Just the Facts: Evidence and Internal Debate Among Progressives

"Everyone is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts." – Daniel Patrick Moynihan

I'm a New Democrat. If you call yourself a member of the progressive netroots or embrace "The Democratic Wing of the Democratic Party," you're probably already frantically trying to silence your b.s. detector. It's OK, take a moment. Don't feel bad, I'd probably have the same reaction if the shoe were on the other foot. But ultimately, we need to get beyond our mutual suspicion and reaffirm our membership in the reality-based community. That's what I'll be writing about this week: the role of evidence in our disagreements and how we all need to value it more strongly, seek it out more often, and wrestle with it more bravely.

We are all progressives here (except you, trollboy37). We disagree internally, as do conservatives, on the appropriate political strategies to pursue, on the best policies for achieving our goals, and on values. Let's admit up front that values differences cannot be overcome by accumulating more evidence. One either believes that the U.S. should seek to be a unilateral superpower in the world or believes that it should not. Evidence isn't completely irrelevant to this question, but for the most part, one's position doesn't depend on facts per se. But the big divisions among progressives involve questions of strategy and policy, not values. So we should be able to reach some common ground on these questions if we're able to assemble the proper facts and are willing to grapple with them honestly.

Who am I to take up this soap box? Some of you may remember me from my blogging at The Democratic Strategist, where I was managing editor, until recently. I've now joined Third Way, where I'm working on The Middle Class Project—trying to help progressives win a constituency that has repeatedly scorned them. Both organizations are strongly committed to empiricism. TDS—my blogging aside—has been avowedly receptive to all segments of the Democratic Party, seeking to be a place where Democrats can work through their disagreements using evidence rather than punditry. (Those who think the magazine is somehow a front for "centrist" groups should go through the magazine's archive and Google the editors' past writing.) Third Way has a particular interpretation of the electorate—one I share—informed by its read of political reality. I have sought to involve myself with these and other organizations dedicated to empirical agnosticism, but the views I'll convey this week are mine and not necessarily theirs.

OK, my lawyers have informed me I may now proceed. Today, I want to argue that empiricism is actually more important for progressives than it is for conservatives, an argument that I hope will also shed some light on the reasons progressives seem more divided than conservatives. Evidence can impact policy and politics in at least four areas: political strategy development, prioritization of policy goals, policy development, and assessment of progress on goals. Let's take up strategy first.

Here's where I'll make the first (but not the last) controversial empirical claim of the week: The country leans right of center. That's not to say that Americans are rabidly ideological, but they are dispositionally more conservative than not. I'll be defending this claim more fully in future posts, but for now let me cite a basic fact from one of Third Way's first products, "The Politics of Polarization", a paper by William Galston and Elaine Kamarck for which (full disclosure) I served as a research assistant. Galston and Kamarck noted that there are half again as many self-identified conservatives in the electorate as there are liberals. In 2004, 21% of voters called themselves liberal while 34% called themselves conservative (the rest identifying as moderate). Compare this distribution with the 1976 election, in which the split was 20/32.

These simple facts conceal a great deal of complication regarding the meaning of the terms "liberal" and "conservative", whether they correspond with policy preferences, and other relevant considerations. I expect that much of this week will be taken up with examining these questions, and I'll not dwell on them in this post. But the debate we'll have is precisely the sort that progressives need to engage in and is one that ought to rely predominantly on evidence.

In terms of political strategy, the left is handicapped in two ways. (I'll defend these claims tomorrow.) First, the electorate leans right on cultural issues. Second, it is fundamentally moderate regarding the size of government, with loosely-held preferences that are easily manipulated. This orientation makes a liberal agenda more difficult to pursue successfully than a conservative agenda. The right can use "values issues" to weaken progressives, and ambitious liberal social and economic policies—because they disrupt the status quo—are easily thwarted by organized opposition appealing to fears about change.

Progressives' lack of success over the past forty years has spawned much more debate on our side over strategy than exists among conservatives. Simply put, when your side keeps losing, you're going to have more disagreement about what it is doing right and wrong. The claim that I'll make here, then, (to be assessed on the basis of the evidence I'll present tomorrow) is that the circular firing squad is a fixture among progressives but not conservatives because the ideological disposition of the electorate makes victory more difficult for our side. That means that evidence-based political strategy is relatively more important for progressives.

If evidence is more important to progressivism than conservatism in the area of political strategy, it is also more important in prioritizing goals and developing solutions. The goals of conservatives are generally oriented around basic values that lead them to want less governmental spending and regulation of business and more governmental restriction of individual rights. They want to ban abortion and gay marriage, cut taxes, minimize social spending and redistribution, and resist or roll back regulation in such areas as consumer safety, environmental protection, and economic competition. These goals do not hinge on whether problems are getting worse or better. Nor do they imply multiple and complicated solutions from which to choose. Assessing progress on these goals is straightforward.

Progressive goals are typically much more complicated, and hence engender internal debates over the best means to shared ends and over how to prioritize these shared ends. We might disagree about what the bigger problem is: college dropout rates or test score gaps between blacks and whites. Should childhood poverty be a bigger priority than economic insecurity among workers late in their careers? What is the best way to get to universal health coverage? Are school vouchers good or bad according to various criteria? Does requiring a “living wage” do more harm than good? Is income volatility increasing? Did welfare reform help or hurt single mothers and their children? These are all complicated questions, and hence they spawn more debate among progressives than one generally sees among conservatives around policy priorities. Because they are so complicated, these issues require progressives to look to evidence, where conservatives oftentimes need not.

Of course, there are limits to how far evidence can take us. Evidence is often ambiguous, and so multiple interpretations may be consistent with what we know. Sometimes the facts are wrong. And at times we may lack the necessary evidence when decisions must be made. The Iraq war illustrates these problems particularly well.

While progressives quite effectively assessed the (stunningly weak) evidence around Saddam Hussein's efforts to obtain uranium from Niger, for instance, many prominent hawks such as Ken Pollack had important facts about Iraq's WMD capabilities wrong. The invasion of Iraq required advocating a policy without all the ideal information being available. Some evidence—which turned out to be correct—implied that the occupation and reconstruction could not be won without far more troops than the Administration was willing to commit. Other evidence—which turned out to be wrong—indicated that the invasion itself would prove difficult and would produce short-term blowback here at home. Positioning on the Iraq war, however, tended to fall back on values far more heavily than either supporters or critics would prefer to admit, and that's because the evidence necessary for an empirically-grounded position wasn't available.

The fact that evidence cannot always completely govern policy or political strategy should not dissuade progressives from a commitment to empiricism. Too many debates among progressives occur largely without reference to evidence. We fight about what kinds of campaigns to run and where without evaluating the record of different strategies or assessing public opinion. We argue over the frames that progressives should emphasize without examining whether they are particularly resonant. We assume that prioritizing some policies over others will make for good politics without testing that assumption. We accuse our opponents of either being wedded to an obsolete past or of being closet conservatives depending on what position they take on Social Security reform, all without considering the merits of different positions.

If there's one thing we can agree on, it should be that achieving progressive goals requires building a durable long-term progressive majority. Let's argue about how to do that—and about how to achieve what we can in the meantime—this week and beyond, but let us do it on the basis of evidence and let us have faith in each other that when it comes down to it, we mostly want the same things.


Comments (100)

This is a good start. I look forward to reading the next episodes! Meanwhile, I don't see the whites of your eyes.

Hoppy in Sacramento

avatar

Scott

Welcome to TPMCafe and thank you for a very reasoned post.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

Welcome, Mr. Winship. This is going to be fun. Great opening essay.

Of course facts matter. As you allude, the failure of the Iraq war was caused by a political movement that tailored its facts in order to justify what it already wanted to do, which was to invade Iraq. They didn't persuade the country that it was the right course of action. They didn't even try. They advertised the war to the country. They made up reasons, that often changed, to justify what they were going to do anyway.

Obviously, we progressives cannot allow ourselves to view facts in such a way. We are, after all, "The reality based community."

But, to paraphrase Darth Vader, "Don't be too proud of this technocratic mavel you've created, Mr. Winship. The power to analayze the effects of same sex marriage on divorce rates is insigificant next to the power of right and wrong."

On certain issues, and I say same sex marriage is one of them, the fact of a right-leaning population on social issues is trumped by he fact that our current system is unfair and discriminates against a minority. Indeed, on all issues of minority rights (be they race, class or aesthetic minorities) you have to put some of the political facts aside and just do what's right. It's the old principle that says that while 90% of the people will profess to hate Larry Flynt that he's still allowed to publish hard core porn whether the majority wants it or not.

Some principles, like equal rights and free speech just aren't subject to fact-based texts -- they are absolute and we have to get together and support them.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

avatar

How I adore independent views and wisdom from the Greens of Harvard, of course you're a New Democrat


The world has achieved brilliance without conscience. Ours is a world of nuclear giants and ethical infants.

Gen. Omar Bradley

This question bumps into the one about propaganda vs. reasoned discourse. That is, can one side win against the other if opponents are precluding reasoned analysis, thus de-valuing evidence before it can even be brought to bear?

For example, all the caveats and holes in WMD or Al Qaeda arguments (Iraq) were shoved aside by attacks on patriotism. Facts are fine for actual policy (after one side wins) but seem to fall easily to clever psychological manipulation of the discussion. It may be that too much allegiance to evidence weakens the loyalty to principle that allows conservatives these days to become talking-point zombies.

A better question than the value of evidence is how to undercut the power of framing, thus allowing evidence to have some value.

avatar

As a real empirical scientist, I must tell you, you fail even undergraduate level evidence-based reasoning: all assertions, no definition of terms, no operational definitions, no critical thinking of alternative explanations, NO CITATIONS.


This is same ole', same ole', geez what I think we ought to do, from reasoning from almost nothing (self-report of conservative versus liberal, with no self-definition of the term..).

avatar

There is no such thing as agnosticism or empiricism when it comes to pollsters reading and analyzing polls. It's all how you ask the questions, and how you read the results.

But I do I look forward to a week of hearing how the evidence shows it's good for progressives to move to the right. That's where the voters are, right?

(I would also suggest reading Tapped, for a critique of the Third Way's polling "evidence," links here and here.)

Anyway, didn't post-modernism do away with things like facts and evidence, anyway? 

 

"Thank God George Bush is our president." -Rudy Giuliani

It doesn't matter how many "facts" you have "on your side" if you can't stay on message with them. So-called progressives seem to have a bigger problem with being sidetracked into every disputational thicket they encounter than they do with accumulating facts.

Facts are simple and facts are straight Facts are lazy and facts are late Facts all come with points of view Facts don't do what I want them to Facts just twist the truth around Facts are living turned inside out Facts are getting the best of them Facts are nothing on the face of things -- Talking Heads, Crosseyed and Painless

Thanks.

mp

If you have to ask what jazz is, you'll never know.
-- Louis Armstrong

Nah-uh!

Oh wait, I'm doing it again...

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

avatar

MyDD also has a series of posts about Third Way that might be of interest:

First MyDD post.

Second MyDD post including response from Third Way.

Third MyDD post, this one from Matt Stoller. Of interest:

=== Third Way transparently and dishonestly used polling data to misrepresent the electorate as whiter, more male, and richer than it really is. Polling the electorate in 2006 and comparing it to 2004 is just misleading, since a Presidential electorate is always wider than a midterm. Moreoever, Third Way's economic 'analysis' on middle class is similarly fraudulent. They misrepresent statistics, change measurement definitions to suit their conclusions, and use standard right-wing spin to hide wealth inequality. If your political statistics and economic work has no analytical rigor and is coming from a political group designed to push certain policies, then if the work is tilted against the middle class, it's hard to see that as anything but right-wing.===

MyDD on Screw the Base Day.

Note: my posting these links does not indicate agreement or disagreement with either of the MyDD posters nor the poster of this essay. I have not yet made up my mind on this, although I do tend to the parent comment that convincing Democrats and progressives to move farther to the right is probably not a good idea.

sPh

avatar

This is where you lost me:

Here's where I'll make the first (but not the last) controversial empirical claim of the week: The country leans right of center.

There is no inherent right-leftness to the American body politic. This is the underlying flaw to all of the "New Democrat" analysis of the past fifteen years. The American public can be led in either direction, to the left or to the right. What happens when the Right is pulling them to the their side, while "New Democrats" consistently undermine any efforts to pull the public to the left, is that the public moves to the right because that's the only side making any attempt to generate momentum.

Indeed, the attempt to project the hodgepodge of policy attitudes on a myriad of subjects to a single dimension, from Left to Right, is hopelessly flawed. Survey after survey shows that the public prefers the policies that the Left has put in place, even when they self-identify as "moderate" or "conservative".

The public's essential problem with Democrats is not that we are Too Far to The Left, at least, not any more - this may have been a problem in 1979 but that was a Long Time Ago. These days, the public is far more concerned with questions about security than questions about social spending, and have problems believing that Democrats stand up for what they believe in.

To that end, "New Democrats" hurt the cause because they are constantly trying to water down the Democratic message and "triangulate" to a position that includes enough "moderates" without alienating too many of the base. A completely different way of governing, one that the Democratic party hasn't tried since the '60s, would be to simply stand up for the principles that have historically put the party in power, and to convince the public of the correctness of our positions.

I was hopeful when I saw that you wanted to talk about "empiricism". Where here are some empircal facts: right now, voters are self-identifying as Democrats over Republicans by a sizeable margin. This has generally been the case for the past fifty years, aside from the 10-15 years when the DLC was running the party. Curiously, the strategy of not standing up for Democratic ideas correlated strongly with people leaving the party and identifying with the Right.

I think the body of your post, when you wander away from your non-empirical truth claim, is simply over-complicated wonkery.

The claim that I'll make here, then, (to be assessed on the basis of the evidence I'll present tomorrow) is that the circular firing squad is a fixture among progressives but not conservatives because the ideological disposition of the electorate makes victory more difficult for our side.

I reject that claim categorically. Now if you'll turn your side of the "circular firing squad" around, you'll find the targets that progressive have actually been shooting at are standing behind you.

Hey Daniel:

This isn't Scott's first foray into the cafe. He first visited back in January to test the water. The following links may help you get a little more depth on the very shallow knowledge available to us about him and his background on this issue.

The Democratic Strategist: Facts, Not Factions and Talkin 'Bout My Generation

~OGD~

avatar
Today, I want to argue that empiricism is actually more important for progressives than it is for conservatives
I think this statement is backwards. Progressives by no means have any sort of monopoly on empiricism and nothing inherent in the ideology makes it reality-based. Instead, those who value and are committed to evidence and logic strongly tend to become progressive. Obviously this isn't true in all cases (there do exist at least a small number of libertarian-esque folk who're intellectually honest) but generally what we label in the contemporary US political scheme as "progressive" is a function of adherence to empiricism.
avatar

The country leans right of center.

UMM. This statement is incoherent. It is like saying 60% of American children are above average.

One of the favorite beltway pundit pass times is claim their views are centrist and try to give some external definition of what "center" means.

avatar

why does this website consistently invite these whiny faux democrats on to make their case? you DLC-inspired conservatives are not liberals and we will not let you take over the democratic party from those of us with actual lefty beliefs and goals. you are constantly undermining any programs or ideas that the lefty faction of the democratic party has in favor of kowtowing to traditional conservative pet causes. the country does not lean to the right at all. in fact, nearly every opinion poll that does away with such useless labels as "democrat", "republican", "conservative" or "liberal" clearly demonstrates that a majority of americans are to the left of center on a range of social issues. most support military action only with united nations approval. most support universal health care. most support a multilateral foreign policy. most oppose reckless military spending. where is this right-leaning country? in spite of bill clinton's best efforts, the country remains a rather liberal nation. go peddle your wares elsewhere - little green footballs seems a more appropriate site.

Mr. Winship:

Nice to see that you decided to return to the cafe. May I call you Scott?

Before I jump in and take away any precious time from trimming our roses, what is/was your dissertation for the doctoral program in social policy at Harvard?

And if completed, is there an online link to your thesis, and would you mind providing the link?

Signed, One interested, frequently cranky "baby-boomer" who feels like a specimen floating in a social petri dish...

~OGD~

avatar

I'm sceptical of the approach you outline chiefly because it doesn't seem to leave a lot of room for crucial effects that actually dominate political outcomes.

For example, George Bush and the Republicans became tremendously popular due to the 9/11 effect, and handily won in the 2002 and 2004 elections because of it. They are now turning tremendously unpopular because of the Iraq War effect -- already highly significant in the 2006, and almost certain to be in the 2008 election.

The real goal for a true empiricist is to factor ALL relevant issues into electoral strategies. For example, it's my expectation that highlighting Bush's catastrophic Presidency, and the Republican hegemony that supported it, will prove a powerful technique for many years to come. Indeed, I'd expect that that connection will play a larger role in elections in the next decade or so than will the other kinds of policy issues you describe.

avatar

Thanks for the link and the reminder.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

avatar

It does not really matter what polls show or what are asked by pollsters. This country has traditionally been a conservative country . LBJ saw himself as finishing the work of the New Deal. The New Deal and the Roosevelt Presidency was shaped by the Depression. Before FDR and after there have been more Republicans elected president. The Democrats who dominated the post 1940s Congress were generally Southern segregationists, not liberals.

Much of the of the move to the Left following WWII was "enacted" by the Warren Court. How many of the the striking down of various racist laws, enlargement of defendent rights, abortion rights etal. would have been won in a legislature?

The Democrats elected since John Kennedy required an assination and Republicans acting in scandalous or calous ways. This a country in which large majorities go to church and are more tolerant than James Dobson and Jerry Falwell and maybe growing even more tolerant when it comes to Gays and race but this is not the country of TMPCafe. It does not take polling to show that.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

avatar

Play nice. If HHS doesn't re-fund the research then there is no more need for us specimens.

avatar

I'm with Rick (and lindiana) here. I stopped reading after the paragraph with this (I'll finish after I write this comment, maybe):


In 2004, 21% of voters called themselves liberal while 34% called themselves conservative (the rest identifying as moderate).

Most American voters don't even know what liberalism is, and more generally, couldn't agree on definitions if they wanted to. So, you make a fatal empirical mistake in my view by relying on what people call themselves - self-identification simply isn't reliable in this context.

Consider Moral-Politics.com. They've been doing a non-scientific survey for a while now, and it suggests that, independent of self-labelling, there are more socialists (28.5%) in the US than either conservatives (20%) or liberals (24%), out of 320K respondents...

Thus, the issue of how people in the US understand the labels they use even for themselves is critically important. And it's this issue that George Orwell was writing about in "Nineteen Eighty-Four:" how political outcomes are influenced by political language.

If you want to make good use of evidence, Mr. Winship, see what you can do to use it to address this broader issue.

avatar

Oh, brother. Not this silly garbage again. Yet another supposedly Democratic and progressive concern troll, this time dressed up as one committed to "evidence."

You should at least admit that your project is not an empiricist project. To quote the old cliche, you use data the way a drunk uses a lamp post. That is, for support rather than for illumination.

What is your project? You are yet another "centrist" trying to pull mainstream Democrats away from their liberal and progressive commitments and toward "compromise" with conservatives. We have all seen how well that project has gone since 1980. Every policy from the left of center gets dumped, and the "right" moves farther right. And along the way, we get into self-destructive wars and screw everybody who isn't already making off like a bandit.

Should I bother to look into your personal record to see how credible you are claiming to speak for progressive Democrats? Did you support filibustering Alito and Roberts? Did you support staying out of Iraq? Did you fight media consolidation? Do you fight for environmental and labor protections in trade agreements like NAFTA and CAFTA? I could go on, but I know where Third Way people are on all these things.

The evidence shows that your approach is bad for America and the world. Go away.

avatar

And by the way, you repeat a particular odious piece of b.s. that all of you supposed centrists like to use to avoid your own culpability on Iraq.

You say "Positioning on the Iraq war, however, tended to fall back on values far more heavily than either supporters or critics would prefer to admit, and that's because the evidence necessary for an empirically-grounded position wasn't available."

Bunk. Sen. Bob Graham, chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, flatly said the classified evidence didn't back up Bush's case for war. Al Gore picked up on this and made the argument forcefully.

Scott Ritter went around the country telling anyone who would listen about the WMD scam, and the only responses to his evidence were ad hominem. Hans Blix told the world he was inspecting every site the US suspected and finding nothing.

I could go on. You're kidding yourself when you say you believe in evidence. You only believe in evidence that supports your position, which is specifically the charge you lay against people to your left.

The shrinks would say you are "projecting."

Please go away.

Many thanks to both of you for the very interesting links.

Scott wrote that he will be writing about the role of evidence in our disagreements and how we all need to value it more strongly...

That sounds great, but completely misses the point that first we have to agree on the evidence. If Third Way's evidence shows that market based social policies produce better outcomes for the poor, but Jared Bernstein's evidence shows those policies have the opposite effect, then we still have problems.

IT IS NOT THE ROLE OF EVIDENCE THAT WE DISAGREE ON, IT IS THE EVIDENCE ITSELF.

BTW, two of sphealy's links are circular. Here they are again.

Second MyDD post, Third Wave Responds

Third MyDD post, Third Way and Branding




On some great and glorious day the plain folks of the land will reach their heart's desire at last and the White House will be adorned by a downright moron. H.L. Mencken

What Scott's Friends Want:

We're eventually going to have to get into what Scott and the Third Way want so we might as well start with their paper "Winning the Middle Class," which is available by following the link in Scott's post.

It's very close to what Senator Chuck Schumer called for in his recent book. You might recall that Schumer's book didn't go over well around here.

Anyway, here are Third Way's 6 ideas for winning the Middle class:

1) A choice between a $10,000 a year tax deduction or $3,000 a year tax credit for college tuition. Also, establish a $500 college savings account for every newborn.

Comment: Inoffensive, though the deduction isn't large enough since private unievrsity tuition costs three times that much and tuition rates are rising much faster than inflation. This does nothing to address the rise in rates.

2) A "New baby tax credit," to help new parents. Paid family leave for new parents. Double the tax break for childcare expenses.

Comment: Inoffensive, but isn't the real problem stagnant wages? This seems like a weak stab at a larger problem.

3) $1,500 tax credit for first-time home buyers.

Comment: Okay. It might help out some home buyers. But I doubt it'll make much difference given the incentives already in place. Besides, the real problem here, again, is that wages aren't rising fast enough for homebuyers to make their first purchases without taking on too much debt.

4) Tax breaks for the costs of caring for an aging parent.

Comment: Fine. But another weak solution to a real problem -- healthcare is too damned expensive. A few tax breaks won't change that.

5) A 25% smut tax on Internet pornography.

Comment: That's just stupid and prudish.

6) More cops on the streets and identity theft protection.

Comment: Cops. Yawn. And identity theft is an overblown problem. Sucks if it happens to you, but it's not as prevalent as people think.

Overall Comments: So, that's it. Not a big idea to be had. No overhauling of healthcare, no attempt to address the stagnant wage issue, no attention at all if you're a single worker without kids and a childish tax on Internet porn.
If you're a middle class homosexual who'd like equal rights, Third Way has nothing for you. If you're a member of the Middle Class who might have an opinion about Iraq -- nada, zilch. Worried that the government is eavesdropping on domestic phone calls? Third Way isn't.

I'm not saying that Third Way doesn't have opinions on all of those matters. They're elsewhere on the site. But in this memo, Third Way is telling candidates to offer a bunch of small, feel-good, ideas that don't address what's really wrong and that leave a lot of major issues unadressed. And this is supposed to inspire the Middle Class?

Pretty weak stuff.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

Agreed. I think it's very important to take into a account that even though, in 2004, more identified as conservative than liberal, I think if you broke it down and asked what positions and policies they supported, you'd find that there would be far more 'liberals' than the polling suggested.

avatar

By the way, 100% - 21% - 34% = 45%. Your claim:


The country leans right of center.

is thus nonsense, considering the data you present.

A correct claim might be "the country leans neither left or right," but the data you've presented simply doesn't support your claim, and it certainly doesn't prove it. It doesn't refute it either, but there's lots more to empirical methodology than simply making claims that are not refuted by your data.

With all due respect, Mr. Winship, I don't think you're the person to be talking about evidence and its application.

avatar

Thank you, lindiana.

Self-reporting is notoriously unreliable. When your doctor asks about your drinking habits, how honestly do you reply? As a tool for rational analyisis, self-reporting can be useful provided its biases can be identified and appropriately discounted, a process that is itself highly ambiguous and often not even attempted. And if the analysis of evidence in the hard sciences is vulnerable to the biases of the scientist, how much more so is the analysis of evidence collected through self-reporting vulnerable to the biases of the social scientist?

Here's a modest proposal (not an original one): let's delete the word "science" from academic disciplines like "social science" and "political science," and replace it with the word "studies." Empirically, that would be more accurate.

It would be more interesting to try to understand what motivates many people to self-report that they are conservative when many, if not most, of the positions they hold (again, self-reported) are liberal. Could it be that decade after decade of unopposed demonization of liberals has had its intended effect? Could the complicity and increasing incompetence of the media be a factor?

And even if we accept the assertion that conservatives outnumber liberals in America, does that mean that liberals need to continue to move farther and farther to the right, instead of working to redress the imbalance? That tactic has been tried, and here we are today, with a Democratically-led Congress unable to muster the will to do what the people elected them to do.

avatar

A tax on porn?

Really???

Any mention of video games? Aren't they just as horrible for society? 

 

"Thank God George Bush is our president." -Rudy Giuliani

avatar

Although it would appear that this subject is the target of your professional ambition, I still sincerely welcome the discussion you are proposing to conduct this week. I never let my copies of Locke and Hobbes and a good history of 17th century England get too far away from me when I consider the subject of politics writ large. There is much resonance between today and English Civil War. I note that Senator Byrd* in his remarks just prior to the “authorization” vote made free reference to the fate of Charles I. So I am looking forward to your efforts at “empirical” analyses. I am not conversant in the language of the “New Democrat,” but just by following the links you provided I can see that you are applying some intellectual rigor to the topic. I appreciate the opportunity to benefit from your efforts in that regard as well. So welcome and sally forth. I’m right behind you.

(I see the conversation has already started. I agree with those who have questioned your use of the term “center.” I guess we might begin by defining whether “center” is a median/mean/average in which case your statement seems to be a non-sequitur; or if it is one member of a set of, loosely speaking, valid parameters in which case we will have to define, rigorously I hope, the characteristics of each valid member of that set.)

*For the life of me I cannot find a transcript of this speech on the Senate floor, circa 10/2002 but I watched it on CSPAN and I remember it well.

avatar

All right, empiricism has a specific meaning and it has an even more specific meaning when it is merged with Progressivism. Empiricism as suggested by Hume (who I think should be considered one of its greatest proponents) is based on sense based data. That is you can only really know that which you can experience in real time. Empiricism is simply evidence based - it is a particular type of evidence. That is if you have something that can not be directly observed by the five senses it cannot be considered true knowledge. Empiricism then is a sub-category of what you refer to as evidence based.

Empiricism was taken as the only knowledge that could be truly trust by William James. However he did not see "empirical knowledge" as static, something that could be reified in to an object, but as something that is dynamic. When you think about it this absoutely has to be true, if knowledge is based on your sensory perceptions, and what you observe is constantly changing, then knowledge must be dynamic. So the only knowledge that you can actually have is in answer to an immediate problem, and therefore cannot be subject to any type of reification. As soon as you turn knowledge in to a constant that is separate from a human quality is loses its empirical quality.

Now where does this collide with the Progressive movement? The idea of empiricism was taken up by John Dewey who was one of the founders of the Progressive movement. He wanted to stress the dynamism and the action orientation of knowledge so he moved from an empiricist understanding of knowledge to an experimental understanding of knowledge. That is he wanted all emphasis to be placed on the problem itself, and the idea that you had to go through a logical experimental pattern and if the findings solved your problem then you had experimental (the only true) knowledge. But again, the knowledge is tied to the problem, so as soon as your ecology changes, knowledge changes.

So perhaps now you understand why making the statement that the country is center right is neither empirical or progressive. It is actually a highly ideological statement based in an authoritarian worldview. If I had time I would explain why this is.

When NATO faced a serious threat from the Warsaw Pact, it was necessary to deal with the other side as it was, not as what the planners would like it to be. NATO had to be prepared for massive preparatory artillery and then being hit by tank-heavy formations. NATO also recognized that Soviet doctrine tended to be very centralized, so taking out command vehicles had disproportionate effect on the unit they led.

In like manner, Rove's tactics are what they are, not what we might like them to be. In other threads, I've made posts to which a number of people objected, in which I felt that Code Pink or Cindy Sheehan style protests were counterproductive, because they handed the opposition images that they could frame.

To take your point about undercutting framing, I believe that when protest is planned, it has to be highly targeted, so talking-point zombies can't rationalize that their constituents aren't in that big demonstration, or that the guerilla theater types don't represent mainstream opinion. I've long believed that multiple, simultaneous smaller demonstrations in front of every Congressional district office, coupled with targeted petitions, letters, etc., would be enormously more efficient.

Modern telecommunications makes targeting demonstrations and other forms of protest far easier than in the past. Not so much for counterguerilla operations, but for meeting conventional forces, the military has had success with what they call network-centric warfare, pushing information out as long as it is useful and the recipients can process it. Why should this style be limited to the military? John Boyd's theories are applicable to far more than dogfights.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

"Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it" [George Santayana]

Think about the children!

The chil-il-il-dren!

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

avatar

"Here's where I'll make the first (but not the last) controversial empirical claim of the week: The country leans right of center."

You're right, this is controversial for a variety of reasons, but I think that a lot of us in the blogosphere respond negatively due to the lessons we have learned the past 20 years.

Namely, WE HAVE LOST during the reign of the Bob Shrums, and the Moderate, Washington DC polling firms and consultants.

Here is the lesson many of us have taken to heart from Wellstone Action which was also cited in Wellstone's book, Conscience of a Liberal:

"In countless conversations with Minnesota voters, Wellstone heard comments like: "I don't always agree with you, but I like it that I know where you stand." This sentiment was voiced particularly when he took very politically risky stands like his vote against the Iraq resolution less than a month before the election, and his vote against Clinton's welfare reform bill late in the 1996 Senate race....

It turned out that the right way--this Wellstone way--was smart politics. A perfect example was Wellstone's announcement of his opposition to the Iraq resolution: his approval ratings actually went up. Minnesotans, even if they didn't agree with his position, expected nothing less from him. For Wellstone, conviction politics were winning politics."


Everyone who followed politics closely during the Iraq War Resolution Vote heard about the enormous pressure Democrats running for re-election faced to vote in favor of us going to war. These Democrats, such as Max Cleland, were told flat out that they would LOSE if they voted against this resolution. (John Kerry was told that he'd never be President...)

The Third Way appears to believe that by checking polls for every single vote, and quantifying the number of people self-identified as conservative, a magic voting formula can be calculated.

Unfortunately or fortunately, this comes across as being somewhat unprincipled and slimy because voters do have certain understandings about the political parties. For example, they expect Democrats to be more for the poor and less pro-war than Republicans.

So a Democrat's Vote for War from a John Kerry, and particularly from a Paul Wellstone, would look so craven, unprincipled and politically calculated that they would lose support as opposed to gaining it.

This is why those of us in the Blogosphere get so upset over the moderate-right political reality/unreality and the suggestion from those in our party that repeatedly tell us this dynamic means compromising our principles in order to win.

#1. We haven't won by compromising our principles.

#2. How people self-identify does not always coincide with how they vote. Which is why a majority of people in Minnesota self-identified as more conservative than Paul Wellstone, but a majority of these people voted for him anyway.

Now, my opinion is that the conflict between the New Democrats/DLC types and the 'activist left' is one of actual policy difference, and could eventually lead to a quantum shift in the political landscape with a third party nudging its way into actual political power. (Potentually led by New York Mayor Bloomberg)

This split is over Economic Populism vs Pro-Corporate, Free Traders in the DLC.

I could easily see the Bob Shrums and Joe Liebermans supporting a Bloomberg/Hagel ticket over a Gore/Edwards or Edwards/Obama ticket. This is the Third Way, it's just NOT the Democratic Way.

Best,

Dems2006

avatar

I concur, Red Planet, and would like to note that we would do well to understand the classical difference between rhetoric and logic, the latter being real, hard, science.

E.g., the claim that the country leans to the right on the basis of a 21%/45%/34% distribution from left to right makes some rhetorical sense, but it makes no logical sense - that 45% is too important, and the distribution is thus too coarse. 21%/34%/45% to the right, yes, that would logically support the claim; but 21%/45%/34% is simply ambiguous and thus, as one of my professors used to remark, "content-free" in logical terms. I'm sure many will wonder what point I'm making, but one who understands how logic relates to objective empirical analysis would hopefully understand it.

I'm not an opponent of rhetorical analyses, but even at that, I find Mr. Winship's discussion to be lacking useful content, with all due respect to him. A good rhetorical analysis and debate can serve well to focus ideas and issues, but I don't see the prospect for that here, and the talk of evidence seems distraction at best, considering that requisite preliminaries are apparently going to be ignored, as lindiana has pointed out.

I also hesitate to make constructive suggestions for Mr. Winship; that's the job of his Ph.D. advisor. Having been through that process, I'm not sure I like the prospect of handing a really good thesis topic to a student in a blog comment, unless the student has done his or her part in motivating it. I would feel differently if his starting point, i.e., his current thesis, were stronger, but it's simply not very strong in my view. I'm much more inclined to walk away from this discussion than to further engage in it.

But hopefully, we've identified as least one area of improvement for Mr. Winship, i.e., the difficulty with self-reporting, but there's much more for him to take up - again, as lindiana has pointed out; his advisor should be helping him with that sort of thing (but who knows, his advisor may have sent him here to get exactly this kind of constructive criticism).

Mr. Winship, I recall my own difficulty of similar nature; I did my dissertation in Computer Science, but had to depend upon empirical analyses for some support. So, I tend to be sympathetic. I'm just not impressed by the discussion you've presented so far.

avatar
why does this website consistently invite these whiny faux democrats on to make their case?

Um did it ever occur to you that perhaps it's because the owner of this website has a predilection for what you call "faux whiny democrats"?

Josh Marshall, Dec 2, 2006:

....I treat it as a given that the site will always be a home, predominantly, for people of a center-left viewpoint. But conservatives are welcome here, as our all the shades of people who consider themselves liberals or progressives or centrists or whatever....

It's a place for people of a variety of viewpoints to come together and have fruitful, lively discussions. Broadly speaking, the site has a center-left character....

What is your handicap that you cannot see that the selection of contributors and topics are purposeful?

You say:

....go peddle your wares elsewhere - little green footballs seems a more appropriate site.

Seems like you misunderstand the program here. The contributors are invited by the management. It's not a democracy where the loudest readers pick the ideology. Perhaps something like Democratic Underground might make you a happier user?

avatar

When progressives start talking about "a commitment to empiricism," and "empirical agnosticism" they are talking down to the people they are supposedly trying to win over. Why not just say, "telling the truth" and let it go at that? Why do liberals always have to prove how intelligent and well-educated they are? Don't they realize that turns people off?

Democrats are already experts at showing how smart they are. That's the problem. They are already reading too many polls. That isn't the problem.

Progressives need to communicate an overall vision of government and society that is as compelling and consistant as the one that conservatives have disseminated over the past 30 years. They need to be able to appeal not only to facts, but to people's core values and aspirations. To basic values like human equality, basic fairness, Christian charity, and building a better future. It's not a matter of following or interpreting the polls correctly, but of leading the American people in the direction that we believe is right.

On a completely different but relevant note, a YouTube video for all Hillary and Obama supporters. Important to watch it to the very end.

http://youtube.com/watch?v=YqOHquOkpaU

avatar

Re: whether self-reporting of liberalism vs. conservatism is accurate -- the very concepts liberal and conservative are almost impossible to define in the first place. I think, as liberals or progressives or whatever we want to call ourselves, we have a fairly good intuition about what progressivism/liberalism is, but it's pretty damn difficult to explain to someone else. There are plenty of contradictions in each of the two ideologies. The more precise we can be about the particular issue our belief refers to (e.g. "I am liberal on the abortion issue", "I am liberal on the question of whether so-called illegal immigrants should be granted amnesty", etc.) the more accurate and coherent our statement about our beliefs becomes; but at the same time, the smaller the "group" (liberals vs. conservatives) we belong to becomes, since our choice on an issue causes others to split off.

Furthermore, these beliefs and definitions change over time. The original Port Huron statement came out strongly in favor of nuclear power; if that was a "progressive viewpoint" at the time, it certainly wasn't 15 years later.

So I think that simply asking people whether they self-identify as liberal or conservative will produce more coherent answers than trying to define liberalism or conservatism first.

----------------

But the problem then becomes that people do have negative or positive impressions of liberalism and conservatism, whether or not they really understand what the terms mean. And for the last few election cycles, anyway, one can make the case that liberalism was not a popular ideology. And as several others have pointed out upthread, the electorate can be led to a position they didn't previously hold.

So what is the situation now, and what benefit can trying to measure it possibly bring? Basing one's policy, or strategy, on measurements of slippery and ill-defined numbers can serve to make the policy/strategy overcautious as easily as it can serve to make it "reality-based". It can lead to appeasement of the opposition. It can lead to triangulation. What's worse, in service of actual belief, it can lead to moral relativism.

"Reality", as measured empirically, should definitely inform policy and strategy, but it shouldn't drive them; policy and strategy should instead seek to change reality.

avatar
Please go away.

He was invited to post here. You and I are uninvited open-house guests, allowed to comment on his post in hopes that he might converse, but no guarantees on that. Sheesh, get a clue and really think about what that means, editorial-policy wise, and how most people are not interested in discussing anything with someone who asks them to leave. Matter of fact, isn't it the case that if I threw an open-house gathering for a "special guest," and someone in the crowd asked my special guest to go away, it would be that someone that I would ask to leave.

avatar

=== You and I are uninvited open house guests, allowed to comment on his post in hopes that he might converse, but no guarantees on that. ===

We are also the people who provide the advertising eyeballs that pay TPM's bills. And some of us have participated in the "taking myself hostage" campaigns for cash donations to the site(s).

I agree that doesn't justify rudeness, and I realize when I come here that the owner has a liking for Marshall Wittmann-type mushy center-rightists. But it is also a good thing to remember that we are actually the customers.

sPh

avatar

Thanks for this. I look forward to reading more.

As a member of the progressive policy community in DC, I want to add two points. First, this a winner for progressives because we are the only game in town: CBPP, Brookings, CAP, GAO, CBO are all, at their cores, progressive institutions, run and staffed by progressives with training in policy analysis. As of now, the other side simply cannot compete with us on this turf. In the final analysis we outgun them, plain and simple. Second, what has yet to be really discussed is that a concern for empiricism cannot function without concern for personal reputation. Nobody I know professionally would be caught making a claim that wasn’t documented and verified because of the harm it would cause their personal reputations. This environment keeps them honest and without the accountability, the whole thing is a house of cards. That sounds pretty quaint these days, no?

Wow. You're the only game in town? The right's think tanks, which helped bludgeon progressives throughout the 1990s, are no match for you guys? Why? Because you say so?

This smacks a bit of "Whether you like it or you don't like it, learn to love it." But I'm not so sure that the best ideas are coming out of the progressive think tanks. Far bolder and more interesting notions have been put forward on these boards than have been put forward by the Third Way.

I don't think I'm willing to cede command of the party to the think tanks just yet.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

avatar

Empiracism is also important for the liberal left because, when our side has abandoned it, the results have been politically disasterous.

Al Sharpton made a mockery out of the civil rights movement when he decided to endorse the Tawana Brawley rape hoax (four white law enforcement officials were supposed to have captured and then raped her over a rainy, cold Thanksgiving weekend without any of their families noticing that the were missing) and he continues to hurt Democrats by insisting on supporting her story even though a grand jury decided that she lied and even though he was successfully sued for slander by one of the accused. No wonder Roger Stone, who organized the riot that stopped the 2000 Florida recount in Dade County, financed the good reverend's 2004 presidential campaign.

Feminists discredited themselves—and by association liberalism—by claiming that there was a widespread international satanic conspiracy in which children were supposed to have been ceremonially raped by their fathers, by some accounts in public parks on holiday weekends, and that this resulted in a national epidemic of multiple personality disorder—a diagnosis which has since been abandoned by the APA. Then there was their absured claim that men like pictures of naked women, not because we naturally find the sight delightuflly stimulating but becuase it's our way of asserting domination and control ("Take THAT 3-color/2-dimensional image!"). I have quite a few more examples their crying wolf up my sleeve but for the sake of brevity I'll lay off here. Let's just say that while both issues have been noticeably dropped, at the time of their popularity feminists were in no mood to hear about issues of empiracism.

Naturally that's old news. But remember, that was about the time Rush Limbaugh was becoming immensely popular. No surprise. At the time he had much more promising material to work with.

We're still recovering from the reputation for stidency our side earned thanks to their efforts.

avatar

Why do liberals always have to prove how intelligent and well-educated they are?

All the money we spend attending elitist colleges? :-)

Personally, I don't think being intelligent, or someone demonstrating they're intelligent and well-educated, is a turn off. I think it can be done in the right way --Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, Russ Feingold, they all seem to be very smart people who can also be plainspoken. 

 

"Thank God George Bush is our president." -Rudy Giuliani

avatar

I wish I could agree with you, ned, but...

So I think that simply asking people whether they self-identify as liberal or conservative will produce more coherent answers than trying to define liberalism or conservatism first.

I couldn't disagree more. I think the implicit definitions that people use are emotional, not substantive at all. And they thus stifle rational debate.

Really, read Orwell's "Nineteen Eighty-Four" for comprehension, if you haven't read it already.

The more precise we can be about the particular issue our belief refers to (e.g. "I am liberal on the abortion issue"...

Good example - to refute your point. I believe human life begins at first breath - that's the consistent Biblical position (Gen. 2:7, Eze 37, John 3:8, John 6:63, ...) and I'm a Christian - of a different sort, obviously, than the implicitly accepted definition you might think you understand. The religious conservative position that life begins at conception is something that I would have found more consistent when I was an atheist - I've had atheist friends who used it to argue against the possibility of the existence of "spirit" (breath and spirit are related etymologically, in both Hebrew and Greek).

So what am I, ned? Liberal on "abortion", or "conservative"? I frankly don't even like to use the word "abortion", per Romans 8:6, since it's a term of death, not of life at all, and by my position, abortions have nothing whatsoever to do with human life. If Christians agreed with me, there would be no "abortion" issue at all, and the political implications of that kind of consensus should be clear.

Are you seeing my point? Let me try again.

I self-describe as a "fundamentalist evangelical charismatic Christian socialist." But I'd bet you'd be hard pressed, if you're satisfied with implicit definitions of terms, to see how historically popular my self-description has been.

But... Did you know that the US' Pledge of Allegiance was written by someone who matches my self-description, exactly? Yes, by a socialist, also a Baptist minister, who saw it as a statement of socialist principle.

Written by a socialist! Secular progressives want the "under God" removed (it wasn't in the original); religious conservatives, who hate socialism more than terrorism, don't want the removal to "defile" the nearly "sacred" pledge. And it was written as a statement of socialist principle!! And you don't think this matters politically, that implicit definitions lend coherence?

The problem isn't that terms like liberal and conservative, or socialist and capitalist, are hard to define. The problem is that most people who use these terms don't care what they mean, they just care what impact their use has.

When a term has become a pejorative in conventional use, it no longer matters what it means; it becomes interchangeable with just about any other pejorative term. And that reduces the intelligently useful vocabulary of a society.

I'm not a liberal or a progressive - I'm a socialist. Liberals and progressives won't use that same term to describe themselves, even though for many it's the one that best fits, because it's a pejorative, and one might as well confess to being a murderer as to being a socialist.

And that's the truth.

So there are, and will be, two kinds of liberals - those who know they are really socialists and those who are in denial about it; and two kinds of progressives - those who know they are socialists and those who are in denial about it; because no one dares use the really distinguishing term. And why not? Because conservatives are not in denial about it; they know liberals and progressives are socialists, and had made that conclusion their conventional wisdom before "progressive" even again became popular.

By the way, Orwell was also a socialist. His issue was the way the term had become a pejorative, through its use by Soviet totalitarians. Things haven't changed much since 1948, it seems.

I think you're overstating things. Sharpton made a mockery of himself, not the civil rights movement. Mistakes have been made in feminism, but I'd hardly call the movement "discredited."

Heck, the data-loving people at third way want a 25% smut tax on Internet porn so they'd be right at home with the people on the fringe who think there's something morally wrong with porn.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

Good post. But I'm a progressive and I'm not a socialist, nor am I in denial about it.

Socialism doesn't suit me because, though I believe in economic justice, I also have a bit of a libertarian streak, especially on social issues.

No socialist here. Sorry!

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

avatar
Here's where I'll make the first (but not the last) controversial empirical claim of the week: The country leans right of center

You are absolutely 100% wrong. No, check that: you're *not even wrong*.

You're *not even wrong* because you *haven't defined* "right of center" or "conservative".

We're undergoing a realignment at this time. Libertarians are leaving the Republican Party and joining the Democratic Party.

Before you say *anything* about "right of center" or "conservative", you *have to define what you're talking about*. And you didn't. This renders *everything you said* meaningless.

To make it worse, the definition you *appear* to be using is an obsolete one, and for that definition, most people in the US are neither liberal nor conservative, or perhaps they're both right of center and left of center.

If you had said "People in the US, on average, want the government to let them carry guns with very few restrictions", you'd be correct. If you had said "People in the US, on average, do not want the government spying in their bedrooms", you'd also be correct. The first is "right wing" and the second is "left wing" traditionally. Get my point?

One of the problems is that while Europeans seem to come up with party and political terms to differentiate between economic socialism (in terms of ownership of the means of production) and the social safety net, we do not. "Socialized medicine" is a pejorative, but it need not have any particular implications of government-run medicine if the reference is to universal access.


--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

"Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it" [George Santayana]

avatar

I should mention (you surely know this) that Jesus hung out with prostitutes and tax collectors, and lashed out at religious hypocrites. I'd say he was somewhat of a social libertarian in that respect, albeit a principled one.

E.g., "let he who is without sin among you cast the first stone." Sounds like something the ACLU would endorse, at least to me...

But Jesus was clearly, in my view, a socialist. The more I study the New Testament, especially in Greek, which I've taken to doing in recent years, the clearer that has become to me. This isn't the place for that, but I point it out only to observe that there is no necessary conflict between social libertarianism and socialism, even religiously motivated socialism.

One last quick thing: the passage in Romans 1 about homosexuality was, in Greek, very graphic (as in pornographic), I think intentionally so. Paul thus was likely not talking about "love relationships;" he was talking about sex, and more generally, about people ignoring God in their lifestyles. But one shouldn't ever read Romans 1 without reading the first few verses of Romans 2...

avatar

I think this note applies. There are words in the New Testament that should, in my view, directly translate to "capitalism" and "communism." The former is "philarguria" in Greek, literally "affection for silver", but "silver" was idiom for what we call "capital." A weak word, not "patharguria", which would be closer to "greed" or "avarice." I.e. capitalism. It occurs in the familar phrase, "... For capitalism is a root of all kinds of evil." (1 Timothy 6:10)

But more to the point of your post, the Greek "koinonia" is more literally "communism", in my opinion, and is used in context as such. E.g., Acts 2:42 and following:

Tbey devoted themselves to the apostles' teaching and to communism, to the breaking of bread, and to prayer. ... All the believers were together and had everything in common. Selling their goods and possessions, they gave to anyone as they had need.

I often suggest that the fear of communism in the US is not a fear of Soviet-style communism, which is really totalitarianism with irrelevant economic trappings and thus a misappropriation of the term, but first-century Christian communism, which agrees with the dictionary definition, relating to property ownership and the means of production, as you note.

Think about what that means for this place and time. Religious Republicans, who hate little more than communism except maybe atheism and terrorism, are thus opposed to the very political and economic philosophy of the early Christian church.

Knowledge is power, folks.

True enough--values often trump political facts (and should). On the other hand, values are often based on an understanding of the world, which can be altered by facts as well. Misperceptions about LGBTQ people can be the source of homophobia, but the value of "traditional family values" can be replaced by the value of "tolerance" with new information.

avatar

Fair enough, destor23; I appreciate at least that you've taken my comments seriously, and I hope you forgive the extremes they contain (rhetorical license, if I were to excuse myself).

But that said, I'd love to have the debate, not just with you, but with many others as well.

Socialism has many variants. Alex Haley once wrote about "black" Americans that if one has one drop of black blood, one is black. (I can write that, not only because I had the privilege once of discussing it personally with him, but also because I'm African-American myself). I think socialism is the same way; if you're even a little bit a socialist, you're a socialist. (Admittedly, I can take that perspective because it's not a bad thing to me.)

I would say that if you believe in economic justice, you may lean towards socialism. Not by modern conventional definition, mind you, but by the original definition. There is nothing that precludes libertarians from being socialists, especially if one really believes in the idea of "government of, by, and for the people" as the among the clearest statements of democracy - it's also among the clearest statements of socialism.

One of my atheist friends called himself an anarchist. Computer professionals seem much more likely, it seems to me, to self-identify as either libertarians or anarchists than as socialists. But I would ask this distinguishing question: which do you respect more - economic justice, or economic freedom? In extreme terms, the "rights" of thieves, or the needs of the poor?

There are libertarian socialists, though I'm not one of them.

I say I am not a liberal or progressive, frankly, out of some nomimal respect for those who really are liberals/progressives (the set difference of socialists and liberals/progressive is not an empty set, despite my rhetoric). I'm probably as close as one comes, being a highly educated advocate of technology, but that alone doesn't make me a progressive, unfortunately.

Frankly, I see liberalism and progressivism, as properly defined, not so much as political labels as they are motivations toward political perspectives, much like religion is for people like me (and the religious right). I.e., although I largely agree with liberals and progressives, I don't come to our common political positions through liberalism or progressivism (at least not entirely, anyway).

Nice point. Sometimes facts don't matter to the electorate (or rather, to key segments of it).

But the question of how to undercut the power of framing is, of course, an empirical one, right?

There's no arguing with a postmodernist.

Thanks, by the way, for also linking to our response to the TAPPED criticisms. Allow me: http://www.prospect.org/csnc/blogs/tapped_archive?month=05&year=2007&base_name=post_3734.

avatar

This is what I meant about problems vs. solutions.

People think of "economic socialism" in terms of particular ideas for economic solutions, more to exclude what they reserve for capitalism (i.e., markets) than to include what they consider socialism (i.e., governments and "planned economies"). Red herrings.

Socialized medicine is economic socialism. The question really is, "what is economic socialism?"

Insurance, even private insurance, is economic socialism. So it doesn't make sense if it's for profit instead of "promoting the general welfare."

The entire US Federal Reserve is economic socialism.

WalMart is a planned economy. It's now called "supply chain management" and the like. That's why the company so easily hooks into the Chinese system, which by the way, is still as communist as it ever was.

Capitalism can indeed be very efficient; in the future and maybe even now, too efficient, in fact. Technology has changed this fundamental issue, and has tipped the balance. Technology makes economic planning not only possible. but preferable (globalization depends on economic planning), and devalues labor, which eventually will make free markets based on marginal value impossible.

Knowledge has context. Past conclusions about socialism, even if valid in their time, are not necessarily valid now. And anyone who believes otherwise should stop criticizing us religious fundamentalists who believe similar things about the Bible.

Sure, you can call me Scott. My dissertation isn't finished yet. It will consist of 3 papers looking at how to measure economic wellbeing. One will reassess Jacob Hacker's income volatility estimates, one will evaluate different measures of income against the number of food problems households report, and the third will examine changes in the wellbeing of single mothers and their children in the wake of welfare reform. Shooting for an October defense...

Hmmm...love that "non-scientific survey". I'll leave it up to you whether you want to believe the accumulated wisdom of political scientists on the question of how popular socialism is in the US or whether you want to rely on a survey described in this way (on the creators' own website):

"The Moral Politics Test was introduced in September 2004. It was built by the developers of Xignite (an internet software company located in Foster City, California) on their free time."

avatar

Thanks for nailing a "New Democrat" theme that makes me foam at the mouth and tune out to any and all rational argument. They BEGIN by conceding not only their opponent's argument but their whole philosophy.

"The country leans right of center"... so first surrender and then start the conversation (see recent embarassment on Iraq bill).

Bob Shrum is widely viewed as a *populist liberal*, not a centrist. The man tried to elect Ted Kennedy for President in 1980.