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Invasion of the Name Snatchers

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Brad DeLong is brilliant, period. Anyone who reads his blog, let alone his papers, knows this. Still, it is breathtaking for him to accuse David Ruccio of intellectual claim-jumping –whether rightly or wrongly is not the point and I won't get into that – and *then* to lay down the law on what is "Keynesianism."

Have a look at that reading list. The phrase that turns up repeatedly is "sticky prices." This is no accident. For a certain type of modern macro-economist, sticky prices are the essence of what they call Keynesian doctrine. It is the essential term in the lexicon of self-described New Keynesians. Because prices are sticky, New Keynesians argue, markets do not clear, and there is a role for government in fighting unemployment. So far, so good. I have many friends and allies among New Keynesians on practical policy questions.

But to make this into the economics of John Maynard Keynes is to do deep violence to the ideas of that economist. And the attempt to do so, which goes back to the very first American reviews of the General Theory, is the essence of the intellectual claim-jumping that infuriates heterodox economists. Joan Robinson, who may be taken as an authority on this, called it "bastard Keynesianism."

To summarize radically, New Keynesians accept a supply-and-demand framework governing employment. The problem for them is that wages are sticky, that they won't fall as far as they should so as to guarantee full employment. And since this is the case, New Keynesians believe that something else should be done.

But Keynes entirely rejected the labor market analysis of unemployment, on logical grounds. In particular, he denied the existence of an upward-sloping supply curve of labor. That is what the opening chapters of the General Theory are about. Thus for Keynes, cutting wages is not the ideal solution for unemployment, while lower interest rates or government spending are some sort of second best. Rather, increasing aggregate effective demand is the *only* viable solution.

Keynes' own analysis is one thing. The "sticky wage" argument is another. You will not find it in Keynes. For New Keynesians to call themselves Keynesians is therefore intellectual claim-jumping of very long standing. But the fact that it has been well-established for half a century cannot change this, any more than time can erase the theft of the Black Hills from the Sioux.

Diane Coyle writes, correctly, that in the academy "‘laissez-faire neoclassical orthodoxy' has evaporated." She is also correct, in noting that teaching has not caught up with this. And no one would dispute her on gender and ethnic non-diversity in the field.

But Coyle's central claim is that the mainstream approach to heterodox topics effectively makes actual heterodox economists unnecessary. Call me rational and self-interested, if you like, but I don't think so. So, yes, the mainstream has "fatally watered down heterodox approaches by absorbing them." Or rather by pretending to absorb them.

Let me go on for a bit. Where did the theory of "imperfect competition" come from? In large part, it came from a 1933 book, entitled "The Economics of Imperfect Competition," by – Joan Robinson! That was part of the ferment, at Cambridge, of the Keynesian revolution. Later on, there was Paul Sweezy's 1939 article on oligopoly demand curves. That article fed into an argument about the theory of price control. Yes, seventy years later, the words are "in the mainstream." But the mainstream has largely forgotten what the ideas were about, or why they were important.

Who led the way on "increasing returns"? Initially Allyn Young; later Nicholas Kaldor. Why are increasing returns important? Because they fatally undermine the marginal productivity, market-based theory of the distribution of pay. Because they describe, in part, the way technical progress works over time. It's not just a topic in, say, international trade theory. It's a deep problem with the market-based world-view of wages and incomes.

I greatly admire George Akerlof. But did his lecture on missing motivations give due credit to the role of social norms in Veblen, or Commons, or even in Keynes, where it underlies the theory of investment and the long-term interest rate? I'm afraid it did not. So like others of my type, I listened to George with a certain detachment, as he rediscovered matters that have been at the core of alternative traditions for a century.

In most cases, the mainstream versions of heterodox topics are ersatz, deracinated, and defanged. The words are present, yes. But the critical content of the underlying ideas has been lost. Worse, the context is obliterated. It cannot be retrieved, because the words are taken over, and their meaning is changed.

Nothing is therefore more grating, than the mainstream tactic of attaching the word "new" to something and then taking it over. "New institutional economics" is not institutional economics. "New Keynesians" are certainly not Keynesians. They are neoclassicals who have accepted a single postulate of "sticky wages." That gives them a bit of overlap with Keynes's policy views. But it allows them to escape from his basic critique of the mainstream theory of the labor market.

What is interesting about the recent change in the mainstream is that, it's quite true, you can no longer reliably cite mainstream economists as defenders of arch-reactionary political positions. They are not necessarily against minimum wages, or regulation, or full employment.

But what are they for? Above all, they are for an economics that remains fundamentally centered on the concept of markets, but now conceding, rather than denying, market imperfections.

Keynes' General Theory is not centered on markets. It is, rather, centered on the elements of the national income accounts -- total consumption and total investment -- and on the working of the financial system. My father's major work of theory, The New Industrial State, is centered on organizations, and not on markets. For this reason, these works remain deeply subversive of the orthodox project. For this reason, they are largely excluded from the orthodox curriculum. Meanwhile, students and bystanders are told that the "best elements" have been absorbed into the mainstream. Don't believe it.


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My thumubnail description of the conflict is that the economy is an ecosystem and a functioning society is an organism. Neoclassical economics assumes society is simply predator and prey within the ecosystem of the economy. Keynesian economics treats the economy as the ecosystem within the belly of the social organism. As with everything, there are two sides of the coin and no one wants to admit the other side exists.

I agree with that Professor Galbraith. Further, Economics is not the only discipline that establishment engineered name snatching has occurred in the past thirty-five years. Debate, or even reasonable discussion has been limited across the socio economic spectrum by this rather Orwellian piece of legerdemain.

New/neo pasted to a familiar concept, philosophy or party is for me warning the appenders are about to try slip shucking others. Even worse is when the name is not slightly amended but just new definitions for traditionally understood meanings are hammered into the discipline 24/7 by supposed authorities, much as the fictional Winston Smith amended history for his establishment.

The world has achieved brilliance without conscience. Ours is a world of nuclear giants and ethical infants.

Gen. Omar Bradley

But Keynes entirely rejected the labor market analysis of unemployment, on logical grounds. In particular, he denied the existence of an upward-sloping supply curve of labor.

You should be clearer here. What is on the vertical axis, real wages or money wages?

My understanding was that Keynes rejected a link between changes in money wages and changes in real wages. But since labor is paid in money wages, the graph has to be constructed with money wages on the vertical axis. A willingness on the part of labor to cut money wages involves a shift in the labor supply curve, and then competitive pressures in product markets lead to a (roughly) equal shift in the labor demand curve, leaving the intersection of the two curves at (roughly) the same level of employment. Then follows the whole discussion of the Pigou effect, which, if I recall correctly, was shown to be remarkably weak.

This isn't really true; neoclassical economics assumes that markets and economies, like organisms and ecosystems, naturally seek a steady state or equilibrium. Interactions between actors "in the ecosystem of the economy" are characterized by Nash equilibria, and microeconomic analysis in "mainstream" econ is about characterizing these equilibria. Nash is basically a steady state in which no actor deviates from his/her approach, based on what they believe to be in everyone else's best interest; it's not exactly "predator/prey".

"and *then* to lay down the law on what is "Keynesianism."

It is the people who claim that the New Keynesian Economicsis not really Keynesian who are trying to lay down the law on what constitutes Keynesianism.

The General Theory is to macroeconomics what the Wright Flyer was to the airplane. It was badly designed and one is surprised that it flew at all, but it had all the basic concepts correct. But before airplanes could be practical, they needed to be greatly redisigned.

This is what the New Keynesians are doing with Keynesianism. It captures the essence of Keynes' concepts of how the economy behaves in the short-run, but with new, improved models.

Keynes' model (except in Chapter 19) was based on the assumption of fixed nominal wages, but assumed that prices were flexible and continuously cleared the product market. Actual economies do not behave in that way. For example, nominal wages fell as the economy went into the Great Depression, but then stopped falling in spite of very high unemployment. A model that assumes that nominal wages are fixed is too naive to deal with that. Keynes' model implies that real wages are countercyclical, while in realitiy they are NORMALLY somewhat pro-cyclical (the Great Depression was an exception to that pattern). In addition, nominal wages can rise when there is still a significant amount of unemployment.

So to actually make Keynes valid insights and concepts usable and stand up to the criticisms leveled against it by the New Classical School, new and improved Keynesian models are needed.

The General Theory should not be treated as holy writ and the economists who depart from its particulars to derive more sophisticated models in which to incorporate Keynes' concepts are not heretics.

The economics profession does not need a Saint Maynard.

"Keynes' General Theory is not centered on markets."

Keynes' analysis that insufficient aggregate demand is the cause of unemployment when the economy is in a recession focuses the working of markets. Aggregate demand and supply interact to clear the product market. If the price established in the product market is too low, firms will not hire all the workers who wish to offer labor at the going nominal wage. Therefore there is a supply and demand for labor, which depends on the nominal wage, and therefore a labor market. Keynes model is a general equilibrium model, although a Marshallian, rather than Walrasian one. However, one of the markets in the model (the labor market) does not clear, so that in this market there is a non-market-clearing equilibrium. This is a major contribution to macroeconomics.

Keynes' model in the General Theory includes a simultaneous equation relationship between the product and the money market. Unfortunately Keynes, in spite of being a trained mathenatician, tried to analyze and explain this verbally, which is very difficult to do and ends up getting everybody confused. It took Hick's famout IS-LM model, which by simply resorting to a graph, cleared this simultaneous relationship between the two markets up. So Keynes' general theory is not only about markets, but also about interactions between differnet markets.

Incidentally, a lot of New Keynesian economics uses sticky prices in the product market, rather than sticky wages in the labor market. This is a stronger departure from Keynens than the sticky wage model, but a very desirable one because, unlike the sticky wage model and Keynes' own model, it does not have the implication that real wages increase as the economy goes into a recession and decrease when the economy goes into a boom, which is inconsistent with the empirical evidence that real wages are mildly pro-cyclical.

"I greatly admire George Akerlof. But did his lecture on missing motivations give due credit to the role of social norms in Veblen, or Commons, or even in Keynes, where it underlies the theory of investment and the long-term interest rate?"

So your objection to Akerlof's paper is not that what he said is not an important contribution to macroeconomic, but, rather, that he did not worship at the shrines of your saints.

But as for Keynes, if you think Akerloff did not give him due credit, you did not pay close enough attention to the lecture. FOR EXAMPLE, on page 17 of the March edition of the American Economic Review, where the article is published, he states "Norms may be complex. But a web of evidence still reveals a strong association between current income and entitlements and oblications to spend. Such a link, in turn, produces the excess sensitivity of consumption on current income IN KEYNES'S PSYCHOLGICAL LAW.

I suspect that the reason for the unenthusiastic response to Akerloff's article by the heterodox crowd is that they resent that a neoclassical economiist is running with their ball.

"In large part, it came from a 1933 book, entitled "The Economics of Imperfect Competition," by – Joan Robinson!"

The contents of this book have long ago become an established part of neoclassical economics. Even econ principles text give her credit as being one of the originators of the theory of imperfect competiotion.

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