list of historical reasons why the war was ill-fated. I'd like to hear Mr. Ignatieff explain by what process he ignored all that, what blinded him in spite of his intellectual prowess and knowledge of history.

Ignatieff's article was bunk, like Tenet's autobiography, self-serving and utterly without remorse, gauze meant to cover the wound, not expose it. True remorse requires a full divestiture of one's errors, down to the bone. Sorry Mr. I., but "listening too much to Iraqi exiles" barely scratches the surface.

TB

. . . he forgot how horrific war is . . . .

Perhaps, but in this particular case the war went swimmingly and was over in six weeks -- as everyone, pro- and anti-, had predicted. And it wasn't particularly "horrific" even for the Iraqis.

So ---

Ignatieff must have forgotten something else. What did he forget?

Bronto: " 'They opposed the invasion because they believed the president was only after the oil or because they believed America is always and in every situation wrong.' No, they opposed the war because wars kill and terrorize people."

There's a lot to be said wrong about his article, and we've all said it, but I'm afraid you managed to find one bit of criticism that's misplaced. You're quoting selectively. The paragraph says that while, sure, some people had knee-jerk reactions (and I've hear the oil explanation assuredly from the blogosphere, too), it was unfair to associate critics with those because lots of the prewar criticism was good (in fact, better than just "wars kill"), and he just didn't listen to it.

It's a natural mistake. I read hastily, and the sentence got my dander up, too. But I took a deep breath and got over it.  

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

Are the major media good at reporting on anything? They are so bad at reporting on, for example, the stock market, that there is a contrarian theory of investing based on doing the opposite of what the major media are suggesting. The Time Magazine Cover theory of investing is that whenever a stock market event makes the cover of Time Magazine the trend being reported has gone as far as it is likely to go. The major media are good at one thing, and that is sensing when hype has reached its maximum possible extent. Unfortunately, they report the hype as truth. Their business is making sales.

As to why great America made such a blunder, I reject the unpatriotic view that no one had good motives.
I reject the unpatriotic view that it is unpatriotic to be skeptical of the motives of any governmental entity. This goes doubled, vulnerable, in spades for the current Kleptocracy in the White House who were, if memory serves, the authors of the Mesopotamian cataclysm.

My thoughts on his piece?
It doesn't take much to be a harvard professor these days. What a truly disorganized piece of nonsense

Jack

If the war ended in May 2003 after six weeks, who won?

 Perhaps Ignatieff will run for PM in Canada? Watch out.

I trust my Canadian friends to decide that's a useless idea, and find a more useful one to play with.  <grin></grin>  Though, in all intellectual humility I could be wrong.  <re-grin></re-grin>

aMike

There is no mistake. Ignatieff doesn't know why people opposed this 'war', he speculates and pontificates. He never once mentions war opponents objections to the inevitable products of war: death, killing and terrorizing people.

In fact, he never mentions the words 'kill' or 'death' in his entire piece.

Ignatieff further blathers on:

One thing is clear: The costs of staying will be borne by Americans, while the cost of leaving will be mostly borne by Iraqis.

It would appear the average Iraqi is paying the higher price whether the US stays or goes.

Bronto, you've got a real point there:  "Ignatieff further blathers on: 'One thing is clear: The costs of staying will be borne by Americans, while the cost of leaving will be mostly borne by Iraqis.' "

That got me, too.  The cost of staying has been borne very much by Iraqis to date, and the cost of leaving will be shared in part by America, too. It's just a cost we must face up to. We incurred it, and there's only cost and no benefit from staying. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

Afraid my dander's still up on that one.

"But many of those who correctly anticipated catastrophe did so not by exercising judgment but by indulging in ideology. They opposed the invasion because they believed the president was only after the oil or because they believed America is always and in every situation wrong."

Sure. And all twelve of 'em came out to protest our invasion of Afghanistan. The rest of us supported it, and in fact thought not blowing it in Afghanistan was one of the key reasons for rejecting a gratuitous, distracting and destabilizing war in Iraq. That's why millions came out against the latter, and very few against the former.

He does go on to describe quite accurately "The people who truly showed good judgment on Iraq predicted the consequences that actually ensued but also rightly evaluated the motives that led to the action..." and so on. But I note that whereas I'm still hearing lots from the war supporters, including ambiguous mea culpas like this one, I'm still not hearing so much from people who got it right and had to endure the opprobrium of the war supporters, including having their motives and reasoning impugned in exactly the terms Ignatieff uses in that first paragraph.

And one reason they're still not getting their due is because what's in that first paragraph about the people who were right but for the wrong reasons still dominates the received wisdom about them--and the overwhelming majority of us who stood out in the cold to witness to our objections. The Dirty F--ing Hippies, as Atrios names them.

I'd feel a lot more like Ignatieff got the point if he replaced the gratuitous smear against a small minority of anti-war voices with a great big abject apology to some named--and currently still marginalized--examples of people who "predicted the consequences" and/or "rightly evaluated the motives that led to the action." Scott Ritter, for instance.

Because it seems like an awful lot of the people who got it wrong are still enjoying the fruits of their erroneous but politically acceptable utterances and people on the other side... not so much. And a lot of us who came out in our millions to protest this thing are sick of having our judgment about things that seemed (and seem) perfectly OBVIOUS impugned by people like Ignatieff who couldn't see what was right in front of their faces.

I think Ignatieff's mea culpa is useful in one way: it encapsulates the standard form I've been seeing. We can add "The Great and Noble Mistake" as an entry next to "The Incompetence Dodge" in the lexicon of Still Getting It Wrong About Iraq.

Sorry Mr Ignatieff, sometimes a horrible stupid mistake is just a horrible stupid mistake. A three page navel-gazer doesn't really change that. Let's see more of those column inches given over to people who got it right.

Jeebus--best takedown ever. Thanks.

Why, the good old U.S. of A., of course.

Indeed, all war aims had been achieved by May 1st. All WMD possessed by Iraq before March 20 had been destroyed* and Saddam and his henchmen had either been captured or put on the run.

* Although it must be granted it took Kay and Duelfer an ungodly amount of time and money to confirm this unparalled success.

I agree. Regarding Iraq, there's a long history of "experts" who exaggerated Saddam Hussein's power throughout the 90's, thus guaranteeing themselves jobs keeping an eye on that power. Politicians jumped on the bandwagon--crowing about Saddam Hussein was a great way to show how tough they were (or would be if elected President) on the bad guys. When Bush/Cheney called the bluff in the runup to the war, all those folks were, well, screwed, because they had all talked about what a threat Hussein was.

I don't think the pundits have come to terms with the particular way they were "wrong" about Iraq--they're still trying out the "what a great idea a democracy would have been" line.

We should not have to keep listening to the people who participated in this shell game, much less re-elect them.

The ease with which many in Government and many in private life champion going to war is a national disgrace. They all have one thing in common; it won't be them going off to fight.

Ignatieff and many others now realize their "mistake". I say; 'Tell that to those who died or were maimed for life.'

This wasn't a 'mistake' of being pro/con a tax cut, a social program, a trade deal; things that can be rectified, this was a mistake concerning a life or death issue.

I'd like to take Ignatieff's column and shove it down his throat, right after I kick Bill Kristol in the ass for his pushing a "robust foreign policy" on Meet the Press.

Dr BB deserves two 5's. (Alas, I can only give him (or her) one.)

Kevin Russell Cook

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