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Predicting with a Handicap: Why are Economists’ Predictions So Often Wrong?

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A provocative oped in today’s New York Times offers one answer to the question posed above: our understanding of incentives is too simplistic.

The piece in the Times got me thinking about this question of why members of my profession are competing with weathermen for accuracy kudos. So let me count the ways: here’s a list of reasons I think economists often get it wrong.

  1. Economists sometimes serve vested interests, and will change their views accordingly. The best example is also one of the best economists, Greg Mankiw. This textbook-writing Harvard prof was Bush’s chief economist for awhile, and during his confirmation hearing and subsequent tenure at the White House, he constantly defended Bushonomics, including supply-side beliefs that he once argued were the musings of “cranks and charlatans."

    Now, Mankiw may well have felt he could do the nation more good if he were working from the inside, trying to nudge the administration’s economic policy in a better direction (if so, he failed). But if we’re going to argue in support of ideas on Monday that we correctly dismissed as nutty last Friday, we’re unlikely to be either correct or credible.

  2. Economists are reductionists. For all the alleged complexities, much of economics is too simplistic to capture the myriad dynamics that drive economic outcomes. The minimum wage is a good example. The prediction that wage mandates above the wage set by the market should lead to extensive job loss should, theoretically, be a slam dunk. But the actual findings of the impact of an increase go from a little bit negative to a little bit positive. Even the more negative studies—the ones that find that mandated wage increases led to job losses—show that the benefits far outweigh the costs. And some very high quality studies show no losses at all.

    What gives? Apparently, the notion that an above-market wage leads to layoffs is too simplistic. I won’t elaborate the alternative ideas here: they include the idea that the market wage was sub-optimal in the first place, the notion that other mechanisms absorb the increase (higher productivity, lower profits, higher prices), and the fact that the world doesn’t work like the textbooks say it should.

  3. And one reason for that is, as the NYT oped argues, we misunderstand incentives. To be specific, we exaggerate them. Economists will predict large labor supply or investment responses to marginal tax cuts, and visa versa. That is, we’ll predict that people will work and invest a lot more if we lower the taxes on work and investment, and vice versa. In today’s version, you’ll hear vehement economic arguments that to bump tax rates up on tax hedge fund managers or to let the Bush tax cuts sunset will cripple the economy, as workers and investors respond by engaging in much less economic activity.

    Never happens. It’s not that people don’t respond in the predicted way. Some do, some don’t. But the responses never reach the advertised magnitudes.

  4. Old ideas die hard. For years, economists predicted that if the unemployment rate fell below six percent, inflation would not simply speed up, it would keep accelerating. Yet, in the 1990s, unemployment fell below four percent, and inflation decelerated. It turned out economists were playing from a rule book written for a time that had passed. Globalization, technology, and productivity gains had re-arranged the rule set that generated the old predictions, and we hadn’t caught up.

    Yet, many economists simply lowered their estimate of the unemployment floor—the rate you wouldn’t want to go below for fear of triggering an inflation outburst—to five percent. Well, we’ve been below that rate for a year and a half, and the relevant inflation gauge has once again been growing more slowly.

  5. Though we like to think otherwise, economics is not free of values, and that distorts our predictions. Many of the assumptions of classical economics are conservative by nature. Economists’ training teaches us to opt for market solutions and eschew government ones. Taxes, in economics, are assumed to generate “dead-weight losses” which certain doesn’t sound good (it’s the assumption that taxes leave all parties worse off than no taxes at all).

    We assume the unfettered market will almost always yield better outcomes, so we argue that a trade deal or a union agreement that mandates better labor standards, for example, will generate fewer benefits than one that lets the market rip. Yet, when these dire predictions fail to materialize—e.g., extensive research shows unions don’t hurt productivity growth—we fail to self-correct.

In practice, these problems interact with each other to compound the damage. Powerful vested interests, thinking incorrectly about incentives, predict that Health Savings Accounts (“consumer-driven” health care coverage) will be roundly embraced and cut costs. Anti-union ideologues bound to simplistic market models assume that injecting market competition into public schools will yield great results.

But in both of those cases, the predictions have been wrong. HSAs work for some people but they’re neither beloved, nor saving much (to the contrary, they’re causing new problems as people under-consume needed care). School voucher programs haven’t worked either, because the problem isn’t the lack of market competition, it’s the inequities in the economy leading to educational deficits that kids bring to school with them.

There are other things economists do well. Our empirical methods, in the right hands, can be highly informative and useful. But, like Yogi said, prediction is hard, especially when it comes to the future. When you’re carrying all this baggage along with you, it’s even harder.

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I never bought the argument from my economics classes that raising the minimum wage leads to job loss. Sure, if the minimum wage was imposed on one company, that one company would be worse off. But, the minimum wage is enforced on all domestic companies at once. Customers don't just stop buying goods that they need from local companies, particularly if they have more money in their pockets since their wages just went up.

The thought that inflation would go up is countered by the fact that we now buy our goods from foreign countries that don't necessarily have a minimum wage themselves. The cost of goods aren't going up, not when someone overseas is getting paid a quarter an hour. Sure, they might have to work more since we have more money to spend, so their salary MAY go up - to thirty cents an hour. That kind of difference is not likely to cause a price difference from the product already on the self.

Poor people tend to spend all the money they earn. They don't hide it under the mattress like the wealthy do. Putting more money into the hands of more people makes the economy expand for everyone.

Economists strike me as generally a libertarian bunch. As such, they've let their values creep into their conclusions. In that sense, they see what they want to see. They've been blinded by their own politics.

Lots of food for thought here -- my favorite is the 5th reason economists often get their predictions wrong: that many of assumptions of classical economics are conservative by nature and to opt for market solutions over government ones -- and that most economists assume that the unfettered market will almost always yield better outcomes -- and any evidence to the contrary, they fail to self correct for.

Hartgal

How about this:

6) Economic is not a science.

Customers don't just stop buying goods that they need from local companies, particularly if they have more money in their pockets since their wages just went up.

The thought that inflation would go up is countered by the fact that we now buy our goods from foreign countries that don't necessarily have a minimum wage themselves.

These two statements are contradictory. If foreign goods are less expensive, consumers will indeed stop buying those goods from local companies.

Poor people tend to spend all the money they earn. They don't hide it under the mattress like the wealthy do.

Wealthy people do not hide their money under the mattress unless you consider investment in productive assets the mattress.

Deleted

Economists mostly suck at prediction and understandding of human behavior because they are not psychologists. Kahneman and Tversky wrote a whole series of papers in the 80s and 90s about the FRAMING of an economic proposition and it's effect on behavior. Prior to that, there was very little influence of psychology in economics. Admittedly, the behavior of capital markets often does not depend on individual psychological factors, but it does sometimes.

Good comments there. What we are learning now is that the private sector is inherently more corrupt, more bloated with morons and more full of lying scumbags than is the government. The absolute scandals in Iraq with Blackwater, KBR and Halliburton, in education, and in almost every area shows the inherent truth that government actors are more honest, better workers and more efficient than the bloated, corrupt, inefficient and criminally liable private sector.

Economists long for the day they are half as accurate as weathermen!

Good piece.

Seems to me what's hard to 'predict' is human behavior, yet it's always predicted as a part of any economic theory. (I must be missing something.)

Marx, Engels, whoever predicted that if man had cradle to grave security, he would be blissfully happy and a world under communism would be a Utopia. Wrong.

Adam Smith believed that innate in all men was a sense of 'compassion' which would come into play when the super rich - under laissez-faire capitalism there would be super rich - became aware of the abject poverty others were suffering, they would automatically share their largesse with same. Whoops.

I've always thought economists longed to be part of the science department - they will be when human behavior becomes a science.

"Wealthy people do not hide their money under the mattress unless you consider investment in productive assets the mattress."

He may be overstating things to equate investment with hiding money under a mattress. It however does not come close to providing stimulus to the economy equal to consumption.

If your capital markets are efficient, or even if they're not, there's a natural upper limit to the accuracy of publicly-disclosed macroeconomic forecasts. If my forecasts were reliable enough that I could consistently make money by taking the market positions that my forecasts suggested, I'd call my broker, not a press conference. If I announced them, everyone would rush in and my profit opportunity would be spoiled. I wouldn't even reap my due reputation, because all that arbitrage would knock my forecast off the mark.

The real question is, "do there exist hyperforecasters who can predict economic conditions well enough to prosper by acting upon them in secret?" My guess is, Yes.

[W]e misunderstand incentives. To be specific, we exaggerate them. Economists will predict large labor supply or investment responses to marginal tax cuts, and visa versa...

[T]he responses never reach the advertised magnitudes.

This is completely baffling to me. In the sciences I'm familiar with, when you keep finding your predictions are too high, you adjust your predictions.

There's plenty of economic data out there. Sure there are plenty of effects, and good model-building to get the major confounding effects in place (and isolate the remaining ones of interest) is tough. But isn't that model-building what economists get paid for?

Or, if the effect of an incentive is really so hard to discern under examination of the data, can it actually be that large?

I'd give you a gold star for this article, but I'm afraid the negative results of such a reward will discourage you from more efforts like this in the future!

People like Mankiw are an interesting case. I don't think he so much changed his views to get a job in the administration as that his views have changed over time as he has become more famous and powerful. He has become more authoritarian and a supporter of the powerful and the status quo. On his blog he deletes comments from those he strongly disagrees with. This is a sign of the "right wing authoritarian" personality type described by psychologist Robert Altemeyer.

For those interested here's a link to Altemeyer's free, online book describing this type of person:

The Authoritarians

And as is hinted at above, psychology plays a big, but under acknowledged, part in economic thought.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

Interestingly, some economists are longing to be part of the psychology dept.  So-called behavioral economics (BE) is getting more attention these days. 

Broadly speaking, it relaxes the pervasive, underlying assupmtion that humans are rational economic actors, responding to incentives in predictable ways.

I think BE is a real advance, but one could easily say "whatever took you so long to get there!?"  You must appreciate, however, that it wasn't that long ago that economists recognized that some of our models didn't work because of "assymetric information," ie, the used car dealer was able to rip you off because he knew more than you about the junker he just sold you.

Excellent points and questions, professor.

I think the reason we don't self-correct enough is an intersection of problem 1 in the post (vested interests have their bejeweled thumbs on the scale), and yes, the impacts are very hard to tease out the data.

This latter problem is a function of insufficient data--many moving parts make it difficult to isolate incentive effects--and the actual impacts are much smaller than the theory would suggest. 

So it's like pulling invisible needles out of a haystack.

EG, textbook theory suggests large job loss responses to minimum wage increases or sizeable labor supply reactions to tax changes.  But we see neither. 

Yet, read any oped page and you'll soon stumble on some warning that tax increases, regardless of their magnitude, will lay the economy low, or tax cuts will lead to stellar growth rates.

I'm a psychologist with a BA and part of a postdoc in sociology. I'm a history buff and a long time research collaborator with anthropologists. Of all the social sciences, the one that has never made much sense to me has been economics. The basic assumptions--that money supply drives behavior and that decision making is utilitarian never made much sense to me. Economies exists without money and there are many ways to provide great "elasticity" to the economy through services, organized crime, etc. Economists have suddenly discovered that decision making is not utilitarian and that simple economic incentives don't drive behavior---essentially they have recognized the work of psychologists that was largely established 30 year ago. Daniel Kahnemann, one of the key players received the Econ Nobel a few years ago.

A simple understanding of society and psychology makes it obvious how economic forces fall apart. People at different income levels have diffe4rent strategies for using money, if only because they have different options. Market often appear competitive but usually seem to be distorted by virtue of cartels or monopolies that constrain supplies and supply chains and the influences of financiers (think Wall Street analysts who ruin businesses with strategies for short term gain that have negative long-term consequences like trimming staffs and selling real estate).

The practicing economists I know have been in the policy and public health spheres. Despite having their feet in the real world, they often seem constrained by orthodoxy and get angry because people and organizations don't really inhabit their world.

Weather prediction has gotten better over time, but frankly, anyone who looks outside and can read a barometer does just as well as the weather man in the short run. Someone who can read a map and understands which way the wind blows can do almost as well in the long run. Economists can recognize when a recession is already well on its way, but they can't see how money markets and human behavior change over time. The effort to gain precision in prediction, as in the case of econometrics in the 70s and 80s was doomed because it has relied on simplistic assumptions that don't model actual behavior very well.

Mankiw has disappointed many, including somewhat contrarian economists like Max Sawicky. I think, like most Bushies, he has to tow the line or no one will listen to him. Of course, towing the line means that his influence on the administration is marginal at best. He's pretty much destroyed his academic career, although he may have opened up doors for himself for future prostitution in the wingnut sphere and in corporate America.

I would expect that the vested interest influence dominates. The economists most likely to be quoted in the press work for investment banks or advocacy organizations (notably the National Realtors Collective, or whatever it's called) and are incited to mislead the public into misallocating its resources.

The press fails to apply analysis and only seeks false balance, so we hear that economists believe these wrong, crazy things that of course don't come to pass (remember the NAFTA 'debate'?) and we think they're flawed. They're really just against us.

Your use of the word "classical," by analogy to physics, evokes another major failing of economists. They do not understand nonlinear models; they think of the world as an interlocking system of partial differential equations.

The old notion was "simple models, simple behaviors." If you picked up a complex behavior, you needed a complex model to explain it. It turns out that this is far from true. You can't blithely assume that the "invisible hand" will guide a system to a stable equilibrium, because in a lot of cases, it won't: there are a lot of simple models that, for certain ranges of parameter values, either oscillate periodically or just behave chaotically.

If something like fluid dynamics, with its simpler feedback mechanisms, requires this to be taken into account, how much more must a working economy, with all its informational feedback loops, require it?

Adherence to Adam Smith's concepts is a religious issue. There is no Marxist Utopia any more or less than there is a truly free market, and any mention "free market" or "utopia" should be a red exclamation point that any assertion following is speculative.

Religious issue? I'm fascinated. What religious issue? (But admittedly for the likes of Milton F. laissez-faire capitalism more closely resembles a religious experience than a mundane, workable economic theory.)

I'm not so sure a Marxist Utopia is a pipe dream. Russia after 30 years of two wars on her soil and a revolution to boot was a seriously flawed candidate to test any economic theory.

All said, any cure-all theory of anything must always require the raising of red exclamation points.

Not an economist, but I'd been given to understand that America is unique in its hubris to name the subject here 'Economics,' thereby obscuring the political underpinning of the version of economics being taught, as if political theory didn't enter into it.

The reality of socialist economics, or liberal (in the European sense) economics, etc., ie., politically-informed economics, is unknown to American students. The result is that most 'American Liberal' economics run counter to the classical theories in economics, which are 'American conservative' and therefore inherently antithetical to the economics most Americans actually endorse.

For instance, I do not think that most accounting 'externalities' should be ignored or, at best, corrected by the use of tax money. These include various pollutions, much poverty, most of our immigration 'problem,' as well as the epidemic of un-insurance for health. These are caused in large part by successful off-loading of the cost of process improvement or waste clean-up, of the cost of competitive wages for, or to attract, American workers, etc.

Yet American economics, exemplified by GAAP standards and American law, allow these externalities, which you and I pay for in so many ways, and which provide much of the profit and ridiculous compensation levels of the current corporate dukedoms in the US.

Legislation could require theses costs to be borne at more appropriate locations in the production/provision process. The technology to identify these costs already exists, and is largely in place in most manufacturing and service companies.

Economics is always political, and to imply that it is empirical in any but the most sterile experiments is laughable.

Speaking of laughable: A man walks into the library of the Economics department.
"Do you have any books with a happy ending?"

Most economists don't deal with facts, or even actual experiences. They have little to back up what turn out to be pet theories or, even worse, feelings. When someone actually does research, and looks at facts, there is a chance that an economist's predictions may have some accuracy. Otherwise, it's like the pundits on the Sunday Talk Programs.

I agree with the thrust of your comments and note that "political economy," a hybrid discipline that is much more closely linked to reality than what is today called "neo-classical economics" doesn't get much respect in academia.

For one, political economy elevates the role of power dynamics as a critical determinant of economic outcomes. 

Eh. What is a science anyway? I used to think it was defined by the scientific method, but a few grad school courses covering paradigms and epistemologies got me off that wagon. Even in the hardest "sciences," the disproving of hypotheses never really happens, and the statistics that stand in for it now are better read as persuasive text than immutable data.

Economics' real problem, in that regard, is that it has an enormous case of physics envy. It so desperately wants to find Newtonian laws from which it can axiomatically extrapolate predictions for the universe of human economic exchanges. While I could rant on about the lack of respect for valuable concepts in Keynes, Marx, Veblen, Weber, and a host of others that get routinely ignored in neoclassical economics, the main critique I would say of economics is that it just needs to get empirical. If you can't back up your theory with empirical examples, you shouldn't be published in high level journals.

Sadly, economists seem to regard empiricism as some sort of quaint trinket for more lower forms of study.

XopherMV: Customers don't just stop buying goods that they need from local companies, particularly if they have more money in their pockets since their wages just went up.

The thought that inflation would go up is countered by the fact that we now buy our goods from foreign countries that don't necessarily have a minimum wage themselves.

Robert Brown: These two statements are contradictory. If foreign goods are less expensive, consumers will indeed stop buying those goods from local companies.

What? That's not contradictory. Are consumers going to buy their groceries, clothes, electronics, and fast food overseas? No. They're going to go to their local store and buy them there. Any increase to the minimum wage won't effect that.

Local manufacturers may feel a pinch if they haven't already outsourced their production. The price of American-label, foreign-made goods won't go up much, if at all, as a result of the minimum wage increase - there's too much competition overseas. The main difference will be that Americans can afford more of those goods, with the bulk of the profits from increased demand going to American companies rather than the foreign manufacturers. If prices go up it will be because American companies want to raise their prices, not because they have to.

the main critique I would say of economics is that it just needs to get empirical. If you can't back up your theory with empirical examples, you shouldn't be published in high level journals.

I would say that is the essence of science. Sure, we can have a lot of philosophical and post-modernist discussions about the scientific method and meta-narratives or whatever, but when it comes down to it, economic hypotheses are rarely if tested against the world.

For what it's worth, even Kuhn didn't think that the products of the "hard" sciences were social constructs.

Exactly. Add on top the fact that the public sector isn't paying tens to hundreds of millions each year to CEOs and their executive teams. No one on the public dime comes close to that, which would be considered wasteful spending in their sector.

Add on top the fact that the public sector isn't paying out profit to millions of shareholders or buying back millions of shares of company stock.

Add on top the fact that the public sector can obtain huge economies of scale for virtually everything they do.

When government runs well, it can be an amazing thing. Look at Medicare compared to the HMOs. We would actually save money if we all went with Medicare, a government system.

Most people get economics wrong by misapplying micro thinking to macro problems. Thus, what Wal-Mart does is just like hiring little 12-year-old Jimmy next door to mow your lawn. Who are you to tell poor little Jimmy he can't cut grass for 10 bucks? Jimmy WANTS to cut your grass. He LOVES to ride your power mower.

Of course, Wal-Mart executives WANT people to confuse their behemoth corporation with little Jimmy's kindly neighbor. Vested interests facilitate all sorts of confusion.

The proper way to think about the minimum wage was laid out (if I remember right) by John Kenneth Galbraith. To paraphrase heavily, demand for Double Sloppyburgers is the price people will pay for one, which is a measure of how badly they want it.

If that market price is too low for the burger flipper to earn minimum wage,  that means people don't value Double Sloppyburgers very much. Therefore, who cares if that burger joint goes out of business. Nobody really liked their Sloppyburgers anyway.

6) Economic is not a science.

since scientists aren't omniscient, this one probably doesn't matter.

To boldly go...

How about we change this to:

6) Economics is not a science yet.

There is no reason economics cannot be a behavioral science. Economics could become a science if economists simply begin using tools already used by psychologists to experiment on human behavior. The reason it isn't a science is simply that it is not approached scientifically and empirically, with studies done to prove each hypothesis. But economics is not inherently an unscientific field. All that must be done, is that economists should be trained more in the scientific method. Meteorologists don't have enough data or computing power. Economists by and large refuse to scientifically analyze their own.

I agree completely that economics suffers from physics envy. As you and others have pointed out, economic theories are rarely used to make real world predictions, and those predictions are frequently well off the mark. Unlike physics, chemistry, biology, and other sciences, the economists don't look at their failures and go back to the drawing board.

If you follow science you realize that theories are disproved all the time. Wasn't there a theory that the genetic code carried all the information for developing a new individual? That ignores issues of cross generation gene activation. The genome is not enough. Wasn't there a theory that evolution described a tree of life, but inheritance at the single cell level allows cross species genetic transfers. Wasn't there a theory that refractive indices had to be positive? Now they are creating pseudo-materials with negative indices. Wasn't there a theory that all matter interacts with light the way familiar matter does? Now astronomers using gravitational lensing to find dark matter that doesn't. Wasn't there a theory that electron pairing limits the maximum superconducting temperature? That went by the boards in the 80s.

The trashcan is a scientist's best friend. It's high time economists started learning how to use one.

How to become a hyperforecaster:

1) Get 1024 clients.
2) Predict a bull market to 512 and a bear market to 512. Advise them accordingly.
3) Lose half of your customers.
4) Predict a bull market to 256 and a bear market to 256. Advise them accordingly.
5) Lose half of your customers
... and so on ...

After a certain point you will have a customer base that thinks you are god.

Yes, I know, this is an old joke, but it is better than "flucted again".

Actually, long term weather forecasts are much better than they were 10 or 20 years ago, and the weatherman does a much better job of forecasting than I can. Of course, they have spent years building, testing and throwing out models. The people having trouble are the river flow forecasters. I just read an article in which they realized that river flow forecasts haven't improved in 20 years, and unlike economists, the river forecasters feel that they need to do something about the problem. Economists don't even realize that they HAVE a problem.

I've always had a lot of respect for the New Dealers, and I've made good money on the market following their precepts. The simple fact is that the less money you make, the larger fraction you spend. Eventually. rich people get all the money, and the economy winds down with the poor just scraping by and a static power curve of wealth. This describes much of the third world today.

The problem with supply side economics is that rich people are not necessarily stupid. Why should they invest if no one has money to buy their products? If society, and people, are to get even richer, something has to pump a lot of money from the top down to the bottom again. Few rich people will do this voluntarily because it would place them at a disadvantage with respect to other rich people. Once again, saying rich people are stupid is poor basis for an economic theory or investment strategy.

The market generally goes up when:

- taxes are raised, and I'll consider the minimum wage a tax,

- government borrowing and spending increase, but a lot depends on what the government is wasting the money on,

- the economy tanks and there is no place to invest productively so people buy stocks.

It doesn't make much sense, but it works.

So rich people should be encouraged to buy private jets instead of building factories?

From an earlier post that seems to fit

When an economist is chanting the mantra "On the one hand, but on ...."
and raising and lowering each hand what is actual happening
is a display of free market auctions at work.

The economist is trying to bring forth a
higher bid by the opposing side
wanting their answer to be "The Answer".

If asked in private about his actions, the economist would say,
using the free market brought forth the best answer.


-----------------------------------------------
Today, are we searching for I deals or Ideals?
-Thinking

Bravo csp. A couple of days out meteorologists are very accurate. Economists can't find their fannies with their own hands for those reasons cited by so many above.

So often economists are so incompetent as to be laughable. Over the years one of the funniest guys was Greenspan.

The really scary part of the disfunctional 'discipline' is that it seems to be getting worse.

Excelent strawman! The point is that a billion dollars divided amongst a million working class people will be spent and stimulate the economy more than the same billion invested by one person. That is why we should tax all income at the same rate instead of taxing labor at a higher rate than investment.

Anti-union ideologues bound to simplistic market models assume that injecting market competition into public schools will yield great results. * * * School voucher programs haven’t worked either, because the problem isn’t the lack of market competition, it’s the inequities in the economy leading to educational deficits that kids bring to school with them.

The irony, of course, is that this statement is a good example of number 5: Bias and distortion. (1) It accuses anyone who supports school vouchers of being "anti-union ideologues" -- of whom there are some, to be sure, but that surely doesn't describe everyone who thinks that inner-city parents should be given more of a chance to escape failing schools.

(2) It says that voucher programs "haven't worked" -- although this could be true only under a very unusual standard of success. Even the one-sided sample of scholars in your link basically agree that vouchers have either no effect on achievement or a very small positive effect. Other scholars disagree (Hoxby, Peterson, Howell, Greene, Wolf). In any event, a better view is that if a program delivers the same academic results for 50-60% of the average per-pupil spending, that's a pretty good deal. Moreover, the claim of no effect also ignores the evidence from Colombia, where Angrist et al. found that a voucher program distributed by lottery to 125,000 children increased academic performance by a fifth of a standard deviation.

(3) I'm not sure what you mean by "the problem" here -- i.e., "the problem . . . [is] the inequities in the economy leading to educational deficits that kids bring to school with them." If you're talking about the achievement gap, it's very simplistic just to blame economic inequities here. Unfortunately, an achievement gap remains even if one controls for all manner of socioeconomic variables. As one researcher puts it, “neither socioeconomic differences, nor differences in measurable school characteristics, are sufficient to explain why African American students learn less over time than white students with similar initial levels of achievement.” Michael J. Puma, “The ‘Prospects’ Study of Educational Growth and Opportunity: Implications for Policy and Practice,” paper presented at Annual Meeting of American Educational Research Association (April 1999), at p. 11.

Similar findings: Pedro Carneiro, James J. Heckman, and Dimitriy V. Masterov, “Labor market discrimination and racial differences in premarket factors,” Journal of Law and Economics 48 (2005), p. 10 ("The common finding across these studies is that the black-white gap in test scores is large and that it persists even after one controls for family background variables. Children of different racial and ethnic groups grow up in strikingly different environments. Even after accounting for these environmental factors in a correlational sense, substantial test score gaps remain."); Roy Wilkins Center for Human Relations and Social Justice, University of Minnesota, “Analysis of the 1996 Minnesota Basic Standards Test Data,” (March 1997), at p. 24 (“Thus, even accounting for early childhood development, individual, school and neighborhood poverty, racial concentration of schools and school, program, and individual characteristics, there still remains a nontrivial racial disparity that cannot be accounted for by the included variables.”); Nancy A. Gonzales, Ana Mari Cauce, Ruth J. Friedman, and Craig A. Mason, “Family, Peer, and Neighborhood Influences on Academic Achievement Among African-American Adolescents: One-Year Prospective Effects,” American Journal of Community Psychology 24 No. 3 (1996), p. 380 (noting that “family income, parent education level, and the number of parental figures in the home” were not “predictive of adolescent school performance,” which “was surprising given the wide range of family incomes and education levels of the families in the study, which should have maximized the power to detect such effects.”).

Also, one of the participants in the discussion on school vouchers -- Cecilia Rouse -- didn't have a chance to mention her own positive findings from the Milwaukee voucher program.

I of course didn't mean that everyone who favors vouchers should be described that way.  If I say 'ducks swim,' would you accuse me of saying every swimmer is a duck?

My point was that some, and I think Hoxby fits in here, have applied economic principles of the type I inveigh against above, without considering opposing evidence, as discussed in the link.

But you're right, it's a contentious area of research and I should have noted that. 

That said, the point stands: there is a strong ideology that believes injecting market competition into public schools will improve student outcomes, and I don't think the evidence supports the claim.

To be more specific (and here I'm tapping the work of economist Larry Mishel):

On vouchers, sure, not all past voucher advocates are anti-union or ideologues. But those still pushing this as the solution, as many House members seem to be doing, are ideologues.

The underlying claim is that competition rather than bureaucracy will lead to school improvement. And, that ‘governance’ is one of the keys to unlocking student achievement growth. We can quibble about whether vouchers have a small positive, small negative or no effect at all (much like the min wg).

What I think is inarguable is that vouchers are no solution for all the problems that were said to motivate their use—transforming the education of those students who use the vouchers as well as those who did not and closing the racial achievement gaps.

Go reread the indictments of public education that framed the advocacy for vouchers and tell me that they’ve delivered on solving those problems, or even making substantial progress.  Ditto for charter schools. Both issues have been a major distraction in education debates for nearly twenty years.

Yes, “Unfortunately, an achievement gap remains even if one controls for all manner of socioeconomic variables.” But race and income gaps in education are present when students show up in kindergarten (see: http://www.epi.org/content.cfm/books_starting_gate ), which is why there’s such a focus on early childhood education and pre-k these days. Gaps in education tend to grow in the summers when there’s no school and some evidence they actually close during the school year.

Yes, family background does not explain everything, but social class and related factors explain far more than the particulars of schools. EPI’s book, written by Richard Rothstein, “Class and Schools” (http://www.epi.org/content.cfm/books_class_and_schools ) has had a monumental impact on the education debate and is one of the most valuable books I ever read.

This argument does NOT mean we shouldn’t do whatever is possible, and more, to ensure great schooling for low-income and minority students. There are many moral and economic reasons to do so and we should have a great sense of urgency in addressing these problems. However, we also need to: address the experiences of these children before they get to formal schooling: provide after-school programs and summer programs; and reduce poverty; provide health care and assure stable housing. If we just stick with ‘school reform’ we’re only kidding ourselves that we can eliminate race and income achievement gaps.

Not a straw man at all.

There needs to be a balance between capital and labor in any industrialized economy. I would argue that the United States, and other advanced economies, require a higher and higher ratio of capital to labor as we search for ways to produce products with high value to compete with sweat shop economies employing cheap labor. It is naïve to suggest that one could improve the economy long term by confiscating the capital investments in this economy and converting them to consumption.

As far as stimulating the economy, even if a single person spends a billion dollars on investment instead of distributing it to a million people to spend on consumer good, she will be purchasing capital goods which will create demand for production of those goods.

What I think is inarguable is that vouchers are no solution for all the problems that were said to motivate their use—transforming the education of those students who use the vouchers as well as those who did not and closing the racial achievement gaps.

I'd agree that the stronger case for school vouchers is equity. At the same time, if Angrist's evidence from Colombia is replicable in a larger scale program here in the United States, a fifth of a standard deviation would go a long way towards reducing the achievement gap. The gap is about .8 to 1.0 standard deviations, and it's rare to hear of any type of reform that is supposed to have an effect greater than .2 standard deviation (that's the effect reported by Krueger and Whitmore from the Tennessee STAR experiment, for example). But of course, any school reform finding might be tainted by a Hawthorne effect; you never know.

I think you seem to agree, however, that the achievement gap has many different causes, right? In which case, just as it's unreasonable for anyone to claim that vouchers are going to cure everything, it's unreasonable for anyone to claim that expanded preschool or health care or whatnot would cure everything. Conversely, why don't we just all agree that everything that has no negative effect should be on the table -- including vouchers and everything else that you mention.

For my own part, I suspect that home environments prior to school (and during summers, as you point out; I assume you're referring to the Entwisle/Alexander research) have an enormous effect. That is consistent with what Hart and Risley found (and, on a more anecdotal basis, several other researchers as well). It's also consistent with my own experience. The problem is that no one knows how to fix this.

You said that there needs to be a balance between Capitaland labor. I agree on that point. We disagree however on wether we have achieved that balance. When the highest tax rate on the money earned by investing is half that of the rate on money earned by labor we do not have a balance. We have the system skewed in favor of the investor class over the working classes. I am not sugesting the confiscation of capital I am simply arguing for a fair taxation system that treats all income the same instead of giving capital gains unearned advantage.

I am also sugesting that if one wishes to stimulate growth one should cut taxes on those who will spend the money to purchase goods. Ours is a consumption driven economy. That is why the Bush tax cuts have done such a feeble job of stimulating the economy. They were skewed in favor of the investor class. One may invest all one wishes in ones company but if there is no one who can afford your products and services then you will gain nought.

One larger effect was found in Geoffrey L. Cohen, Julio Garcia, Nancy Apfel, and Allison Master, “Reducing the racial achievement gap: A social-psychological intervention,” Science 313 (2006): 1307-1310. Here's a description of the study. In a randomized field experiment, they gave black and white students an essay assignment, in which they were presented with a list of values (such as relationships, art, athletics, etc.), and then wrote a paragraph describing which value was most important to them. The essay took about 15 minutes. A substantial majority of the black students who wrote about their most important value ended having a GPA that was 0.25 points higher, thus closing the racial achievement gap by about 40%.

Now that's huge. But it also seems way too good to be true -- a one-time 15-minute writing assignment at the beginning of one semester has that great of an effect?

Stuart,

I thought this discussion should go on the front page--could you move your comments there too?

--JB

So we agree and you are just quibbling about what the balance between capital investment and consumption should be exactly. I don't know what it should be, and I submit that you don't either. Most people who claim they do have other agendas, I suspect.

Do you think it a fair pratice or good economic policy to tax income from wages at twice the rate of capital gains?

I would add a sixth point: Classical economics is fundamentally incompatible with universal suffrage.

During the decades that Smith, Ricardo et al were developing the basics of the theory workers were by and large disenfranchised from the vote and so in important senses did not have to be taken into account. In such an environment focusing on Efficiency (growing the Pie) while ignoring the Equity (Pie Slices) makes perfect sense, the problems of the working poor could be deferred to the sphere of Charity.

Which largely explains why much of the political unrest in 19th Century Britain revolved around Suffrage, the Pie Keepers being fully aware of what would happen if the Pie Boys at large got ahold of the Slicer. And of course in the end it happened, universal manhood suffrage and later suffrage for women were proximate causes of future Labour governments in the UK and the New Deal in the US.

The response of the Classicists, now labeled the Orthodox was to assert that Efficient Markets free of the burdens of regulation would deliver Equitable solutions anyway, we just had to give them the chance. Because they understand that in a Democracy a certain amount of pragmatism will always raise its head "What is in it for me?" is not only a legitimate economic demand, it is at the basis of every economic transaction. And they realize that they really don't have any theoretical defense against a demand for Economic Equity, and their practical defense "Rising Tides" is breaking down in the face of evidence.

So to some degree they are panicking, to the point of making Chicago Style Econ 101 a voting test Whos afraid of Democracy. by Chris Hayes. "If the plebes don't understand that minimum wage has negative effects, lets take away their right to vote" so saith Bryan Caplan of GMU.

So it is unfair to say that Classicists/Orthodox actually get anything wrong, if Norquist/Rove/Cheney could get their dream of Permanent Majority and return to the Gilded Age of McKinley then much of their theory gets validated. For the people who would matter.

Some earlier posters mentioned that economics suffers from "physics envy" and there was some discussion of how to make economics more scientific and accurate.

I would say that the science economics is best compared to is the fictional science of psychohistory from Asimov's Foundation novels. Psychohistory predicts future historical events, and this is precisely what economics attempts to do. No other science attempts to predict human behavior on a grand scale--not even psychology or sociology. This is what makes economics so strange.

In fact, I think economics, especially of the neo-classical market-fundamentalist variety, is best thought of as a quasi-religious ideology. Much like communism, neo-classical economics longs for a society without government interference. Communists thought the state would wither away and become unnecessary. Economists think the state should remove itself from the economy and let "the market" decide everything. This blissful state will lead to nearly unimaginable prosperity. Such thinking is "science" in the same way Christian Science and Scientology are.

I don't know what the definition of "fair" is but, yes, even though I don't know if we are at the optimum balance of expenditures on capital vs. consumer goods, I would err on the side of encouraging expenditures on capital goods given that I think we will need more capital expenditure in order to find ways to be more competetive in the future.

That is the philosophy that has led to the widen gulf between the haves and have nots in America. Wether we should lean to one side or the other is a matter that could be debated. If labor is being taxed at twice the rate imposed on investment that is not an ammount that can be justified nor is it quibling. That is stealing from the poor to help the rich.

Your economic theories are obviously colored by your hatred of "rich" people, not an uncommon emotion. sometimes one must set ones emotions aside in the interest of the best long term good.

You are ascribing to me a hatred that I do not posses and have not expressed. Your attempt to describe my advocating for fair taxation in this manner shows that you cannot answer the argument and must resort to insults rather than reason to support your position. How can you justify taxing income from one source at twice the rate of income from another? (Other than by advocating the econimic errors pointed out in the above post)

deleted

We use the tax code to encourage or discourage activities all the time. I think we should encourage spending on capital goods, thus I have no problem with using the tax code to encourage that spending. You apparently want to encourage spending on consumption. If I take your word about your bias toward the investor class, then we simply disagree on the future needs of the economy.

You know one of the old-fashioned tenets of economic conserrvatism ist hat the government should strive to be neutral in all its actions in the economy. As recently as the 1986 tax reform this was a guiding principle on the Right.
And in my opinion this is one rightwing idea I can buy into: income should be taxed at the same rates, no matter what it's source. The market can figure out the proper balance between capital income and labor income all on its own. We don't need the govermment trying to goose the econonmy one direction or the other. If there's money to be made on an investment, people will make that investment; they don't need to be bribed to do so.

I think the economy raises and falls, "As It Applies to Me!" I lost more than $170,000 when Bill Clinton was president when the bottom fell out of the market in 1999 (or as the spin doctors liked to say," The Bubble Burst.") But in the last eight years (the suppossed crappy economic years of Bush) I have gained back that $170,000 and more than $2,900,000 more in my retirement mutual funds by doing virtually nothing but trusting my broker to invest in the booming markets!

I am a middle class computer system anylist and as I sit right now, I will retire next year with nearly $4 million dollars! My wife will retire in two years with about as much (probably $3.5 million).

Why do the liberal Democrats say that only the rich Republicans are benefitting from this good economy? I think the middle class is benefitting greatly! Work hard, do your homework, and invest wisely!

I know this thread is dead, and I'm just going back through my old comments, but to claim that all science is empirical is to miss out on the purely theoretical worlds of physics, biology, chemistry, geology, and many others, where many important breakthroughs have been made.

Science doesn't have to be 100% empirical, but it has to have a substantial dose of it. Even the most theoretical papers in the sciences usually have elements of empiricism in them.

My problem with economics is that I rarely see any empiricism. I just want more. A lot more.

Dr. Bernstein,

I am not sure if your attentions have moved on from your original blog entry, but I was interested to see if you cared to comment on the issue of minimum wage and under-employment. That is, if it is granted that the minimum wage does not lead to job loss, what about its role in helping/hurting job creation? Shouldn't this also be factored into a cost-benefit analysis of the minimum wage? Empirically, wouldn't this also be difficult to measure? Your thoughts would be appreciated.

Also, Professor Mankiw did respond to your email with a defense of the president's taxcuts. Do you have any thoughts on the arguments offered on Mankiw's blog?

As an aside, I recognized your face from something I saw on C-Span. I forgot what you were on for, but your thoughts were insightful

David, Chicago

Both the free market and the Marxist Utopia (should that be quoted?) are ideals. Ideals do not exist in real life, and the push to make the world work more like an ideal is called "idealism." Religions are forms of idealism. Economic theories are predicated on faith that if the laws and people are just so, then we all reap the rewards of the theory. As someone once said, "In theory, practice is closer to theory than it is in practice."

But then again, I've long decided that Capitalism is a religion.

Thanks for the comments, David.

Good question re job creation.  Some good research has looked at this.  There's a nice paper by the Fiscal Policy Institute (an NYC based group) on their site.  Paul Wolfson has a useful paper on the EPI site.  I should get the links for you but it's late!  Let me know if you can't find them.  Also see the review piece by Liana Fox on the EPI site.

Here's a simple point, though.  The min wg was raised in the mid-90s and lots of the usual negative predictions about job creation were raised.  In fact, the low-wage labor market boomed following the increase.  I'm not suggesting this was due to the increase, but it is clear that the increase did not prevent the demand surge.  Conversely, note that the long period during which the real value of the min wg declined over the 1980s was NOT a period of strong low-wage job growth.

Re Mankiw, I sent him a note which he posted--but he seems to continue avoiding talking about the question I raised: not whether he's a fine economist (he is), but whether fine economists hurt economics' credibility when they defend policies they know to be wrong.

There are good discussions on this little dust up on DeLong and Sawicky, and R Waldman sites http://rjwaldmann.blogspot.com/.

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