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Health care: The case for thinking big

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One of the most fascinating products of researching my new book, Sick, was also one of the most depressing: the realization that we've been here before.

If you go back to the late 1920s and early 1930s, you'll find a situation that looks more than vaguely familiar. As medical care was becoming more expensive, large numbers of people were finding they literally could not afford to get sick. Many of these people weren't indigent in the narrow sense of the word. They had homes. They had jobs. And yet when they got sick, their lives unraveled. Some went into debt to pay for it. Some rationed their own care. The result was financial misery, medical hardship, or both.

That situation eventually gave birth to the insurance system we have today - a system, based primarily upon job-provided private insurance, that is now faltering as the price of medical care rises. If you read the eight stories in the book, you'll get a sense not just of how devastating loss of insurance can be today, but also of how vulnerable to this problem even the middle class has become - just like it was nearly a century ago.

It's this increasingly vulnerability that has provoked a new debate about universal health care - and given would-be reformers some cause for optimism. But now that this debate is unfolding, it's brought us to yet another familiar place: The argument about what kind of system to create.

On one extreme of the progressive political spectrum you have...

...the people who favor single-payer health care reform. The word means different things to different people, so for our purposes I'm going to define single-payer as any system in which the government provides basic insurance to people, either directly through a public program like Medicare or through some sort of publicly-funded, quasi-independent plans that aren't competing with each other for business the way private plans do here. (That's pretty much what you have in France.) The key is the central control of financing, budgeting, and setting of benefits - and the lack of American-style competition among plans - although there can (and, I'd argue, should) be a role for private insurance as either a supplement or some kind of carefully regulated opt-out.

On the other extreme you have the people who favor what, for simplicity's sake, I'll broadly call "hybrid" systems. These are proposals that seek to graft universal health insurance onto the existing insurance framework - usually, by using some combination of larger state programs (like Medicaid and the State Children's Health Insurance Program) and a mandate to buy private insurance through a pooling mechanism (people frequently use the federal employee plan as the model for that) to get everybody covered.

If you've followed this debate particularly in the last few weeks - say, through a website like this one - then you know it's a question that gets even relatively like-minded liberals arguing with one another. I'm hoping we can do some more of that here this week, hopefully without losing too much dignity in the process.

To keep things lively, I'll spend my early entries highlighting my differences with both sides - starting with the hybrid advocates.

* * *


One of the most striking things about the hybrid crowd is how many of them actually believe, in their hearts, that single-payer is better. For these people, endorsing a hybrid is all about political calculation: Single-payer won't pass, so it's better to get behind a workable compromise. (This isn't universal; many really do believe single-payer is problematic on substantive grounds. More on that later.)

I think this strategic gambit is a big mistake. For one thing, a discussion about changing public policy ought to start with a discussion about which policy would actually work best, whatever the politics. And there are lot of people out there who think single-payer, or some close approximation thereof, fits that bill -- at least on paper. It has the most potential to cut down on administrative waste, and thus be more economically efficient, and control costs through global budgeting. It's also the one, surefire way to eliminate competition among private insurers over who can avoid the least healthy beneficiaries - a competition that seriously destabilizes the present health care system.

Back to politics, the hybrid strategy is also a mistake because its analysis becomes self-fulfilling. If you say an idea is not politically possible, then that judgment it will echo through the media elite and, presto, the idea really will cease to be politically possible.

I realize that much of the media elite - and, more broadly, the entire political class - already thinks single-payer is not feasible. But we're not yet at the point of the debate where those boundaries are fixed. This is the time when educating and organizing - both the public and the political class - can actually broaden the political playing field. By preemptively rejecting single-payer, we narrow that field.

Nor is it at all clear to me that rallying behind a compromise measure actually makes that compromise more likely to pass. If anything, I suspect the opposite may be true: The more fence-sitters and hostile special interests fear single-payer might actually happen, the more likely they are to rally behind a less extreme option that - if not ideal from their standpoint - is still tolerable.

I was reminded of this lesson a few weeks ago, while I was interviewing Safeway CEO Steve Burd. Burd has become a vocal universal health care advocate - and he's trying to rally business to that option by warning them that, in the absence of such a compromise, single-payer will eventually become law. They, like he, don't want that.

So that's why I think it's a mistake to settle on a compromise - at least for the moment.

I'll be back soon to explain where I part ways with the single-payer crowd.

P.S. Starting this week I'll be making some appearances in major cities across the country - including a reading at The Strand Bookstore in New York, this Thursday at 7 pm, with Josh Marshall as the host. If you want to debate me in person - or hear more about the book - please come. For more information on the full tour schedule, click here.


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Thanks for a clear, concise post and for promising to return. I appreciate your ground for optimism. I was surprised that the book got a very favorable review in the Sunday paper even from someone at the American Enterprise Institute, although of course he used the review as a platform to advocate free-market solutions. (He claimed the book was more about diagnosis than prescription.)

I realize that such a third way to the ones you're planning on discussing is the worst of all, and you're trying to focus on getting something done. Besides, can't win over the right. However, I'd be curious at the end to have you address potential objections from that crowd, too, as well as the interesting symptom that they may agree things are not so hot. He even agreed that deprivation of health insurance drives people to rely on emergency rooms, overwhelming their capacity even for the insured. Since he naturally assumes we're all comfy and insured like he is, or can be forced to get there by the will power to compete, that shows not even wealth protects people from the obvious market failures when it comes to public goods.

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

Kudos to Jonathan for his important new book.

One of the reasons we are talking about what's the right approach -- or the most politically feasible approach -- to insuring all Americans is that millions of Americans are telling pollsters and politicians that the health care system is in crisis. The public has put this issue on the table for the political system -- not the policy wonks.

Individuals, like those profiled in Sick, experience the health care crisis in many ways. But is there a explanatory diagnosis for why the health care system is not serving them?

Perhaps some people think the problem is not enough careful tinkering with the system we have. But increasingly, the diagnosis that makes the most sense will focus on the structural failures of the private health insurance industry. If insurance companies make their profits by denying care, refusing to cover people who are expensive, spending more money on advertising than they do on wellness, and just passing along increased health costs -- then the public may decide that tinkering with the private health insurance system (and subsidizing and regulating them to do what their business plan doesn't allow them to do) is not the way to go.

So I'm betting that the public, making the diagnosis that the private insurance industry is a key part of the problem, is unlikely to be impressed by tinkering. And many experts and commentators (who do think in their heart-of-hearts that single payer is the way to go) may be surprised that the public won't see "regional buying pools" and individual mandates as giving them the kinds of guaranteed coverage the system doesn't currently offer.

This promises to be an exciting discussion. Many of us who think single-payer is the right direction have thought long and hard about step-by-step ways to get there. Jacob Hacker's plan, recently published by EPI, is structured to allow lots of choise -- including ways to let Harry and Louise keep the private health plans they now have if they like them.  But the big question is the one Jonathan asks here:  will tinkering, even at an ambitious scale, get us a health care system that covers everyone, affordably, and with the kinds of structural arrangements that can begin the reorganization of the health care system to control the spiralling health care costs our economy is now facing?

Roger Hickey, Campaign for America's Future www.ourfuture.org

One thing which would be extremely helpful would be to define "success" in a way which would allow comparison of all these variant programs--something other than just cost-benefit analysis.  On some related thread one of the readers was kind enough to provide access to some comparative data on other developed countries.  There is a mass conception (misconception?) that America has the "best" medical care in the world, which is why it is so expensive.  Terms like "elective surgery" aren't well understood, which means that having a "long" wait is scary to many.  So. . .

  1. Is it fair to define "success" in actuarial terms?  Life expectancy at birth?  Life expectancy at 65?  Infant mortality statistics?  I know there may be other definitions which may have value, though I'm not sure what they are or if they're mensurable.  But it strikes me that at least one of the objectives of medicine is to keep as many people functioning (and happily functioning) as long as possible.
  2. How do we define "elective" surgery and other "elective" treatment options?  My guess is that the bar may vary from country to country, but that it extends beyond cosmetic surgery or hair plug transplants.  I suspect that it also does not mean that during the waiting period patients are left shifting for themselves--that there are, for example, things like assistance with pain management and aids to mobility available.
  3. Maybe this is beyond the scope of this discussion, but how does medical education fit into this picture?  How many medical schools are there now, compared to fifty years ago when the population must have been something like 100,000,000 less?  How many medical students per capita?  Is there a reorganization of medical education, including ways of financing it, which could be part of the solution?

I'm looking forward to the discussion, and maybe getting the answers to some of these questions.

aMike

The insurers are currently the main problem. It's an industry whose business model requires sloughing off patients and the unhealthy, i.e. the very people who need medical care. The whole industry is based on NOT providing the service it sells. Insane.

Government should NOT waste money subsidizing these leeches through hybrid plans or any other way. That'll just make the problem worse.

Single-payer may have problems, but none of them have to be as bad as giving money to the source of our current medical care fiasco!

The private health insurance system can work, and work well, if they profit not by denying care but by ensuring their members remain healthy and fully functional. The way we assess/evaluate health care payers and providers is the core of the problem - because we have no objective criteria for evaluating the outcome, we measure process.

When a payer is judged on the basis of how cheap they can deliver care (as most payers are by the employers who pay the premiums) they are incented to avoid claims, reduce reimbursement, and micro-manage providers.

That's how we ended up judging health plans by their hospital days per thousand, surgery rates, Rx costs and the like. No thought has been given to the "output" of the health care system - healthy people.

And until and unless we have a reasonable basis for judging the "output" of the system, we'll spend all of our time in a useless argument about how much we spend.

Thanks for having this important discussion. I have a few points.

1) Can we distinguish "insurance" from just giving people money? "Insurance" in the classical sense means that a client pays the insurer slightly more than their average, "expected" cost in exchange for insuring that you won't get cleaned out if something horrible and unexpected happens.

But this model has nothing to do with health care as a right. If someone has cancer, we tend to say they have a right to care (or, if care is really scarce, they have a right to a fair shot at care). But if we *know* they have cancer, then their expected costs are wildly high. So classical insurance alone is not sufficient here. I think it muddies the waters to call single-payer "insurance."

2) The problem with "health care as a right" is that society is basically setting infinite utility on purchasing medical goods and services. That's what a "right" is-- something that trumps everything else, especially economic things. Thus, costs will increase without bound.

Please explain why the incentives do not push heavily in this direction.

3) Why not try to set up an incentive scheme where

(a) There are many private health providers, who can charge whatever they want. But they are not *insuring* anything, they just bundle together some services and sell it to individuals. You could call them "health bundlers" or something.
(b) People buy this bundle or that bundle or whatever else, in a free market.
(c) The government reimburses each individual, in such a way that the more expensive your plan is, the more you have to pay out of pocket, even though the government still helps you out.

Basically, this is a cost control mechanism. The insurance overhead goes away because insurance is no longer a part of health care, and seemingly there is some downward pressure on health care prices because consumers have incentive to pick a cheaper plan.

The U.S. has a very odd system of healthcare. For most people healthcare decisions are made by themselves in conjunction with their doctors but guided or determined by insurance companies or a patients inability to pay. On top of this peculiarity the payer of the insurance company is often not the patient but the patient's employer, who has minimal interest in the outcome.

I am not sure why "singlepayer" is the focus of attention when the quality of healthcare should be the main issue. There are at least three keys to any system of paying for healtcare.

People's healthcare needs to be severed from their employment.

No one can opt out of the payment system. Younger and healthier people cannot choose to save money by being uninsured.

No payer can cherrypick insureds. The elderly and the sick need to be covered as well as the healthy and the young.

Doctors in the first instance should determine in conjunction with their patient what the treatment will be.

Within these parameters there needs to be some thought to how will healthcare be rationed. While the United States is wealthy enough to spend more on medicine and especially on preventive healthcare it cannot spend all that people might want. Sooner or later some system will be needed to decide who gets what treatment.

If a singlepayer system will get more Americans better health then that should be the system but putting the way for paying for healthcare ahead of getting better healthercare seems backward.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

I haven't read your book but I have recently experienced the health care system first hand.  It is horrible, even with good insurance -- or maybe because of it.  There is something more fundamentally wrong with the current health care model than how it is financed but I don't think that can be fixed until we get past the current health care choice so many now face:  your money or your life.

I favor the single-payer plan as you describe it.  It will be the easiest to sell to the general public because it is what many, many people are already familiar with: Medicare for basic coverage; private insurers for supplemental; anything left to be covered by the individual.  This is what most seniors I know have. They and at least one of their children know how it works. It may not be perfect but it is a good place to begin the conversation.

 

=== But if you do that straightforwardly by calling health care a right, it leads to setting infinite utility on health care services, which means all of society should drop whatever they are doing TODAY and go work in the health care industry. ===

Given the demographics I suspect that is going to happen in the Western world around 2020 regardless. But it does lead into the question I would like one of the policy wonks to address: why does Germany's system seem to work so well? Of all the European countries Germans seem in many ways culturally closest to the US, yet they have build a health care system greatly different from ours; one that provides good care at reasonable prices and does not explode at the top end. Exactly how do they do this?

sPh

As a somewhat flip aside, maybe we should just kick this can down the road until behavioral economics has developed to the point where we understand how humans make moral calculations.

It would seem that a large part of the problem here is that we want "merely monetary" health care issues to be trumped by the moral issues. But if you do that straightforwardly by calling health care a right, it leads to setting infinite utility on health care services, which means all of society should drop whatever they are doing TODAY and go work in the health care industry.

I doubt that's actually what people want. Instead, perhaps we should come to a deeper understanding of how we value health care, and how much it would be efficient to value health care.

"It would seem that a large part of the problem here is that we want 'merely monetary' health care issues to be trumped by the moral issues." Not really. I think the comments have mostly gone off track with this.

There's every reason to debate when costly procedures go overboard, with a price not just to the purchaser but also the externality of making some more conventional procedure becomes unavailable to numbers of others. With regard to end-of-life measure, the dilemma will exist, and it's a vital debates in bioethics, not just in philosophy class but in economics or the health-care sector. However, this sort of thing is not going to drive health-care reform, no more than bioethical debates about physician-assisted suicide, sex selection, or any number of other such bioethics issues. 

We are trying to get people who can't afford it health care, though a proper system of insurance or reimbursement and through proper political measures. These things can't solve all ethical dilemmas for us, and we can't get all dilemmas out of the way first.

However, bear in mind, too, that they're not obstacles to universal health care. In this case in particular, there's every evidence that it's the existing, profit driven system that favors more expensive procedures. You could agonize over what procedures in the system to outlaw, or you could just outlaw the system. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

Nancy Irving

Here's something I wish you'd address:

In an earlier piece/post of yours (I forget where I saw it) you repeated a standard argument in favor of universal coverage, namely that we get worse health outcomes and higher costs than the other industrial democracies (all of which have universal coverage) because of the millions who put off care until they face emergencies.

I worry though that this is exactly the wrong argument to make, if we are to convince the middle-class voters who will decide what in fact is to be done.

This is because middle-class voters, most of whom have some kind of employer-based coverage now, don't really care what the average outcome is.

Worse, many of those now covered privately believe that our outcomes compare poorly with, say, France's only because all our poor people, with their "pathologies" and "bad habits," pull down our average health statistics.

These people--who will, I repeat, decide the matter--are apt to believe that if you look *only* at our middle- and upper-class folk, our health outcomes in the U.S. are *much better* than in, say, France. And thus, they believe that universal care, while it might be better *on average*, will really only improve health outcomes for the poor, *while worsening outcomes for themselves*.

I would like to know what the statistics show. Is this feeling on the part of the middle class based in fact?

I don't know. But if it is *not* based in fact--if outcomes for even those now covered by private insurance would be improved under universal coverage--this needs to be said, and loudly, because self-interest, not altruism, is what will decide this issue.

Thanks.

I don’t see how you are eliminating the insurance over head. Today’s “insurance” plans cover both the cost of routine care and unexpected highly expensive care. There must be some insurance component of health care in which individuals pay a premium for services they do not expect to need.

Your instincts are right in separating health care from employers and separating insurance from bundled providers, but I think there needs to be an insurance component.

=== We are trying to get people who can't afford it health care, though a proper system of insurance or reimbursement ===

That is how the "compromise" position is being framed, yes, and presumably once it is on the table the Democrats will be forced even farther toward the Radical Right's preference. Personally I would like to hear more about the German system, where every legal resident gets the same solid (not basic) level of care through a single payment mechanism (not a single provider), and the very well-off are still free to buy more if they wish. I don't think the opening round should be just the 40 million currently with zero regular care.

sPh

Why do we need "insurance"?

In a rural town in Oregon, our group recently gathered over a 1100 signatures to support the Oregon Better Health Act and comprehensive reform of the medical/health system.

These signers had a nearly uniform nonpartisan message beside affordable and accessible care: eliminate/minimize any role for the insurance industry.

Our ground-experience suggests the insurance industry simply has no credibility -- and that leaders, activists and politicians would benefit by listening to that message.

The local paper gave us a half-page op/ed with the title: "Will Addiction to Insurance Hijack Health Care Reform?" I think that clearly suggests what attitudes are in play.

These remarks are not meant to reflect the thinking of the Oregon Archimedes Movement or the "WeCanDoBetter.org" or the leadership behind the Oregon Better Health Act. They are a great gang and tolerate diversity.

rand dawson
Florence Chapter--Archimedes Movement/WeCanDoBetter

To recap, the reasons for rejecting politically calculated half-measures are:
1. It's wrong to even consider it. ("discussion ... ought to start with ... which policy would actually work best)"
2. It's wrong to even consider it. ("its analysis becomes self-fulfilling")
3. SP might scare opponents into adopting half-measures.

There's no acknowledgement of the arguable merits of political calculation ... and no recognition that political calculation could be anything but an out-of-hand rejection of SP. This strikes me as unpersuasive, and embarrassingly tendentious.

I don't think that would happen, and I base that speculation on the fact that it hasn't happened in other countries that have implemented universal coverage. Nothing would keep a person in France or Germany from completely overusing their health care system and yet it doesn't happen, at least not to any degree larger then in the current u.s. system.

You wouldn't necessarrily have to call health care a right, but if you did I don't believe the health care usage rate would skyrocket.

You are right. Buying a bundle of health services will include buying some stuff you may not use, so the "health bundling" company will want to estimate your likelihood of using each of the different services, so they can give you an accurate price for the bundled plan. So insurance is a part of the picture, unlike what I said.

The "insurance" companies could be separate from the "health bundlers"-- there could be a few companies that focus on predicting the cost of taking individual A into health plan B. I'm not sure whether this would be more or less efficient than if the bundlers/insurance companies were the same. Conceivably it could be better, if it led to fewer duplications of effort in predicting costs.

(Insurance *would* go away if the government decided to pay 100% of people's health care costs, no matter what plan the individual opts for. But the scenario I described is not that scenario.)

I don't know if I buy your argument that single payer isn't insurance. The average person pays a set amount every year to ensure that incase a medcial emergency occurs, he will be cared for. That's insurance regardless of whether or not its universal. You pay the costs of someone who has cancer because you too might get cancer someday.

I think its a pretty large assumption to say that the costs will automatically increase dramtically. People with insurance get preventative care that they would get without insurance. Getting that preventative care saves money down the line. What makes our system so expensive are the few very sick people who require alot of care. Preventative care literally prevents people from getting that sick and requiring that high dollar care. Also, single payer advocates believe that the administrative efficiencies found in a single payer system may save money enough money to cover increased costs.

Also I don't see how the bundle is any different then insurance unless people use all of the services in their bundle. In that case you need 100,000 dollar heart condidtion bundles or you are going to leave some people very very sick.

I believe that the problem with healthcare in America is the all-consuming profit motive. These days the hospitals, insurance companies, drug companies, doctor's groups, etc all want to make a profit. There is no sense of the communal good in any of this.
Imagine for a moment that your local fire department had to make a profit. How would they do this? Would they charge for service? Hire fewer firemen? Use cheaper equipment? And how would this benefit the community? How would it affect you? etc. etc.
For myself, I have experienced healthcare in other countries--including serious surgeries--and I guarentee that the U.S. DOES NOT have the best healthcare available! That is the first big myth in all of these discussions. Healthcare here is defined by whether you have insurance, and if so what your insurance will pay for.
I don't like the idea of mandating insurance coverage (as auto and homeowners insurance is now mandated), since I believe that insurance coverage often gets in the way of getting the care you need. We have this lovely myth that our healthcare decisions are made by ourselves and our doctors, but in reality the decisions are mostly made by insurance clerks who know nothing of our situation and can approve or deny a course of treatment.
Furthermore, although my doctor was initially surprised, he now knows that I will not take any medicine that is advertized on TV. I figure that if they have to spend many millions of dollars convincing you to use their product, you probably do not need their product. Also all that advertizing increases the cost of their product.
Anyway, I am in favor of single payer universal care, and believe that if we were all covered, we could chose (there is your "choice", conservatives!)to go to a doctor or not without having to factor in how much money we have (or don't have) at the moment.

While I applaud Jonathan Cohn for writing his book Sick and posting on this blog I have a few of my own observations for his and your consideration.

This is not a redux of the late 20s and early 30s.

We have different US demographics,much more expensive technology and we have the internet ALL of which are profoundly affecting the delivery of U.S "disease care"

I say "disease care" because we do not have a U.S. "health care" system at all?

Prevention on the individual and institutional levels is our only way out of this mess.

A treatment based "disease care" system is NOT economically sustainable

You are kidding yourself if you think it is!

Dr. Rick Lippin
Southampton, Pa
http://medicalcrises.blogspot.com

I'm not sure whether this would be more or less efficient than if the bundlers/insurance companies were the same. Conceivably it could be better, if it led to fewer duplications of effort in predicting costs.

In reality I think most people could afford to pay for their routine care on a fee-for-service basis, leaving insurance companies to cover only unaffordable, unexpected expenses.. The question is whether a large number of customers purchasing routine care would drive costs down or whether there would still be a need for bundling companies to serve as an intermediary between customers and health care providers.

Imagine for a moment that your local fire department had to make a profit. How would they do this? Would they charge for service? Hire fewer firemen? Use cheaper equipment? And how would this benefit the community? How would it affect you? etc. etc.

Yes, they would charge for service and the number of firemen, how much they would be paid, and the level of equipment would depend on what customers were willing to pay for fire protection. Just as the level of fire protection provide by a city is determined by how much property taxes people are willing to pay. The city does not need to make a profit, but in exchange, taxpayers must purchase the firefighting equipment.

We have this lovely myth that our healthcare decisions are made by ourselves and our doctors, but in reality the decisions are mostly made by insurance clerks who know nothing of our situation and can approve or deny a course of treatment.

Ultimately, someone has to pick up the bill for your health care. Whoever ultimately pays for your care will have a strong say in what care you get.

Although I agree with much of Mr. Cohn's case, I think he misses something important, in not distinguishing between markets, and that was the original idea behind single-payer.

There is a health insurance market, but there is a separate health care provider market. Affecting the health insurance market by creating a single payer relates to competition only in that market - and it need not, by the way, entirely eliminate such competition.
It may be that the only way to foster natural and fair competition in the insurer market is to introduce a single payer. Individual consumers of health care services can't be all that choosy, so insurers (if they are even involved) have a "competitive" advantage. The introduction of a single payer can provide that element of choice into both markets, especially the insurer market, where the current situation of big insurer/individual consumer does not.

But independently of the insurer market, there both can and should still be competition in the health care provider market. I hope Mr. Cohn isn't missing (or ignoring) that very important point.

The single payer model is potentially a rich model. I would suggest that even if the debate assumes a single payer element or aspect, there is still plenty of room for discussion. What doesn't serve rationality in the debate, however, is to assume single payer can only be this or only be that, only to be able to dismiss the whole model for ideological reasons.

It may be that the only way to foster natural and fair competition in the insurer market is to introduce a single payer.

I fail to see the need for insurance companies in a single payer model. Insurance companies collect premiums from an risk pool and in turn pay health care providers their services. In a single payer model, premiums are replaced by taxes and the government pays the health care providers. Why funnel the tax money through insurance companies?

It is often said that 30% of health insurance premiums go not to providers but to the administrative overhead and net profits of the  insurance companies.

Does anybody know how many dollars this administrative overhead saves the system by preventing unnecessary medical procedures, compelling the use of cheaper drugs, acting as a drug on escalating hospital and physician fees, etc.?

If there are gains to the system, the 30% figure may not be quite as high as it might, at first, appear to be. 

Yes, they would charge for service and the number of firemen, how much they would be paid, and the level of equipment would depend on what customers were willing to pay for fire protection. Just as the level of fire protection provide by a city is determined by how much property taxes people are willing to pay. The city does not need to make a profit, but in exchange, taxpayers must purchase the firefighting equipment.

While that is true, the point is that through public financing, the fire department puts out fires and does not refuse to put out a fire because the people in that house don't have "the right" insurance.

Ultimately, someone has to pick up the bill for your health care. Whoever ultimately pays for your care will have a strong say in what care you get.

NO. They can have a say in what they will pay for, but they should NOT be the deciding factor in what treatment is provided.

NO. They can have a say in what they will pay for, but they should NOT be the deciding factor in what treatment is provided.

Sorry, that’s just not reality. Even a benign government will limit how much they will spend on you if they are unable to raise taxes or borrow anymore and there is demand by other people for other free services that they need to meet.

While that is true, the point is that through public financing, the fire department puts out fires and does not refuse to put out a fire because the people in that house don't have "the right" insurance.

And they will take your house after putting out the fire if you haven’t paid your taxes.

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