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Mixed Motives: A Conflation of Concerns on Iraq

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Seth Gitell asks: What to do if and when Iran develops a nuclear weapon? Why, I imagine the United States will do what it has done with North Korea: finally sit down and negotiate. Or perhaps, as with India -- which illicitly created a bristling nuclear arsenal that destabilized a volatile region of the world -- we'll just shrug our shoulders and strike juicy deals that "legitimize" their illegal nuke program. Or maybe we'll follow the Bush example with Pakistan -- which not only built its own illicit nuclear arsenal but peddled the technology to "rogue states" around the world -- and give the Iranians billions of dollars in arms and aid. Or we could even adopt the approach used with Israel -- yet another nation with an illicit nuclear arsenal outside all international supervision -- and award Iran with unlimited military and economic largess and unstinting support for its treatment of certain religious and ethnic minorities within its borders.

As you can see, our president has given us a wide range of policy options to choose from when dealing with nations who develop illicit WMD arsenals. (He has also given us -- and the Iranians -- an instructive example of what happens to nations which, like Iraq, do not have WMD programs: they get it in the neck.)

Seth seems to conflate several elements in painting his portrait of a rising threat. First, the fact that the IAEA and other experts estimate that it will take years for Iran to develop the capacity to build nuclear weapons is here shaded away by the alarming use of "days" to characterize the program: "a reality coming closer every day." That supercharged usage certainly sounds more like an "imminent threat" than the more prosaic -- and protracted -- reality.

Second, the fact that someday Iran might, potentially, be capable of producing an atomic weapon is transformed into a certainty that this capability will be utilized. Third, there is the contention that "unanimity" exists among all on Iranian factions on the need for Iran to continue to develop its nuclear weapons program." Again, we have the conflation of a nuclear energy program with a nuclear weapons program. In fact, all the factions in Iran have stated their unequivocal public opposition to the development of nuclear weapons; the nation's "Supreme Leader," Ayatollah Khamanei, has stated that such a thing is against the will of God. Naturally, we should take the statements of all political figures with large doses of salt. (Here again, our president is admirably instructive.) And of course we can speculate as to the actual thoughts and intentions of political leaders until the cows come home. But the assertion that all Iranian factions are united in their desire to build nuclear weapons is just that at this point: speculation.

There are other highly controversial contentions offered here as assertions of fact. We read that Iran is now "aiding the Taliban." There is no hard evidence of this, beyond the claims of some U.S. military officials -- claims that have been disputed or scaled back by other American officials, and which have been categorically denied by the Afghan government. (Kabul of course is far more worried about the one country where powerful factions are indisputably aiding the Taliban: our staunch ally, Pakistan.) Seth also takes as gospel the Pentagon's charges that Iran is directly involved in attacks on Americans in Iraq; charges which have also been refuted or downplayed in the past by other American officials at various times, including Defense Secretary Bob Gates. Of course, it remains to be seen how the Administration will play the latest charges.

I'm also struck by another conflation in the post: the blurring of Iran's strategic goals with America's. Seth writes, forebodingly, of Tehran's ambitions: "Iran must continue to develop its nuclear weapons program, Iran must exert dominance throughout the region, ultimately, Israel must be destroyed." Sinister stuff indeed. Yet with the obvious change of a single word, this could be a succinct description of the Bush Administration's policies.

Certainly, the Administration is committed continuing to develop and refine the U.S. nuclear weapons program. The Administration is indisputably seeking to exert dominance throughout the region. (A goal that the Administration's power players have been openly advocating for many years, even before they took office.) And it is the avowed policy of the Bush Administration -- specifically enshrined in the official National Security Strategy of the United States, no less -- that Iran must be destroyed.

Or rather, that the current regime in power in Iran must ultimately be removed, or else transformed into something entirely different. This is of course the same meaning that the Iranians give to their calls for the "Zionist entity" to be "destroyed." As Juan Cole and many others have pointed out, this is not a call to commit genocide on everyone living in Israel, just as, presumably, Washington's wished-for destruction of the Iranian regime is not genocidal in nature. (Although if this "regime change" is accomplished through the use of nuclear weapons, it might be well nigh genocidal in practice.)

But let us come back to the original question: what happens if Iran does become a nuclear power? Well, first of all, this possibility is still several years down the road -- when the ever-more shaky presidency of radical Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is long over, and yet another generation of Iranians, far removed from the days of the Revolution, more and more dissatisfied with the stultifying rule of the mullahs, has come of age. So again, it is rather baseless to assume that the political situation that will obtain if and when the Iranians ever develop nuclear weapons will be the same as it is now. It almost certainly will not be.

Second, why is an Iranian bomb an existential threat to Israel -- but not vice versa? The Iranian government might be nasty, grasping and brutish -- in the common run of our imperfect species -- but, as Glenn and others have noted, they have never shown any propensity for committing national suicide. A nuclear attack on Israel from Iran would be met with instant annihilation. It is, as some of the commenters on Seth's piece have noted, mutually assured destruction all over again. And is Seth seriously suggesting that Iran will nuke Saudi Arabia? To what end? Such a move would not only destroy the only possible object of attacking Saudi Arabia -- its oil -- but also blanket the entire region, Iran included, with radioactive fallout.

And why is the eventual Iranian possession of nuclear weapons more dangerous than the existing arsenal of another Islamic state with a long record of supporting extremists -- Pakistan? Indeed, many believe that Osama bin Laden himself is hiding safely in Pakistan? Isn't it far more likely that the Jack Bauer fantasy so beloved on the Right -- "Rogue state passes suitcase nuke to frenzied terrorists" -- would occur in Pakistan than in Iran? Where then is the drumbeat to deal with this "imminent threat" to Western civilization?

The fact is, the Bush Administration is not really concerned with a nuclear threat from Iran. And this is not just a speculation; Bush demonstrated this by rejecting out of hand Iran's wide-ranging offer in 2003 for "full cooperation on nuclear safeguards," helping establish security in Iraq, ending armed support for Palestinian militias, taking "decisive action" against terrorists and recognizing Israel and "accepting a two-state solution in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." This offer put on the table practically everything that the Bush Administration has thunderously demanded from Tehran since taking office. But when a deal was offered, Bush didn't take it. He wouldn't even discuss it. In fact, he reprimanded the diplomat who brought it to him.

(The White House further showed its contempt for stopping the spread of nuclear weapons by destroying one of the nation's prime counterproliferation efforts when it outed Valerie Plame – the kind of thing that the president's own father once sternly denounced as treason.)

So in the end, all these earnest questions and concerns are really for naught. The Bush Administration has only one policy for Iran: regime change, on Bush's terms. It's his way or the highway -- to hell.


25 Comments

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Chris, excellent analysis, really good, except where you dump everything on Bush. The US has coveted control of Iran, and taken actions to implement it, for over fifty years. It's nothing new. The Middle East, according to US doctrine, is to be controlled by the US and any nation like Iran that disputes that simple fact must pay the price. It's the Monroe Doctrine transferred to places where other people live over our oil.

There was the overthrow of Mossadegh in 1953, an event that the CIA participated in, the Carter Doctrine, the aid to Iraq in the Iraq-Iran war, etc etc. Currently the Bush administration has initiated war against Iran with sanctions, warships off its coast, a highly-funded Farsi propaganda program, and according to Sy Hersh and others the US has agents inside Iran causing mayhem. There is all kinds of 'evidence' that the wicked Iranians actually have an interest in their own area, and are even acting on that interest. How foul! The Dems are even more hawkish on Iran than Bush is--Lieberman is now telling us that Iran has declared war on the US. So it's not just Bush's way it's unfortunately Washington's way.

Hold on tight--the bugles are blowing and the flags are waving. Anything could set it off. It'll be an excellent case study for future generations, if there are any.

What would we do if Iran had nukes?

We'd not invade Iran.

Which might be one reason they want nukes so badly.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

But, "we don't want the smoking gun to be a mushroom cloud" as Rice put it.

Great rebuttal, Chris. I would only add that if we are going to act militarily on every possible, prospective, potential potentiality, we had better institute a military draft now.

"What would we do if Iran had nukes?" Well, we responded to closing in on the Taliban and bin Laden by invading Iraq.  Maybe we'll respond to nukes in Iran by invading North Korea, or maybe France.  Hey, you go to war with the blockheads you have, or however he put it. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

Why is Iran having a nuclear bomb an existential threat to Israel but not visa versa is a question the raises doubts about the seriousness of your entire piece. When has Israel actually threatened any country with nuclear or any other annihilation? The Iranian President has denied the Holocaust and has called for the wiping out of the Zionist entity. Iran has also supplied arms to Hezbollah and Hamas. Is Israel supplying weapons to anyone that wishes to exterminate Iran? That is why not "visa versa."

Daniel A. Greenbaum

J. McCutchen

Seth Gitell asks: What to do if and when Iran develops a nuclear weapon?


You are right - nothing - absolutely nothing

Basra is now under control of Shiite militias. The Brits are hunkered down in their fortified bases. The Iranians are sitting astride US lines of communication and retreat.

Better figure out how to surrender to Muqtada. That's the only chance to make this other than the most idle of questions

Iran has called for elimination of the government of Israel. Israel has called on the U.S. to attack Iran many times. It's all he said, she said. Israel has attacked almost all of its neighbors at one time or another. Just last summer, it waged war on Lebanon, including bombing civilians. When was the last time Iran invaded another country?

P.S. At the risk of overstatement: Iran does not have and will not have in the foreseeable future nuclear weapons. Israel does.

P.S.S. Also, it is the theme of Greenwald's book, that the good vs. evil world view is what has created our foreign policy disasters in the first place. The demonizing of Iran (they want to annihilate Israel) is a perfect example. Khrushchev could bang his shoe and scream and place nukes in our backyard, but we defused the situation diplomatically, thank God.

Lieberman is not a Dem.
Please elaborate on this statement:

The Dems are even more hawkish on Iran than Bush is--

Is there a Likudnik block of neocons in the Dem party I'm not aware of?

Great job Chris. I very much enjoyed reading it.

Finally, a decent post on Iran here at TPM Starbucks.

gonzone, the ranking Dem has faulted Bush for 'downplaying the "threat"' and wants 'all options on the table,' and the Dem House has called for 'stronger measures'. Sounds like 'more hawkish' to me. You?

"I believe that we lost critical time in dealing with Iran because the White House chose to downplay the threats and to outsource the negotiations. I don't believe you face threats like Iran or North Korea by outsourcing it to others and standing on the sidelines. But let's be clear about the threat we face now: A nuclear Iran is a danger to Israel, to its neighbors and beyond. The regime's pro-terrorist, anti-American and anti-Israel rhetoric only underscores the urgency of the threat it poses. U.S. policy must be clear and unequivocal. We cannot and should not – must not – permit Iran to build or acquire nuclear weapons. In order to prevent that from occurring, we must have more support vigorously and publicly expressed by China and Russia, and we must move as quickly as feasible for sanctions in the United Nations. And we cannot take any option off the table in sending a clear message to the current leadership of Iran – that they will not be permitted to acquire nuclear weapons."

--Senator Clinton, Jan. 18, 2006
http://www.dailyprincetonian.com/archives/2006/01/18/news/14289.shtml
-----------------------------
110th CONGRESS (Democrat-controlled House)
1st Session
H. CON. RES. 21

Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That Congress--
(1) condemns, in the strongest terms, Iranian leader Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's offensive remarks, contemptible statements, and reprehensible policies aimed at the destruction of the State of Israel; (2) calls on the United Nations Security Council to take up charges against Iranian leader Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for violating the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and Article 2, Section 4, of the United Nations Charter; (3) further calls on the United Nations Security Council and all Member States of the United Nations to consider stronger measures to prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons, which would be both a dangerous violation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and a potential means to the end of carrying out Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's threats against Israel; and (4) reaffirms the unwavering strategic partnership and close friendship between the United States and Israel and reasserts the steadfast commitment of the United States to defend the right of Israel to exist as a free and democratic state.

Passed the House of Representatives June 20, 2007.

jexster, you're correct--the potential control by Iran of the US military's main supply (and evacuation) route is their ace in the hole.

While I don't question the validity of the claim that Bush rejected the overtures of Iran in 2003, I was wondering if someone could cite a source for that, because that is a pretty astounding accusation, so if I repeat it, I want to know from where it came.

p.s.- this is a great post.

The fact is, the Bush Administration is not really concerned with a nuclear threat from Iran

Not only did Bush reject Iran's 2003 offer of negotiations (and chastised the Swiss Ambassador for forwarding it, and Condi Rice & fellow Bush officials lied by pretending that they didn't see nor realize the importance of Iran's offer) but the US has consistently rejected all of Iran's several other offers of compromise over the nuclear issue that 1- were in line with suggestions by the IAEA officials and 2- would have addressed any genuine concern about nuclear proliferation. In fact, everytime Iran has shown any flexibility over the nuclear issue, the US has simply upped their demands or imposed preconditions on negotiations that they knew the Iranians would not accept.

The Inescapable Conclusion: The conflict with Iran has NOTHING to do with nuclear weapons. Nukes are just a convenient excuse and justification for a war. AND every time that we talk about the nuclear issue with Iran, we're missing the point and falling into the framing trap by the Bush administration.

We in Iran don't need this quarrel
Javad Zarif The New York Times
THURSDAY, APRIL 6, 2006

NEW YORK The controversy over Iran's peaceful nuclear program has obscured one point in particular: There need not be a crisis. A solution to the situation is possible and eminently within reach.

Lost amid the rhetoric is this: Iran has a strong interest in enhancing the integrity and authority of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. It has been in the forefront of efforts to ensure the treaty's universality. Iran's reliance on the nonproliferation regime is based on legal commitments, sober strategic calculations and spiritual and ideological doctrine.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the leader of the Islamic Republic, has issued a decree against the development, production, stockpiling and use of nuclear weapons.

Let me be very clear. Iran defines its national security in the framework of regional and international cooperation and considers regional stability indispensable for its development. We are party to all international agreements on the control of weapons of mass destruction. We want regional stability. We have never initiated the use of force or resorted to the threat of force against a fellow member of the United Nations.

Although chemical weapons have been used on us, we have never used them in retaliation. We have not invaded another country in 250 years.

Since October 2003, Iran has accepted a robust inspection regimen by the United Nations. We have allowed more than 1,700 person-days of inspections and adopted measures to address past reporting failures. Most of the outstanding issues in connection with uranium conversion activities, laser enrichment, fuel fabrication and the heavy-water research reactor program have been resolved.

Iran has gone beyond its international obligations and allowed the International Atomic Energy Agency to repeatedly visit military sites - and to allow inspectors to take environmental samples. The agency has concluded time and again that there is no evidence of an Iranian nuclear weapons program. Last September, it concluded again that "all the declared nuclear material in Iran has been accounted for, and therefore such material is not diverted to prohibited activities."

Another point that has been obscured: Iran is ready for negotiations. Since October 2003, Iran has done its utmost to sustain and even resuscitate negotiations with Britain, France and Germany, the three European countries responsible for negotiating with us.

Since August 2004, Iran has made eight far-reaching proposals. What's more, Iran throughout this period adopted extensive and costly confidence- building measures, including a voluntary suspension of its rightful enrichment activities for two years, to ensure the success of negotiations.


Over the course of negotiations, Iran volunteered to do the following within a balanced package:

- Present the new atomic agency protocol on intrusive inspections to the Parliament for ratification, and to continue to put it in place pending ratification;

- Permit the continuous on-site presence of IAEA inspectors at conversion and enrichment facilities;

- Introduce legislation to permanently ban the development, stockpiling and use of nuclear weapons;

- Cooperate on export controls to prevent unauthorized access to nuclear material;

- Refrain from reprocessing or producing plutonium;

- Limit the enrichment of nuclear materials so that they are suitable for energy production but not for weaponry;

- Immediately convert all enriched uranium to fuel rods, thereby precluding the possibility of further enrichment;

- Limit the enrichment program to meet the contingency fuel requirements of Iran's power reactors and future light-water reactors;

- Begin putting in place the least contentious aspects of the enrichment program, like research and development, in order to assure the world of our intentions;

- Accept foreign partners, both public and private, in our uranium enrichment program.

- Iran has recently suggested the establishment of regional consortiums on fuel-cycle development that would be jointly owned and operated by countries possessing the technology and placed under atomic agency safeguards.


Other governments, most notably the Russian Federation, have offered thoughtful possibilities for a deal. Iran has declared its eagerness to find a negotiated solution - one that would protect its rights while ensuring that its nuclear program would remain exclusively peaceful.

Pressure and threats do not resolve problems. Finding solutions requires political will and a readiness to engage in serious negotiations. Iran is ready. We hope the rest of the world will join us.

Javad Zarif is the Iranian ambassador to the United Nations.

SOURCE: Int'l Herald Tribune

You can read about how the US Spurned Iran's Offer (link) at the Washington Post for example:

But top Bush administration officials, convinced the Iranian government was on the verge of collapse, belittled the initiative. Instead, they formally complained to the Swiss ambassador who had sent the fax with a cover letter certifying it as a genuine proposal supported by key power centers in Iran, former administration officials said.



Condi et all, when questioned about this tried to play dumb and claimed that they either didn't see the 2003 offer, or weren't able to tell if the offer was really approved by Iran or not. However, the fax cover letter from the Swiss Ambassador had stated explicitly that the offer was in fact approved at the highest levels by the Iranians (link) - so in other words Condi et al were lying as usual by trying to downplay the Iranian offer.

Nor was this the first time that the US refused to acknowledge Iran's various offers of compromise and negotiation, and instead imposed preconditions for negotiations that they knew the Iranians could not meet.

For example, Iran had offered to temporarily suspend enrichment for two years (link) - but the existence of that offer was not even reported in the US:

Yet, incredibly, no one in the European or US media even examined the nature and content of the six-point Iranian proposal, confining themselves to the official pronouncements of the EU-3 diplomats who are more keen on satisfying the US's march toward the Security Council than in breaking the nuclear stalemate on their own.

These diplomats, so adept at "leaking" their own highly-publicized proposal to Iran last summer, kept a tight lid on Iran's proposal and, what is more, there is no evidence that any respected member of the Western media made any attempt to get their hands on Iran's proposal.

That aside, the following is the nub of Iran's six-point proposal:

- Iran pledges that its nuclear program is for peaceful purposes, not nuclear bombs.

- Iran pledges that it will get the legislative approval in its majlis (parliament) of the

- Additional Protocol to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) and will continue with IAEA inspections.

- Iran pledges to stay within the NPT.
Iran pledges that it will not resume enrichment prior to the next IAEA meeting.

- Iran pledges that its nuclear research will be under monitoring by the IAEA.

- Iran will continue negotiating with the EU-3 regarding enrichment issues for two years, and after two years, if the negotiations fail, will resume enrichment activities.

Certainly, the last item was a novelty and the EU-3 diplomats have some explaining to do as to why they were not interested. The chronology of Iran-EU3 negotiations clearly shows the lie on the part of Sawers and his German and French colleagues, for this was the first time that Iran had offered to extend the freeze on enrichment activities for another two years to give negotiations more time, and it was quite duplicitous on their part to suggest otherwise.

Actually, the US has formally and openly threatened Iran with a nuclear weapons first-strike and US candidates for office casually refer to attacks on Iran as merely an "option on the table", which constitutes a violation of international law as well as a war crime (link). So who is an "existential threat" to whom?

abdul-hass, thank you so much for all this truth and reality.

As Thoreau wrote: "Let us settle ourselves, and work and wedge our feet downward through the mud and slush of opinion, and prejudice and tradition, and delusion, and appearance, that alluvion which covers the globe, through Paris and London, through New York and Boston and Concord, through church and state, through poetry and philosophy and religion, till we come to a hard bottom and rocks in place, which we can call reality, and say, This is, and no mistake; . . ."--Henry David Thoreau, Walden

I'm shamelessly posting the links you provided at warisaracket.org/Iran

Sincere thanks, Mr. Floyd!
i feel as though you've brought me through a few loopholes to a more sane and grounded understanding of the Iran intrigues,
these available loopholes were previously covered in the soapy-reflective bubble water of rhetoric.
and it was a windy day, so there were a lot of rhetorical bubbles swishing about.
cheers!

Also worth noting that Iran does, in fact, have legitimate reasons for wanting a domestic nuclear energy program, not the least of which that they'd rather sell fossil fuels instead of using them to generate electricity. That doesn't preclude them from wanting weapons as well, of course, but it's worth keeping in mind.

Iran has been predicted to be "just 2 years away" from building nukes for the past 20 years:

Other predictions regarding Iranian nukes:

Late 1991: In congressional reports and CIA assessments, the United States estimates that there is a ‘high degree of certainty that the government of Iran has acquired all or virtually all of the components required for the construction of two to three nuclear weapons.’ A February 1992 report by the U.S. House of Representatives suggests that these two or three nuclear weapons will be operational between February and April 1992.”

“February 24, 1993: CIA director James Woolsey says that Iran is still 8 to 10 years away from being able to produce its own nuclear weapon, but with assistance from abroad it could become a nuclear power earlier.”

“January 1995: The director of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, John Holum, testifies that Iran could have the bomb by 2003.”

“January 5, 1995: U.S. Defense Secretary William Perry says that Iran may be less than five years from building an atomic bomb, although ‘how soon…depends how they go about getting it.’”

“April 29, 1996: Israeli prime minister Shimon Peres says ‘he believes that in four years, they [Iran] may reach nuclear weapons.’”

“October 21, 1998: General Anthony Zinni, head of U.S. Central Command, says Iran could have the capacity to deliver nuclear weapons within five years. ‘If I were a betting man,’ he said, ‘I would say they are on track within five years, they would have the capability.’”

“January 17, 2000: A new CIA assessment on Iran’s nuclear capabilities says that the CIA cannot rule out the possibility that Iran may possess nuclear weapons. The assessment is based on the CIA’s admission that it cannot monitor Iran’s nuclear activities with any precision and hence cannot exclude the prospect that Iran may have nuclear weapons.”


SOURCE: Iran’s Weapons of Mass Destruction: The Real and Potential Threat. by Cordesman and al-Rodhan


And it doesn't end there!

The Iranians may have an atom bomb within two years, the authoritative Jane’s Defence Weekly warned. That was in 1984, two decades ago.

Four years later, the world was again put on notice, this time by Iraq, that Tehran was at the nuclear threshold, and in 1992 the CIA foresaw atomic arms in Iranian hands by 2000. Then U.S. officials pushed that back to 2003. And in 1997 the Israelis confidently predicted a new date - 2005.

SOURCE: Ever a "threat," never an atomic power, Iran points up challenges of nuclear technology
by Charles Hanley, The Associated Press
Published: Monday, February 27, 2006

... the ranking Dem has faulted Bush for 'downplaying the "threat"' and wants 'all options on the table,' and the Dem House has called for 'stronger measures'. Sounds like 'more hawkish' to me. You?

Me?  No, it sounds like rhetoric.  How could anyone be more hawkish than Cheney/Bush?  We all know that their biggest dream is to nuke Iran.  Remember, they were the ones who made up the stuff to get us into Iraq; not the Dems.  Do you think if Gore had actually taken the office he won, we would be at war right now?

Jan

Jan, the Dems, most of them, supported Bush in Iraq all the way and continue to fund war against the wishes of the majority of the populace, which is more than 'rhetoric'. On Iran it's the Dem rhetoric and actions that tell Bush that he has nothing to fear from the Dems so don't discount it. The Dems have been bowing and scraping to AIPAC just like the neocons, taking any prohibition against attacking Iran out of the spending bill and recently passing the 'do more' hawkish bill I posted above. Actions trump dreams. And any Dem that advocates a pull-out from Iraq would send those troops to Afghanistan, that sinkhole of invasion armies.

I'm not so good with 'what-ifs' but I do know that Gore was the resident hawk in the Clinton administration which was noteworthy for its aggression against Yugoslavia and Iraq, the latter of which (with the sanctions) killed hundreds of thousands.

As for the past, the Dems got the US into every major war in the past century except the Gulf War. Historically, until the neocons took it over, the Repubs have been isolationist.

Regarding the future the Dems are preparing to pick up the tattered neocon war banner and carry it forward. Check out the DLC/Clinton aligned Progressive Policy Institute (Will Marshall) and the Truman Project (Rachel Kleinfeld) for the new marching orders. It'll be the same hawkish imperialism, but they'll do it 'smarter', and they'll try to do it with universal national service or some other such cover story for a draft, based on their literature.

There's too much money in it, after all.

J. McCutchen

The other problem is, of course, the US ground forces.



The fact is, Pentagon policy has nothing to do with war, which has a great deal to do with why we are losing two wars


The Death of the RMA

By William S. Lind


In the 1989 Marine Corps Gazette article where I and four colleagues first laid out the Four Generations of Modern War, we foresaw two potential futures. One, the way the world has gone, was 4GW. The other, the direction the Pentagon has taken, became known as the Revolution in Military Affairs, or, more recently, Transformation. This vision of future war, a vision anchored in hi-tech, high-price "systems," is, I am happy to report, militarily dead.

But we're still paying through the nose for in the Bush defense budgets - the most bloated in our history - for a military force that, thank God, is bogged down in two third rate insurgencies and unable to do anything.


Heckuva job

The death of the high-tech bloated military has been mis-reported.

The FY 2008 proposed budget, which no doubt will be rubber-stamped by congress (keep in mind that there is no military threat to the US):

The Bush Administration is requesting $481.4 billion for the Department of Defense in Fiscal Year 2008, which begins on October 1, 2007. This is $49 billion more than the current level of $432.4 billion, an increase of 11.3 percent, and inflation-adjust ("real") increase of 8.6 percent. This figure does not include funding for the nuclear weapons activities of the Department of Energy, which is considered part of total Defense Department spending. Nor does this figure include the costs of ongoing military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Missile Defense - The Administration is requesting $8.9 billion for the Missile Defense Agency in FY'08, down roughly $0.5 billion from the current $9.4 billion. Missile defense continues to receive more funding than any other weapons program in the annual Pentagon budget. This total does not include $1.1 billion for the SBIRS-High satellite program.

Shipbuilding - The request includes funding for the continued development of the Aircraft Carrier Replacement Program and procurement of one vessel ($2.8 billion), the DDG-1000 [DD(x)] Destroyer Program ($3.0 billion), and the Littoral Combat Ship ($0.9 billion for three vessels). It includes $2.6 billion for the purchase of one SSN-774 "Virginia" class nuclear attack submarine.

Aircraft - The request includes $2.6 billion for 24 of the Navy's F/A-18E/F "Super Hornet," $2.6 billion for procurement of 26 V-22 "Osprey" tilt-rotor aircraft, $6.1 billion for 12 F-35 Joint Strike Fighters and $4.6 billion for 20 F-22A "Raptor" fighters.

Army and Marine Corps End Strengths - Starting in FY'08 the active Army will grow by 7,000 annually through 2012, for a total increase of 65,000 troops, for a total end strength of 547,000. The active Marine Corps will grow by 5,000 annually through 2011, for a total increase of 27,000 and an end strength of 202,000. Combined, the Army and Marine Corps will grow by 92,000 by FY'12.
http://www.armscontrolcenter.org/archives/002273.php

The leading Democratic presidential candidates have promised to expand the military beyond the 'Bush defense budgets'. This will maintain US primacy in the production of war machines, while Chrysler announced today that they will begin production of cars in China. Why not?

Hamas recently uncovered a captured Fatah weapons cache consisting of US/Israel equipment. So there you go.

If supplying proxies with arms is a crime the US is guilty as sin.

RogerGathman
Chris, good and patient post.
However, I do think, practically, that the U.S. can do something about the tension in the Middle East between Israel and Iran, a tension that feeds rightists in both camps. It could start talking seriously with Iran about gaining a promise not to attack Israel in return for concessions the U.S. and Israel make. In other words, negotiate detente. The fact that the argument about bombing Iran keeps flaring up in the U.S. is a very bad sign, more worrisome than the "every day nearer" of a nuclear armed Iran. So it isn't enough to argue against attacking Iran - we should be arguing for unconditional talks with Iran. And probably, at some point, unconditional talks involving all Middle Eastern powers, including Israel. Seth's points are all about one real fact: Iran is re-entering the balance of power, such as it is, in the Middle East with more power than it has had since the days of the Shah, thanks to the war in Iraq. Given that the U.S. has and will have diminished power in the region, we have an incentive to negotiate big time. Let's do it.

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