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Stiglitz Tells It Like It Is: Deficit Mania’s Got To Stop

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Perhaps, given my bias, I should recuse myself from the argument I’m about to make. You see, on our first date, I impressed the woman who is now my wife by convincing her conservative brother-in-law that budget deficits are not always a problem. Such is DC romance.

That was over a decade ago, but the issue remains both contentious and misunderstood. That’s why I was so interested in the recent talk given at the Economic Policy Institute by Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel Laureate economist and all around interesting guy. What’s unique about Stiglitz is not that he always rejects conventional wisdom—he doesn’t. It’s that he looks at in the context of the real world, and often finds it lacking.

Both in his talk and his writings, he seems genuinely and appropriately worried about a mania for balancing budgets. If I could summarize his message in one over-arching thought, it would be: too often, our budget debates mindlessly assume that deficit reduction is the best option, both for us and for other countries with whom we do business. This simplistic, reductionist view is leading both political parties toward a philosophy of fiscal austerity which will have very negative consequences.

The debate is far from academic. Misguided thinking about deficits has led to the two options that form the core of the fiscal debate between Democrats and Republicans: the D’s want to balance the budget by holding down spending and letting (some of) the Bush tax cuts expire, the R’s want to do so by extending the Bush tax cuts and cutting spending, big time. Make no mistake, when John McCain says in a recent speech that he wants to “save entitlements,” he means he wants to save them by shrinking them. These two options have crowded out the third: raise the revenue we need to support that which will make our economy and country stronger.

Stiglitz framed the issue in terms of two pressing problems: a short-term and a long-term one.

First, there’s the fact that the economy is currently growing about one point below its trend (with real GDP growth around 2-2.5% per year instead of 3-3.5%), a problem Stiglitz attributed mostly to the slump in housing and the loss of stimulus from this sector. In this context, taking money out of the economy by pursuing deficit reduction would do more harm than good.

You don’t hit someone when they’re down, and you don’t pursue deficit reduction when the economy is already stressing out. As Stiglitz noted, “The idea that deficit reduction leads to a strong economy was an idea that Andrew Mellon tried in the midst of the Great Depression…the effect, of course was not positive. Then came Keynesian economics.”

In the current context, this is hopefully a short-term problem and one that even some pretty hawkish folks on the deficit will be okay with. The more important question is the longer-term one: what’s the proper role of deficit spending in good times?

Here’s where reductionism—a zombie-like allegiance to balancing the budget—is your enemy. Stiglitz argued “that we should never focus just on deficits, but on broader economic concepts.” What’s the magnitude of the deficit relative to GDP (it’s now a very manageable 2%)? What are we spending it on (we’re wasting far too much of it on the war and tax cuts for the rich instead of accumulating worthwhile assets)? Are we, in the interest of balancing the budget, ignoring important investments that the private sector won’t make?

It’s on this last point where I thought Stiglitz’s message was most important, and it’s where we’re furthest off track. We have large and growing needs for investments that market forces simply won’t make.

We would be much wiser to focus on these deficits: early childhood development and education; access to higher ed for those who ought to be there but can't pull it off; our public health care system, which will absolutely need to expand in coming years as the private, employer-based system unravels; safety nets: programs like unemployment insurance and job training that can help those displaced by globalization; and, one Stiglitz emphasized, environmental policy.

Yet, even the most progressive budget alternatives, such as that of the Progressive Caucus, brag on the fact their budget gets to balance before all the others. This is a disheartening example of Bob Kuttner’s observation about deficits and Democrats: they’ve elevated a defensive tactic—hawkishness on deficits to stave off wasteful tax cuts—to a principle: balance budgets regardless of whether you’re foregoing short-term stimulus or needed investments.

Which brings us to politics.

Since when did Democrats become slavishly committed to fiscal austerity? As Kuttner explains in a recent critical piece about Bob Rubin, much of this comes from the belief that balancing the budget in the Clinton years drove the 1990s boom. When asked about this at EPI, Stiglitz explained that in his view deficit reduction had little to do with it: the boom was more of function of unique conditions in the banking sector that made borrowing cheap and financed an investment boom (that ultimately became a bubble).

Alan Blinder and Janet Yellin (both were top Clinton economists; Blinder was vice-chair at the Fed; Yellin’s there now) take the closest analytic look and are unable to pin the Clinton boom on deficit reduction. Instead, lower health care and energy costs boosted the economy, and, most importantly, productivity accelerated, facilitating both low inflation and interest rates. It was the revenue growth from these developments that balanced the budget, not the other way around.

But urban legends die hard, and Rubinomics, with its emphasis on balanced budgets, still holds sway in the top reaches of Democratic power. Word is that both Hillary Clinton and Obama are listening more closely to Bob than to Joe.

This is too bad, because more than any prominent economist, he understands the damaging limits of fiscal austerity, and the extent to which it undercuts our ability to tackle the big problems of today and tomorrow, from frayed safety nets to depleted ozone, from the war on poverty to the war in Iraq.

So move over Bob, and make room for Joe. We need him, or at least his ideas, at the table too.


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Democrats have always been fiscal conservatives -- Cleveland, FDR, Mondale, Clinton.  Apparently, it's in the DNA.  But why?

If Stiglitz wants to counter Rubin's policies that all to the good, but how about looking at the 800 lb gorilla? It's not the wars, its the overall military spending.

Neither political party is willing to address the issue. In fact both are pushing for more military spending. When the wars end most likely spending won't decrease much then either, there will be a need to restock all the materiel being expended currently.

Rubin and the neo-cons want to shrink social insurance programs. They use faulty projections to scare people into thinking there is an impending disaster, but this isn't true.

Other advanced societies get along with military budgets which are a small fraction of ours. They then can use the government revenues for social programs. They also get all the raw materials they need, they just pay for them. Why do we need 750+ military bases. Does this ensure a supply of oil?

The federal deficit is on the order of $500 billion, the military budget is on the order of $650 billion. And people still want to talk about tweaking tax policy...

Here's a nice graphic to show where our taxes go:

Federal Pie Chart

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

That's interesting, where is the wedge/percent that goes to servicing that alleged non problematic debt?.


Whenever two people meet, there are really six people present. There is each man as he sees himself, each man as the other person sees him, and each man as he really is.

William James

Deficits, accumulated debt, misuse of debt... 

 

Oh it is current priorities (the WAR) that is the problem... Who would of thought that? 

Ever since making my first trip to Europe in the 1970s I've felt more like I'm under-served rather than overtaxed.  When I walk on the sidewalks in the town in which I live and still see the occasional WPA brass medallion (there are a couple on bridges too), I'm grateful for the expenditures made by the generation of the New Deal.  (The same thing applies when I walk into the post office.)  Seems to me that their deficit spending served them then (and us, now) well.

aMike

What we need to do is rebuild our economy, and while leftist proponents of globalization might not like to hear it, it means rebuilding our manufacturing base. It means supporting and subsidizing family farms. We do not have to accept globalization based on third world standards. That doesn't help the poor in the third world, it's corporate welfare.

Once we've grown our economy, we have to pay off the debt, in a slow and steady way. We also have to eliminate tax cuts to the wealthy, we have to for example, end social security and medicare for the wealthiest.. they do not need their incomes and healthcare subsidized.

We also need to bring back tariffs and levies on the importation of goods. We also need to impose a tax on American corporations who manufacture overseas (they, as well as the rest of the world rely heavily on American consumption). We also need to levy taxes on foreign nationals who own businesses here and seek to evade paying American wages and evade American workplace laws by relying on importing workers through visas.

We have to get tough, and start calling the bluff of corporations and foreign governments and nationals who are attemptin their own empire building on the backs of suffering American worker's and taxpayers.

if I understand your question, the graph is annotated and suggests that 80% of the outstanding debt was military driven and, therefore, it's included in "past military."

however, I heard that the military industrial complex folks target social spending because, if we actually paygo'd, the pie would have to be massaged.

of course this is one view. another view, which I actually find compelling, is that Americans shold simply take advantage of the trade deficits to become more dominant than ever.

that is, if imports are really produced more cheaply abroad-- then businesses in the US can snap them up and build the next generation economy very cheaply.

the protectionism you suggest might actually make things worse because nobody actually knows how healthcare will be delivered to the growing population of eldery and we really need to improve our medical technology so medical care becomes less dependent on labor.

unfortunately, I see some economists worrying because they didn't realize how much knowledge would be lost when manufacturing operations went over seas.

but, at least initially, they thought that Americans should be designers not producers since being higher up on the food chain was a better place to be-- but now we see that everybody wants to be on top.

Hmmmm. Word salad?

So America can win the war and solve all it's problems by just printing more dollars and flooding the markets with US Treasury IOU's?

Re: As Stiglitz noted, “The idea that deficit reduction leads to a strong economy was an idea that Andrew Mellon tried in the midst of the Great Depression…the effect, of course was not positive.

We are not in the midst of the Great Depression. We are not even in the midst of an itty, bitty, teeny, tiny depression.
And anyone remember the 90s, when the GOP pulled out all the gloom-n-doom stops over the Clinton tax increases which, it turned out, not only didn't sink the economy but may well have helped recharge it?

Take a look at the recent budget proposed by the Democratic Progressive Caucus--ie, check out the link from this piece whereing we heap praise.  They go after wasteful defense spending in a way that's way beyond the industry standard, which is not at all...

The point of his comment was you don't reduce deficits in weak economies--I probably should have used this quote from his speech, refering to conditions today:

“The problem is with that kind of weak economy, fiscal contraction would…exacerbate the problem and therefore risk the economy having a more significant slowdown than it otherwise would have had.”

Re Clinton tax increase, Stiglitz was there at the time--read what he says about Clinton fiscal policy (it's the first question in the Q&A in the transcript).

Isn't the key control? When Clinton and Rubin came to office it looked like the deficit was permanently out of control. The bond market showed that it would and could punish other nations by driving up their interest rates to impossible levels. The U.S. escaped that kind of punishment because not only has it never defaulted on its debt but it is provides the world's reserve currency and is the most power economy on the planet.

The budget does not need to be balanced but to some extent be countercyclical. Not only would this help support or remove demand but it woudl by its very nature show that the government is in charge of the deficit not the other way around.

However the one question might me about the coming need for funds for both Social Security and Medicare. Back in the 1980s Reagan, based on the Greespan-Moynihan Commission, passed the largest tax increase in history. This money was largely to have Baby Boomers to prepay their own retirment. To some extent Bush has pulled a bait and switch. Boomer prepayments have helped disguise the transfer of money from FICA payers to Treasurey interest collectors. If defictis aren't pared won't Boomers have had their taxpayments converted for used not intended by this large tax increase?

Daniel A. Greenbaum

Very interesting post, as well as interesting exchange over whether Clinton is as bad as the critics of the DLC think.Jared, can I ask what you think about Jeffrey Sachs's prescriptions? I gather than he became known for advising a strict deregulation, and I saw an invited talk at Columbia by an African leader taking pride in following that course. But I'm having trouble reconciling it with the pleas over the last years for funding African economies, other than perhaps both extremes ignore local political and economic conditions. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

Tax me now or tax me later. Better yet!  Don't tax me; tax my children.

Prepayment was always a bad idea as I have posted on this site many many times.  The economy is NOT like a gigantic individual.  Prepayment could not have worked in the first place.  MONEY is not a capital good.  When you or I put money aside, it only works because we are such a minute part of the economy.  We take out and dip back in at random times, and our putting aside consists of lending it to somebody else. 

When the whole economy puts money aside, it distorts the economy.  Prepayment did not put any money aside and it could not put any money aside.  It only reduced some other tax burden.  The low and moderate income boomers were snookered into regressive taxes on the false claim that their social security taxes were being put aside.  Their taxes reduced the more progressive income tax, allowing the rich to get richer (have you not noticed that every report on the status of wealth distribution over the last 20 years says this is what happened?)

It is time for this regressive effect to be erased by setting a surcharge on income not subject to social security tax of approximately 14%.  This would simply return the ground to level. 

I agree re control, balance and countercyclicality.  In fact, the problem with the Bush deficits--not today's, which are small relative to GDP, but tomorrow's (assuming he gets his tax cuts extended)--is that they are 'structural,' meaning that even with the economoy growing at full tilt, deficits will rise--that's what happens what you cut revenue and ignore spending obligations.

RE Soc Security. it's true that we borrow the surplus in the trust fund and spend it today, but I don't think most analysts view that as a bad thing in and of itself--one branch of gov't lending to another.  Of course, if you waste the money, that's another thing.

I think it's widely agreed that the Soc Sec fiscal shortfall is not necessarily a problem.  One quarter of the war, the Bush tax cuts for the top 1%, and raising the salary cap--all of these could make up most of the 75-yr shortfall.  Hth care entitlements...now that's also another story.

Sorry, John.  I'm not familiar enough with such cases to say anything useful.  I too heard Sachs awhile ago talking about his anti-poverty agenda, and he was pretty inspiring.  What I couldn't figure out, and again, I haven't spent enough time looking into this, was whether he's dealing successfully with the corruption of the leadership in some of these countries.

Prepayment was always a bad idea . . . low and moderate income boomers were snookered into regressive taxes on the false claim that their social security taxes were being put aside.

While there was some propaganda to that effect, sophisticated analysts back in the early 1980s never expected to see the FICA surpluses we've experienced lately. They were used to very high inflation and very low productivity growth. And they were trying to solve a political problem that can only be addressed once each twenty years or so.

The Greenspan-Moynihan Commission members expected that the COLA increases would, within twenty years, not only outrun FICA receipts but would exhaust the trust funds built up over that time frame. But due to higher productivity, a decrease in inflation, and a reduction in unemployment -- all taking place in the Clinton years -- their expectations didn't come to pass.

If we want to blame anyone for failing to handle the changed situation it should be Gore and the Democrats. In 2000 we should have been promoting a big middle class tax reduction; instead, we called for a "lockbox."  Dumb idea.

Well, at this point the solution is to set the floor at 14% of gross income across the board, no retreat on social security, but build a progressive income tax system ON TOP of this floor, only for the very well to do to pay.  People with income at $97.5k or less, earned income, are already at or above this floor.  It is the unearned income and earned income above $97.5k that eludes this floor.

I haven't done the math (or built the database to do the math), but I highly suspect that this floor would pretty much solve our taxation needs, period.  We could put a small progressive taxation program at higher incomes to produce some NEW money for redistributive programs and to produce some tax justice.

I get so very tired of hearing about how the tax system bites harder out of the well off.

14% of gross across the board.  That (rougly) is the employee/employer shares of Social Security.  Let it be the floor for all taxes.

Any corporation that wants to waive its right to be treated as a corporate person in contracts, law and the courts can be exempted from corporate income tax.  Otherwise, let them experience exactly the same.

SeeDee
Bernstein: "...I haven't spent enough time looking into this, was whether he's dealing successfully with the corruption of leadership in some of these countries."

Yeah, and not just in 'other countries'.

When it comes to dealing with corruption, has anyone 'looked into' the huge amounts of corrupt contracting procedures RE funds spent in the Iraq war? Has anyone REALLY 'looked into' the corrupt Pentagon bribery exposed by the Abramoff investigations?

When it comes to fiscal matters, should Federal budget gurus simply add a certain percentage as an allowance for crooked spending by the various Federal (and State) programs, and increase taxes as necessary to fund such skull-duggery.

Jared: What kind of date was that? With the brother in law tagging along... and the main topic being, well what else, budget deficits. You guys in DC *are* different.

This has got to be one of the most one sided looks at the whole issue I have seen in a long time. There is a whole list of things you are not considering that go in the face of this argument, such as the high cost and debt of medicare which pays for medicine for a lot of people who can afford it on their own, a lot of military spending is on medical for vets, and disability pensions, we have massive debt including unfunded liabilities for Federal employees that are bigger than the social security debt, etc, etc. This idea that we can just wave a wand and say all this debt isn't going to affect is insanity. The Bush tax cuts for the wealthy mean, what, $200 billion a year in taxes? I am all for restoring those tax breaks for the wealthy but we have a huge budget problem that is getting worse that restoring the Bush tax cuts isn't going to come close to fixing. This seems more like liberals wishing for more programs and spending and working backward from there. Pretty scary. Are you sure this is the reality party?

The way the Republicans have the political game going has to be taken into account, too. Clinton was fiscally conservative -- though, argue with a conservative, and he'll say that Congress did it -- and developed a budget surplus and lowered the size of the government. But then GW just comes in and rips the surplus apart, making Reagan look like a piker.

If we just go in and close the gap, tighten our belts and so on, we're just building up stores for the next time they come in, when they can piss away the surplus again. No, I think we have to be Democrats; some programs need to be expanded, others have to be collapsed and others have to be eliminated.

The secret of it all is, we need an overall strategy for the country for the next 50 years. If we have a coherent national strategy, we will have the money to pay for it.

Re: The point of his comment was you don't reduce deficits in weak economies-

The economy of the early 90s was weak-- remember the recession of 91?
Now I agree that we should not make deficit reduction the be-all and end-all of Democratic policy. Nevertheless, I don't agree with anyone who says we dare not rescind the Bush tax cuts lest we sink the economy. That's just BS served up on a silver platter, and this is almost the last website I'd expect people to be boosting GOP talking points.

While I agree that deficit spending isn't always bad, I don't think it's politically wise for the Democrats to abandon their new commitment to fiscal discipline. Americans are, in general, not willing to pay much more in taxes, nor are they comfortable with rapidly growing deficits. A party ignores these sentiments at its peril. This does not mean, however, that we should drastically reduce the role of the federal government. Americans also want certain core services, such as health and retirement benefits and strong defense. The party that can figure out how to provide these core services at a cost the American people find affordable will be in power for a long, long time. The Republicans had their chance and blew it big time. Are the Democrats up to the challenge? I hope so, but if they start to abandon their newfound commitment to fiscal responsibility before they are fully in control of the government, their prospects are not good.

By Jared Bernstein | bio

What’s the magnitude of the deficit relative to GDP (it’s now a very manageable 2%)?

It seems I've been hearing people refer to
"the percentage of GDP" for years, but no one has ever explained how this comparison is relevant to every day living.


Explain to me, as though I'm a 10 year old, why comparing anything to the GDP is meaningful to me.

What does "2% of GDP" mean to me in relation to the price of a loaf of bread. To the cost of medicine, to the cost of electricity.

When I pay my local taxes does some item's relation to the GDP mean anything to the check I'm writing to my township?

If the payments on the federal deficit
are "X" % of GDP, how does that directly affect me? Do I pay more....or less, for everyday products if the deficit payments are 2% as compared to 3%?

Like you, I hope Stiglitz's ideas are sought. He is after all one of the greatest economists of his generation.

But a little on Rubin first, and what he has written about the issue of deficits. In his book, "In an Uncertain World", he recalls how he was part of Clinton's team and when it came to deficits, all the smart guys in the room were saying that there's almost no difference policy-wise between running a small deficit and running a balanced budget. Rubin even called in Goldman bond-traders to confirm that the market would see it this way.

But Clinton made a snap decision to balance the budget, because in the broader budget battle with Gingrich, it would give the administration significant leverage.

And I think in Rubin's case, this lesson has stuck, and he is of the view that Dems should stay on an easily understood political message - balance the budget - rather than getting tied up in the political arena with arguing (correctly) that small deficits are, in fiscal policy terms, insignificantly different from a balanced budget.

So for me, I'd hope Dems will listen to Stiglitz as well as Rubin. There's room for both of them at the table.

But as it is, I actually take a slightly different view of fiscal policy. I agree with Stiglitz that austerity is bad medicine for an economy in recession, but I also feel that austerity is to be encouraged in a growing economy. In other words, I EXPECT the government to deficit spend in a slow-down (lower tax receipts and rising non-discretionary spending come arm-in-arm as growth slows); but conversely, during a boom, when there are higher tax receipts and falling non-discretionary costs, I EXPECT there to be a surplus.

In other words, over the course of the economic cycle, I would like the budget to be balanced - certainly, you do not want to see the debt-GDP ratio increasing.

I am not a true believer in Keynesian economics, in that I don't believe that deficit-spending is particularly effective in stimulating an economy... but I do believe that austerity worsens recessions, and I take that to be Stiglitz's central point.

Another issue which I question is the need to focus primarily on the size of the deficit - and this is an argument Paul Krugman makes very well (most effectively in pointing out the weaknesses in the EU's Maastricht treaty, which laid out the criteria for the single European currency).

The key point is that the size of the deficit is of much less importance than the total size of the national debt, especially when the cost of servicing the national debt becomes significant, and a vicious spiral of rising interest costs and widening deficits can follow.

But I guess my main point here is that the above on debts and deficits, balanced budgets over the duration of the economic cycle etc, is all rather wonky stuff. It makes for great discussions amongst economists (and maybe speed-dates in DC!), but it doesn't make for great political slogans.

My guess is Rubin knows that the balanced budget of the 90s was not the sole reason for the boom. And I'd be surprised if he touted it as a the key reason either. But I do expect he remembers the politics behind the policy, and now he believes it may give the Democrats a major boost in the 2008 race.

Stiglitz's views are mighty important from a policy perspective - but for the purposes of the 2008 election, I don't think he offers an alternative to Rubin. If a Dem reaches the Oval Office in 2009, that's the time to bring in Stiglitz.

You missed the key point: the too-often mindless focus on austerity by both parties has blocked precisely the way forward, which I think is in sync with where you want to go:

"These two options have crowded out the third: raise the revenue we need to support that which will make our economy and country stronger."

The agenda is not to have everything you want for free: it's to get us outside the restrictive set of current options:

1) cut taxes, raise spending--let the kids worry about it (GW Bush)

2) cut taxes, cut spending--conservatives, including the R candidates for pres

3) raise taxes on some people, cut spending and balance the budget--many D's.

4) (and this is the one that's off the table): raise the resources we need to solve the problems we face

GDP is a the measure of the total good and services produced domestically in the United States. As such it serves as a measure how much the government can borrow or tax. Somewhat analogous to comparing how much you are paying for housing relative to your total income.

I agree--that's the smart way forward.  The point is to not to abandon fiscal discipline (as the current regime has done) for the very reasons you say.

The other point is not to automatically assume that S10 billion spent on deficit reduction is your best option, if a) the economy's weak, and b) you're forgoing need inverstments.

All important points--we need both Joe and Bob at the table. 

And yes, in recoveries, you definitely want the debt to GDP ratio to be stable or falling, which does not preclude deficits.

Re political messaging, the polling I've seen suggests the public has a reasonable and nuanced view of this in that small deficits (1-3% GDP) that contract with overall growth don't worry them.  Explosive deficits do, and should. 

 

Don’t you realize that raising the payroll tax and cutting income taxes is the equivalent of setting aside money?

If that allowed the rich to get richer, their assets are invested in some store of value that can be more easily taxed in the future. When the payroll tax no longer meets the obligations to retirees in a few years, the treasury now has an obligation to make up that shortfall with the progressive income tax which the rich will pay a disproportionate share of, effectively recovering the money “set aside” by a higher than needed FICA tax.

The alternative would have been a steep hike in the FICA taxes on the baby boomers children to meet their retirement, rather than shifting some of that burden onto the boomers themselves. Would that seem fairer to you?

I am sure you will get a lot of opposition to this from Democrats concerned about the long term political viability of SS. The more SS looks like a welfare program rather than an collective retirement system that benefits all, the less political viability it is.

I think this is a recipe for economic stagnation and an over all lower standard of living. Now you may think that that may result in a more economically just society, but you should be aware of what you are doing.

. . . certainly, you do not want to see the debt-GDP ratio increasing. Eddie-george

Why not? Our debt-to-GDP ratio is modest, currently. The dollar is the international reserve currency. Time to borrow.

Use the borrowings responsibly but borrow, now.

Almost any financial rule : balanced budget, deficit as a % of GDP , debt as a % of GDP can be useful as a reminder that there is some level of deficit that would be harmful. In principle there is no limit to the number of good things we'd like the government to do which the private economy is never going to . But there's no such thing as a free lunch so in practice there is some point at which removing money from the citizens will result in  them  doing fewer of the good things they can do which the government ,sadly , can't. Only the government is ever going to e.g. create a workable health system but also only a "Bill Gates" is going to e.g. find a cure for cancer . Off the thread but there's an analogy , I'm almost certainly the only user of TPM who believes that Wall Street's emphasis on quarterly results is healthy . In principle there's no limit to the number of good things in which a corporation can invest but in practice none of them will be successful unless it can pay its bills , every quarter.

Trickle.down v. 2.01 beta -- Nice voodoo economics you got here.

Income tax and FICA are FUNGIBLE. They always have been, they always will be. It is nice to know that FICA won't be raised today BECAUSE IT WAS ALREADY RAISED 30 YEARS AGO, substantially reducing the wealth I would have today. I am glad the feds were looking out for me and other middle class folk.

Sorry to slur all those rich folk who had to suffer the burden of capital accumulation.

Right, flavius.  And from where I sit in DC, the debate has moved from "there's some point at which pubic borrowing crowds out private investment" to "any level of deficit spending is harmful."

Beware reductionist economics!  Such "rules" are almost always wrong ("minimum wages kill jobs" "tax cuts pay for themselves" "deficits crowd out private investment" etc...)

Modest? By what measure?

Yes FICA and Income taxes are fungible. In exchange for higher FICA you got an obligation for the income tax to help pay your benefits in a few more years when there is not enough FICA tax.

The FICA tax would have to be raised even more in a few years if there was not an obligation from general revenue. Would that be fair? You have to realize that in a collective system, it’s not all about you. Yes you would have more wealth today had your FICA tax been kept low, but your children would have to pay more out of their paychecks to pay your benefits. That sounds selfish to me.

As my children are wealthier than me as instructed in Parenting 101, I don't worry as much about their taxes as my fiscal health.

What we have going on is regressive taxation in the current period (stretching back 30 years) in hopes of return to progressive taxation in a future period.  I am more concerned about tax equity across income classes.

I am amazed that you can give away money from the poor and middle class to the wealthy and call objections to it selfish.  Republican reasoning amazes me. 

You are not alone.

If you haven't already, read "In an Uncertain World" (by Bob Rubin). Rubin recounts a debate between him (a quarterly reporting skeptic) and Sandy Weill (a quarterly reporting junkie) after the former joined Citigroup.

Rubin felt quarterly reporting unduly encouraged short-termism. Weill argued that it delivered corporate discipline. Where they agreed is that the market can place undue importance on meeting analysts' targets. But as I recall, Rubin became more sympathetic to Weill's position.

It’s not just your children it is all workers, some of whom will just be starting out and can ill afford to pay more than 14% FICA tax. Yes, “rich people” participated in allowing you to bear more of the burden of your retirement. I know you don’t like them but the alternative is to burden the working class with even higher regressive taxes when you retire. Yes, you sound selfish and vindictive besides.

This is the problem with making FICA apply to uncapped incomes. It is why Moynihan always opposed to income testing to receive benefits. He wanted to make sure Social Security had the broadest base of political support possible. It is aggravated by the fact that benefits are a bit tilted to the less wealthy.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

I don't think that tilt in the benefit schedule is very visible to most people.

Interesting point about polling, but it seems to me to reinforce the Clinton/Rubin balanced budget position.

If you argue you will run a deficit, you have to convince the electorate (whilst fighting oppo spin) that it won't be a deficit of the "exploding" variety. Personally, I think you run a serious risk of losing control of the agenda if you are labelled as the deficit candidate. If you could guarantee an honest debate about deficits, you'd be okay, but you might as well live out your life hoping to win the lotto.

I'm sure Rubin is telling whoever listens to him that you should run promising to balance the budget. When you get to the White House, just say: "Holy crap, the fiscal situation we've inherited is way worse than the Bushies led us to believe. So here's our five year plan to get back into the black, and we are looking forward to working with Congress in getting there."

That seems sane to me. Getting bogged down in wonkish fiscal policy arguments before election day just strikes me as political madness.

Right--you definitely don't run as the 'deficit candidate.' 

But when you're in debate on this stuff, you stress not that you'll raise taxes or cut spending to balance the budget before the next guy/gal.  You argue that your pro-growth policies will get the economy humming again and that growth will raise the revenue as it did in the 1990s.

Read the Stiglitz transcript re Sweden--I know, I know, we're not them, and you don't run for office on replicating their model, but the fiscal point is well taken. 

I think we agree. My concern, though, is that given how easy it is to borrow and how hard it is to exercise discipline in spending, any argument in favor of deficit spending will only perpetuate today's poor management. If we need $10 billion for a valuable program, shouldn't we try first to raise the money by cutting waste and resort to borrowing only once we've trimmed the fat? Even if the economy is weak and we want the stimulus that can come from borrowing, it still makes sense to spend our borrowed dollars as efficiently as possible. Right now, I think creating efficient government is a far bigger priority than stimulating the economy. While the economy may be anemic, I don't think it needs life support. Without a more efficient government, however, I don't think we'll ever be in a position to address the crises that loom in our future as medical, retirement, and energy costs continue to rise.

Obviously you don't run as a deficit candidate - that's not the point. Kerry did not run as the flip-flop candidate, but it's how he got labelled, perhaps fatally.

Your second paragraph is fair enough... by all means run on a "pro-growth agenda" (who wouldn't?). Just don't say that part of it involves running a deficit because the GOP will crucify you for it. In political utopia, we could all run honest campaigns and rely on others not to dishonestly and hypocritically attack us. But they will, and my instinct is that the risk of getting pinned as the deficit candidate is not a risk worth taking.

Lastly, Stiglitz's comments about Sweden referred to spending policy - deficits didn't get a mention. I draw a distinction between spending policy (what we do with taxes) and fiscal policy (debts and deficits). Two separate debates, in my opinion, and happy to work the spending policy terrain another day.

BTW - really appreciate the time you are spending responding to the comments. Thank you.

I've come to view your posts with a distinct sense of pleasure. They're a nice little treat for a dilletante economist like myself.

I just read John Kenneth Galbraith's biography and I'm amazed at how little has changed. However, one thing has: Democrats as deficit hawks.

Back then, Keynes was a novelty and considered heretical by the old guard. However, the New Deal opposition wasn't really based on deficit worries - after all there were payroll taxes for Social Security. Instead, the Conservatives just didn't like the principle of the whole thing - providing retirement security and/or unemployment insurance - just seemed like bad form.

But yes, even then it was even harder to pass the WPA type programs which weren't 'paygo-ed' with payroll taxes.

One more fun fact. You know how wingnuts love to say that it wasn't Roosevelt, but 'war' that lifted the economy out of the depression - and that the New Deal "didn't work."

Well, guess what? Come 1936, with unemployment reduced from 25% to 14% all the Republicans were saying it did 'work' and that it was time to end this recovery madness. They decided to 'paygo' - with conservative Dems aboard, they passed a more austere budget, thereby ruining the recovery and violating every rule of Keynesian economics.

Oh, and by the way, the WWII spending and employment worked exactly the way the New Deal WPA type programs did - just employed people building airplanes instead of Hoover Dam.

OK, one more - all of corporate America fought tooth and nail against total mobilization and war footing - even after Pearl Harbor. GM saw no reason to stop making cars. They also predicted peril with rationing and price controls - the peril never happened.

WWII is not an example showing the failure of a government run economy - it's a success story.

The Swedish points should be viewed in the context of an "austerity" vs an "investment" strategy (to be a bit reductionist myself). 

I agree that this is tax/spend policy, but I think Joe's point, or at least my take on his point, is that balanced budget mindsets lead you away from thinking about ways to use the breadth of the public sector to meet challenges that the private sector will under-invest in.

I know what GDP is, now tell me what it means to the price of a loaf of bread.

Nothing.

Jared separate from the deficit debate what about the Alternative Minimum Tax (ATM). Politicians seem to learn only one economic mantra in their careers: "tax cuts solve all problems", or no matter how depressed demand is "balance the budget under all circumstances."

However the AMT is drawing more and more upper middle class taxpayers. It is also responsible for a large part of the treasuries revenue. can letting any of Bush's tax cuts for the top 1% to lapse be enough to limit or eliminate the AMT.

Another aside. My guess is that what it takes to prepare a tax return all the limitations and ht the cutoffs, that involve time and money are more annoying and turn more people against taxes than the the amount actually paid. A simplified system that is still progressive would probably do a lot to allow more flexible fiscal policy.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

The AMT is worth a whole separate analysis.  One point I think has been underappreciated is the extent to which the Bush cuts themselves are, and increasingly will be, responsible for pushing more people onto the AMT.

I like this doc: http://www.ctj.org/pdf/amtsolution.pdf for explaining some of what's up with the AMT and thinking about how to restore it's purpose as a backstop against tax evasion.

Interesting piece on A1 of today's Wash Post re Democratic ideas to fix it.

At least T. Boone Pickens isn't affected by the AMT.

In your voodoo economics you will give tax breaks to the wealthy so that the rich will accumulate capital and make the world a better place.  You do this by raising taxes on the middle class so that they cannot accumulate capital and make the world a better place.  Logical consistency is not your strong point.

I think there is a lot to your last comment. I also think that most middle-upper middle class people (rightly) think that the rich are getting so many loopholes and so on that they are avoiding alot of the taxes we pay and the whole system is basically unfair. Therefore they support anything that promises them any kind of cut.

We’re talking about the social security system here, not making the world a better place.

Setting aside the issue of whether it would be wise policy, the social security administration could have retained the excess FICA taxes and invested them in real assets for use to pay your benefits in the future. Rather than do that they loaned the surplus to general revenue and retained an IOU upon which they receive “interest”. Those IOU’s will be used to pay your benefits. Fiscally there is very little difference in the two approaches. You just don’t like the idea that some of that loaned FICA tax may have ended up in the hands of people that you don’t like. In a diverse country we all have to learn to live and deal with people we don’t like. Get over it and deal with it.

There is no way a large defined benefit intergenerational wealth transfer system can be “fair” to all individuals is the presence of shifting demographics and longevity. You feel that you are getting screwed because you happen to belong to the baby boomer bubble. I think it is perfectly reasonable to ask you to pay for more of your benefits rather than pass all of the huge cost of the baby boomer retirement onto future generations.

So, as far as every day life, its meaningless to refer to the GDP

Unless one is dicussing the taxing, borrowing and spending policy of the federal government as we are here.

What is your point?

No, it isn't a matter of whether it would have been wise for SSA to retain and invest the funds.  SS is a transfer program.  It is NOT a retirement account.  The thing is, the people who have the most to transfer are exempt. 

When the trust fund started pre-payment, it didn't pre-pay anything, it transfered money to the general fund.  That reduced income tax.  That allowed someone to get a tax reduction.  It wasn't the poor or middle class.  Follow the trail of the ACTUAL money.

Linguistic tricks ("trust fund") do not change what actually happened.  What actually happened is that higher income people experienced lower taxes while lower income people experienced higher taxes, to pay for the operating budget of the United States.  This effect lasted for 30 years (actually it continues today).  This effect is REGRESSIVE TAXATION.

I am not playing word games.  I am describing the actual real impact of this program on 200 million people.  The so called "trust fund" is the word game.

You commended the growth in wealth disparity as increasing the future tax base.  When I mention that the middle class got cut out of that, I am only pointing out that there was a bias in WHO got to grow the tax base (build their assets).   Trickle down, trickle down, trickle trickle trickle......

What you fail to note is that general revenue now has an obligation to help pay the SS benefits going forward as a consequence of borrowing FICA taxes. SS will receive all the funds loaned with interest. It is a mechanism to make you pay more for your benefits as a consequence of being in the boomer bubble and I understand why you don’t like it.

You also seem to be confusing the funding source for SS and general revenue. If you want to restructure SS into a welfare program, make your case, but be aware of the political risks going forward,

You continue to ignore cross class impacts at the concurrent time period.  You also raise the word "welfare" to scare away any possible discussion of this topic.

The fact is, the program has, from the beginning, been a redistribution program.  No beneficiary (by aggregate group) has ever contributed as much as he (again group, obviously some individuals who don't survive do) contributed.  The donor group is always redistributing their income to the donee group.  This is not a new feature of SS, it is a 70 year old feature.  Only when ideologues use the word "welfare" is this a problem.

The problem is, we are giving the well to do a free pass.

But, forget that.  I don't WANT them to be part of SS.  I just want them to PAY FOR THE REST OF GOVERNMENT.  After all, they are the principal users of the REST OF GOVERNMENT.  That is the point of the 14%.  Don't tax anyone anything until everyone is paying the same base amount.  Since the poor and middle class are paying for SS, that is fine.  Leave that alone, but stop taxing them for the rest of the crap.

It just annoys the living hell out of me that the well of carry a lighter burden than the poor because we LIE about the fact that we have a redistribution program that they don't have to pay for. 

I use the word welfare because SS is very carefully sold as a collective retirement program to which everyone contributes and everyone benefits from. I think you are wrong about the relative amount a group contributes and receives but I am not going to research it and more importantly it is not perceived that way.

We really have a philosophical disconnect here. Everyone who earns a salary pays their 14% FICA tax up to 90,000 and receive benefits based on their earnings. This does not excuse anybody from paying for the rest of government. You can make all the arguments you want about how you really hate “rich” people and want to stick it to them, but leave social security out of it.

Social Security is currently a social insurance program that engages largely in a transfer between generations, not income groups. The are exceptions due to the survivor and disability benefits. The transfer aspects of social security are the main reason the comparison to its rate of return to some form of private account is totally bogus. The money taken in today is largely paid out to current receipients.

I am not sure who is except from FICA? The current cap on Social Security tax is, I believe, $96,000. That is a fair amount to be subject to Social Security Tax. I wonder how much that amount can be raised before the whole program becomes politically unacceptable.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

I think that the diversity in the world blocks people from understanding each other. when I saw the protectionist arguements, I thought the same thing and wondered if people really wanted to work assembly lines again...

however, I do think that deflation has given some worderful opportunities to those who know how to use them... but not everyone knows how to use the force...

Great points, all.  Keynesianism, then military Keynesianism--the latter worked for Reagan, too. 

Yes, the D's do seem to have become the party of fiscal rectitude, which is not a bad thing, if we don't lose sight of role of gov't, something that has defined Democratic economics since Keynes.

My point is simply that the reference to percentage of GDP is meaningless. This percentage doesn't affect anything. It doesn't keep the government from taxing, borrowing, spending, nor does it have any affect on the price of a loaf of bread.

To me, referring to "the percentage of GDP" is just economic babble that is an excuse for someone to push their agenda.

Someone sold me an auto insurance policy, this transaction goes into the GNP.

A bakery produced 1,000 loaves of bread, this goes into the GDP.

I paid to have my lawn mowed, this goes into the GDP.

A plumber cleaned my drain, this goes into the GDP.

The bank charged me interest on a loan, this goes into the GDP.

A movie at a local theater sold out, this goes into the GDP.

"percentage of GDP" is political mumbo jumbo.

One of the main reasons you use GDP in the context of this piece is for perspective.  If I told you the deficit was ~$250 billion, you might freak out or just scratch your head and yawn, with no reference point.  I could tell you it's equivalent to a gazillion loaves of bread, but that doesn't say much to most people.

By scaling it to GDP, you get a better sense of the magnitude, and since the size of the economy changes so much over time, this is imperative; $250b would have been a huge deficit 30 years ago: 14% of GDP. 

If I told you we're spending $600 million on some gov't project, you might be aghast, but if I told you that was 0.02% of the federal budget, you'd hopefully find that to be a useful perspective. 

That doesn't, of course, mean that big numbers don't matter--if we're wasting 2% of GDP or 0.02% of the budget, we should stop right now!  But without scaling these numbers, there's no frame of reference.

Former CBO director Doug Holtz-Easkin has a sort of homey way of putting it: we spend 20 cents of each dollar on the Fed gov't, raise about 18 cents in taxes, and borrow the rest (ergo, the deficit of 2% of GDP).

My own thinking is that there should be no cap on FICA as far as fairness goes.  And then I also think that the political danger of raising the cap cannot be all that much.  The number of persons affected diminishes as the cap is raised.  With the median income standing at something less than $50,000.00,  I suspect that the vast majority of Americans currently earn wages well under 96,000.00.  They'll still earn under the cap if it's raised.  Raise the cap to whatever figure one likes...each raise affects fewer people.

Of course corporations paying those salaries would be affected, and corporations are politically powerful, and wealthy donors to political parties are, too, so maybe the greatest political danger would come not from disaffected voters but from greater injections of money into the political process, corrupting it further.  On the other hand, if a corporation had to pay FICA on the entire salary of its CEO perhaps it would think twice about boosting those salaries astronomically.

aMike

Suppose that the government wants to spend a hundred billion on a little space exploration. If we are producing only a hundred billion dollars worth of the goods and services that you itemize, there wouldn’t be anything left and the people would starve and not be able to go to movies. If we are producing ten trillion in goods and services, well hell, gas up the rockets we would only be only diverting one percent of GDP so we can probable do without that amount of bread and movies.

So you see, it is important to pay attention to GDP or you might starve to death or not be able to go to the movies.

Sheesh!

You are right.  It is only 5% of the population that earns more than $100K.  The cap is at $97.5 K.

Strictly speaking, I am not asking to raise the cap.  I am suggesting to set tax surcharge for all all FICA exempt income at employer/employee shares of FICA, with none of these exemption and deduction bull.

This is not a revenue issue, although it would produce a massive amount.  It is a tax equity issue.

Regardless of what the proponents of not raising the SS cap say, the effect of the cap is that the operation of the federal government has been paid for with a regressive tax for 30 years.

The well document growth in the wealth gap is linked to this.  We are paying regressive taxes so the rich can get richer.  It is that simple.

I think there are still quite a few people that have a sense of fairness and don't vote only for their self interests. Are there enough of them to sink SS. Don't know.

The operation of the federal government is not funded by SS over the long term (and SS is a very long term project). I think you know that.

AS Keynes says... In the long run, we are all dead.

But the country and the next generation continues on.

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