REPUBLIC ON THE VERGE OF A NERVOUS BREAKDOWN

The brilliant libertarian economist William Niskanen once described the U.S. Department of Defense as the second largest planned economy in the world. He had reason to know, since he used to work there. In Chalmers Johnson's analysis, the DoD is not merely an economy all its own, it is an imperialist power that covers the world, wreaking havoc abroad and defying democratic mores at home.

I can't disagree.

I'm a fan. I have Johnson's three most recent books. I've even read one of them. The latest one does not disappoint, if you want more industrial-strength criticism of the U.S. national security state. Even for a 60s retread, I was knocked back on my heels more than once. ("We did THAT?")

Along with Noam Chomsky, Johnson is an essential guide to our road to perdition in the realm of foreign policy. Both in my view are essentially conservative critiques. Johnson comes out of a right-wing, Cold War tradition, a viewpoint that would not in general lend easy credence to official acts of government without some skepticism. Chomsky is an anarchist and naturally hostile to centralized power structures, both public and private.

It follows in either case that nation-building and "liberal interventionism" are hard and only undertaken with the greatest caution, if at all. Foreign entanglements are especially vulnerable to exercises in bad faith, corruption, incompetence, and hubris. Chomsky tends to see bad faith as inherent in centralized power. Johnson is more empirical and historical, holding out somewhat more hope in principle for the viability of our republic.

In either case, this axiom naturally gives rise to attacks from the jingoist right and the meddling middle. Any posture of forbearance when it comes to using force or projecting power is subject to demagogic accusations of adhering to hostile foreign powers. Anybody else remember Madeleine Albright's use of such canards in the face of doubts about the wisdom of bombing Serbia?

The jingoist right is held in justifiably low esteem these days, but the meddling middle (MM) is in the wings, waiting to take the stage. Just this morning I heard a fine liberal fellow on the radio elaborate skillfully on all the ways that the Bush Administration had blown the Mideast, and all the mistakes it was on the verge of making in regard to Iran. Thing is, I did not hear what the U.S. should do if Iran is shown to be progressing down the path of nuclear weapons development. Evidently, all options are on the table.

The question is what hair-triggers the MM has when it comes to justified uses of force. Not as many as the Bush Administration, but what are they, and are they really justifiable? In the Johnson analysis, Pentagonal capitalism will exert very great force on behalf of interventionism. Will Democrats propitiate these forces, try and one-up them, or defy them? The record does not inspire confidence.

I do want to take issue with one theme I see in Nemesis -- that of bankruptcy. Defense spending is certainly high and arguably in need of severe shrinkage, and it contributes to deficit spending. But we had high deficits when the defense budget was waning in the latter half of the 80s. Clinton's 'peace dividend' contributed to budget surpluses in the latter 90s, but the major factor in Bush's fiscal turnaround was not spending, but tax cuts.

The present deficits in the budget and trade balance are financed by foreigners, especially Japan and the Peoples Republic of China. This seems to me a problem for national security, not just economics. But there would still be a problem with lower or zero budget deficits, since all those dollars would still be out there. We had huge trade deficits in the 90s, along with budget surpluses. Deficits at the moment are not high.

If foreigners became reluctant to buy or hold dollars, we would have problems with or without a budget deficit or a defense buildup. As long as they are willing to lend us money, the chief economic impact is the gradual transformation of ownership from U.S. citizens to foreigners. Workers may be less concerned whether they work for the domestic or foreign equivalent of a Jack Welch.

In the future, the chief threat to Federal budget solvency is health care spending. The fact is that with our huge economy, we have the capacity to waste a great deal of money, such as on ill-advised military adventures.

The most important blowback I see is well-described in Nemesis and Johnson's other books -- the threat to our democracy from our own leaders, and the threat to our own personal safety from the harm these leaders are wont to do to others. This is quite enough to worry about. If you read Nemesis, Blowback, and Sorrows of Empire, you'll worry about it too.

 


Comments (46)

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Who wants to read these anti-American diatribes? I can already tell you what they say, without reading page 1. Johnson and Chomsky are the anti-American equivalent of a fundamentalist Evangelical -- full of dogma, opinionated, rigidly narrow-minded, and completely lacking objectivity. Anyone want to read a fundamentalist book on abortion? Why bother?

Read Chomsky's account of the Japanese rape of Nanking (which he blames on Western powers). There's not a single atrocity committed in Chomsky's sanitized version, because it interferes with his desperate need to make America the source of all evil.

One can point to the many blunders of American militarism (and there are many). What is much more difficult to gauge is what the world would look like without the prescence of American military power. The US military has underwritten the security of world financial markets since WWII. All the oil the world guzzles doesn't magically arrive safely to international ports by accident. There are plenty of chaotic forces kept in check by our Navy, and most of these incidents are never reported. They also accomplish countless humanitarian missions world-wide -- again without any headlines or fanfare.

These are ideas Chomsky and Johnson never consider. They are blind idealogues who have their cult-like followers, but I'm grateful to say I'm not a convert to their ministry.

Hey Brook, if you'd like to write up a refutation of Max or Johnson's piece and post it on your own TPM blog, I'd be more than happy to promote it to the front page.

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"Recognizing where power lies, Prime Minister Watanabe adopted US conventions in expressing Japan's regrets: he traced Japan's crimes to December 7, 1941, thus implicitly discounting hideous atrocities that killed 10 to 13 million Chinese, by conservative estimate, from 1937 through 1945, not to speak of earlier crimes"
Nim Chimpsky

Frankly, I don't know if he's right or wrong, but your response was defensive and unhelpful.

Since when is this necessary:

....if you'd like to write up a refutation of Max or Johnson's piece and post it on your own TPM blog...
Am I reading this wrong?

Jan Knaus

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Huh?

I thought that was a fairly polite response to a completely substanceless nonsequitor

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As but one striking example of imperial basing policy: For the past sixty-one years, the U.S. military has garrisoned the small Japanese island of Okinawa with 37 bases. Smaller than Kauai in the Hawaiian Islands, Okinawa is home to 1.3 million people who live cheek-by-jowl with 17,000 Marines of the 3rd Marine Division and the largest U.S. installation in East Asia -- Kadena Air Force Base. There have been many Okinawan protests against the rapes, crimes, accidents, and pollution caused by this sort of concentration of American troops and weaponry, but so far the U. S. military -- in collusion with the Japanese government -- has ignored them. My research into our base world resulted in The Sorrows of Empire: Militarism, Secrecy, and the End of the Republic, written during the run-up to the Iraq invasion.
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As with most things I have read by Chalmers Johnson, this piece is long on assertion and short on facts. Or I probably should say contains only selected facts. Reading this you wouldn't know that we've been closing bases all over the US and all over the world for decades. You wouldn't know that there is such a thing as the BRAC process.

Also you wouldn't know that when countries ask us to leave, we leave. It's interesting Johnson cites Okinawa. As he points out Kadena is the largest installation in East Asia. But it is largest only because the much larger facilities at Clark AFB and Subic Bay in the Philippines are closed because the Philippine government asked us to leave. If the Japanese asked us to leave Okinawa, we would. Should I bring up the Panama Canal and the bases we don't have there anymore? Or a hundred more examples?

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The combination of huge standing armies, almost continuous wars, an ever growing economic dependence on the military-industrial complex and the making of weaponry, and ruinous military expenses as well as a vast, bloated "defense" budget, not to speak of the creation of a whole second Defense Department (known as the Department of Homeland Security) has been destroying our republican structure of governing in favor of an imperial presidency.
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Again, long on assertion and short on facts.

"an ever growing economic dependence on the military-industrial complex and the making of weaponry"

If so why does it keep shrinking as a sector of the economy? The reason there are all these merged defense contractors (Lockheed Martin, Northrup Grumman) is because there isn't enough business to keep them viable as stand-alone entities. When Eisenhower gave his famous speech, military spending was at over 9% of GDP. Now with our "militarized" economy we aren't but about half that.

I've read Johnson assert elsewhere that defense spending is all that is keeping the economy afloat. Yet during the Clinton Administration, when the Armed Forces were cut and defense spending fell to its lowest level as a percentage of GDP since WWII, the economy boomed.

Empirically there's nothing to support Johnson.

"huge standing armies"

In 1960 when Eisenhower gave his speech, there were 2,475,438 on active duty in the Armed Forces. In 1993 when Clinton took office there were 1,705,103 on active duty. Last year there were 1,426,713 active duty personnel. This on a population almost twice what it was in 1960.

I'll let you draw the trend line.

"not to speak of the creation of a whole second Defense Department (known as the Department of Homeland Security)"

Which if you'll recall, is pretty much an organization cobbled together from pre-existing agencies. Johnson would have you believe we didn't have a Coast Guard or Border Patrol before. And whose idea was it to have this new agency? The Democratically controlled Senate.

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It is possible that, at some future moment, the U.S. military could actually take over the government and declare a dictatorship (though its commanders would undoubtedly find a gentler, more user-friendly name for it). That is, after all, how the Roman republic ended -- by being turned over to a populist general, Julius Caesar, who had just been declared dictator for life. After his assassination and a short interregnum, it was his grandnephew Octavian who succeeded him and became the first Roman emperor, Augustus Caesar. The American military is unlikely to go that route.
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As people seem loathe to remember, the Roman Republic fell after three generations of coups, counter-coups, and civil war with political leaders traipsing around the country leading private armies. Octavian was the last thug left standing. The population was so exhausted they took peace at any price.

I agree that the American military is unlikely to go that route as I don't see how any reasonable person can think that really parallels the US situation today

Well, you might be right. I give up!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

None of it made any sense to me. I should have kept my laptop shut!


Jan Knaus

Also we no longer have great charismatic generals. Or rather, even if we do, our system rewards competent logistics. Plus our soldiers don't have the attachment Roman ones did--aided no doubt, by the fact that Bush has taken very shitty care of the army. Not that Octavian was a particularly brilliant general (he was a brilliant politician) but he was pretty effective.

However I think we ARE at about the stage where Gaius Marius and Sulla appeared in Rome. However because of the adversarial two-party system we have, consolidating power like that is difficult to sustain--Bush COULD have done it: if after 9/11 Bush could have been someone other than himself (that is, someone who doesn't fuck up all the time).

Mr. Dataski says

Who wants to read these anti-American diatribes? I can already tell you what they say, without reading page 1.

and then Mr. Golis says.

Hey Brook, if you'd like to write up a refutation of Max or Johnson's piece and post it on your own TPM blog, I'd be more than happy to promote it to the front page.

I'd be far happier if you'd make him promise (cross his heart and hope to get warts or something) to actually read the book first.  He seems as prescient as some of my students are... they sometimes write reports on books they've never read, too.  I think it a habit worth breaking.

aMike

I didn't mean any offense. I was just pointing out that if anyone wants to put together a full contribution I'd be happy to pull it into the discussion.

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Napablogger

Chomsky is mentally ill, and a liar. He even went so far as to say that America was responsible for the Cambodian massacre's of Pol Pot in Cambodia. After he said it, there was massive criticism, so he tried to change what he said, but it proved all he really does is make up hateful stuff off the top of his head.

I troll-rated you, not because you dismiss Chomsky, but because you dismiss Chalmers Johnson as an ideologically-driven writer.

You obviously have no understanding of who he is. He is AN HISTORIAN, which means that he has a set of professional ethics, which he follows. Which call for 'callin'em as he sees 'em.' I was reading his stuff in the '70's. "Blind ideologue with cult-like followers," indeed, what BS, what total prententious ignorant BS.

There's only one Blind Ideologue with Cult-Like Followers who threatens the health and wealth of every American and all our children: George Walker Bush.

It really is time for a mass population descent on Washington, and/or a general strike. The Decider and the Vice must be deposed. In Aug. '74, the Congressional Republican leadership made a visit to the White House and told Nixon he had to go. Obviously with this craven generation of so-called Congressional leaders we can't expect much, but maybe if we all dropped our normal lives (which about about to be sent to hell anyway if Chimpo attackes Iran) and camped out in our Congress-critters offices for a while ... ?

Bump to the top -- to move up over the Friday night spam dumper....

~OGD~

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Well, I don't want to pile on, you seem to have enough to deal with, but one reason we should read their books, is because whether you agree or disagree it is important to know what it is they're saying. Even when I vehemently disagree with authors' politics, I still read what they have to say, to understand how they think, what they're thinking and why they think it. I read many fundamentalist writings, (as well as conservatve, liberal, neo-conservate and, well, anything) because I want to know what kind of arguments they're making and how to refute them.

I think you have raised a question of utmost importance to our society and to our nation - what is it we want from our military, what do we want them to do, how do we want to use them, who should pay for them and why? Politicians won't discuss it - they are fearful of being accused of "anti-Americanism", or being "unpatriotic" because we've allowed sentiment and guilt to drive the discourse, rather than pragmatism and practicality - and underlying it all, the greed and economics which feed on the military.

The citizens of this country have abdicated their right to make choices (for good or bad) because they've been emotionally manipulated to give up that right. No politician has ever explained to the American taxpayer what it means to invest their money in the military and they certainly don't understand what the return is or how to calculate it fairly in tangibles and intangibles for the citizens. It's like a hospital - you only think of it when you need it.

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The idea that military spending is "shrinking" is wrong. In fact, military spending is increasing. Yes, the percentage of military spending of the GDP at 3.7% makes it look as though it is shrinking, but in terms of discretionary spending it is at 49% as of 2003 and rising. What that means of course, is that for every 100 pennies the hardworking taxpayers send to the government, 49 pennies are spent on the "defense" of the nation. And it is rising - in 2000 the amount of discretionary spending was 48 cents of every dollar, in 2001, 47.1 cents, in 2002 47.5 cents and in 2003 49 cents of every dollar in the U.S. budget went to the military. And remember in tangible returns to the taxpayer as investment dollars, the return is zero. Individuals profit, but as a collective investment of the nation, the return is not only zero, but it continues to cost them money in maintenance.

We all know why the Roman republic fell, but we don't all know why empires fall - it is because like any "business" investment, when returns fail to materialize or become less than the cost of maintaining the investment it becomes a drain rather than a well of returns. Countries need profits too.

I've written something like this multiple times at TPM, but I'll do it once again:

1. Peter Beinert can't distinguish between making political hay with jingoism and the actual efficacy of 'crusades.' In fact, wouldn't it be better for the Govt. NOT to scare the public with either real or imagined terrorist threats, since, hey, scaring the public is acutally WHAT TERRORISTS WANT.

2. Yes - it seems in our bizarre Manichean wingnut-o-sphere, you either are a saint or demon. To wit: if you don't approve of adding yet another country to our list of nations with whom we are at war, you are a 'pacifist' and would offer your wife up for rape by Canadian and Mexican pillagers.

The only other option is the cure all of malice toward all - universal and generic belligerence will cure whatever ails ya'.

Yet isn't it ironic that the position of automatic belligerence in any and all situations is, quite ironically, the most CRAVEN and cowardly position out there?

That's why I believe Beinert to be not just wrong, but cowardly and in some ways decietful - he wants a liberal crusade because, ya know, the average dumbass jingoist will vote for liberals - who cares if the strategy isn't just ineffective, but actually counter-productive?

Yes there are raving lunatics wingnuts and shameless, cynical demagogues who manipulate the masses - that doesn't mean we have to sink to their level - in fact, we can't if we are desirous of retaining a thread of liberty and democracy.

Don't let the cowards win.

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I read Johnson's previous book, and it is silly to call it an anti-American diatribe. There's not an anti-American argument in it.

There is, of course, a very strong argument against the DoD Imperium, but given the way that the DoD Imperium undermines America's long term interests, I would call that a pro-American diatribe.

I don't see how anybody who sincerely loves America, the American system of government, and the American way of life could complain about a call for a restoration of the American Republic.

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C'mon Feather -- Johnson is a "historian" in the vein of a man seeking answers to a foregone conclusion. I can pull enough examples from history to prove about any point I want to make. Historical examples can be helpful but are not predictors of how we should govern our country today. Read Johnson's own post he put up on TPM today. Johnson rails against the US troops in Okinawa, but does he mention Okinawa was the staging area for our liberation of South Korea from the Communist North? No, he doesn't. Where would S Korea be today without the prescence of US troops there for 50 years? Where would Taiwan be without the Pacific fleet? Does anyone seriously think China hasn't invaded Tawian out of respect for democracy or the UN? I'm going to put these questions to Johnson in reply to his post and see if he answers.

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Bruce, my POV is anyone who asserts that America is an empire is by definition anti-American and doesn't understand America's role in the world. If Johnson wants to go to Japan or Germany and suggest that they are mere colonies conquered by American emperors, I think they'd show him the exits fairly quickly. It's a ridiculous assertion. The US government is actively advancing America's interests on the global stage, but so is every other nation (large and small) in today's global world, and the US is far more multilateral than China, Russia, or India in working through international institutions. Some empire.

What evidence have you that the "US government is actively advancing America's interests on the global stage"?

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The State Department, Department Of Commerce, Defense, UN delegation and a whole host of beauracrats, Ellen. Their basic job descriptions require them to look out for our interests around the globe. You can rate them on job performance, but every other nation has the same army of suits doing the same thing for their nations. If we're an empire, we've got lots of empirical company.

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Are we at war with a nation-state right now, King? I wasn't aware of that.

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If Johnson wants to go to Japan or Germany and suggest that they are mere colonies conquered by American emperors, I think they'd show him the exits fairly quickly.

But that is of course a strawman.

By implication you seem to believe that any Empire can only ever consist of "mere colonies" and the metropole and nothing else.

Of course, that description does not work for the British Empire. It does not work for the Roman Empire. It does not work for the Ottoman Empire. It does not work for any of the Chinese Empires. It certainly does not work for the Portuguese Empire ... recall from your world history that the Portuguese Court was located in Rio de Janeiro for a large part of the Napoleonic Period, and the importance of that in current world affairs for the way that Spanish America fractured into a large number of medium sized and small nations while Brazil remained in one piece.

On the surface, it would seem that you are criticizing the views of an author that you have not read, because a grossly oversimplified stereotype of Empire, adopted in ignorance of the historical record of what Empires have been, presents a contradiction with modern reality.

If that's all you got, you got nothing.

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I noticed how you tried to slip "Defense" there in the middle as if it did not have the largest budget of the group, far in excess of the civilian foreign policy establishment.

but every other nation has the same army of suits doing the same thing for their nations.

How many other nations have more than 700 overseas military bases?

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Umm.....Bev, dearie, 49 % of discretionary spending doesn't mean 49 out of every 100 pennies people send to the government. You do know what "discretionary spending" means, don't you?

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This is pretty much my view of empires: they're business enterprises. They expand by overrunning neighbors, installing compliant governments, and pulling in taxes and cut-price goods. This income serves to raise the standards of living of the emperors and their entourage back home, at the expense of the defeated neighbors. And as long as the empire keeps expanding, and the emperors and their growing entourage keep getting richer, everything is just fine. It's when the empire stops expanding, and begins to contract, and the imperial income begins to dwindle, and people start getting kicked out of the imperial entourage, that trouble starts back home, and civil wars break out. Ultimately, any empire faces the problem that empires can't keep growing indefinitely, if only because they eventually run out of neighbors to overrun.

There are really only two ways to get rich. The first way is to innovate new civilian tools and technologies, make the land more productive, and engage in peaceful trade, and that kind of thing. But this kind of innovation, historically, has generally been painfully slow. And so empire-building always used to be the only way to get rich quick. And that meant that that most technological innovation has always gone into weapons technology. And, in part because of this, civilian technological innovation has tended to proceed correspondingly more slowly, or not at all. Any Roman would immediately recognise our modern clothes, houses, tables, plates, and food - they've hardly changed at all. But he'd be astonished by our modern weaponry, which has gone through countless cycles of innovation since Roman times.

It could be, however, that the tortoise of civilian technological innovation is catching up with the hare of military technological innovation. Empire building seems to be getting harder, paradoxically because nth-generation weapons have become so powerful that that full scale war is likely to result in mutual assured destruction. And at the same time our civilian technologies -things like cars, washing machines, phones, etc, that help people live their everyday lives - are beginning to demonstrate rates of innovation that rival that of the military.

And should the returns on civilian innovation begin to exceed the returns on empire building, we'll stop building empires, and start making the world a better place to live in. We'll shift, in Buckminster Fuller's terminology, from making killingry to making livingry. It won't be because we've become better people. It'll just be because it will offer a better return on investment.

We don't seem to be quite there yet, however.

I didn't really expect you to have an answer to the question, Brook Dataski.

But I caution you to consider that the "interests" those bureaucrats are looking out for are the "interests" of their future corporate employers. Of course, if you believe (that is, have faith, religiously inspired or otherwise unexamined) that those "interests" are the same as the country's, then, you have indeed, from your perspective, answered the question.

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Our political dialog has become so Orwellian that we don't even notice it anymore. A typical example is what we call the Department of Defense used to be called the War Department in more honest times. The DoD hasn't defended us since WWII. In fact when we finally were attacked and needed to be defended we had to create a real defense department - Homeland Security.

What we really have is a department of offense, that's why calling it the war department is more proper. This is not just a semantic slight of hand. It is indicative of the whole framing of our militarism. We treat aggression on our part as if it were a defensive action. We claim things in our "national interest" when what we really mean is that we want the resources and markets of those states on our terms.

By sugar coating our self interested aggression we let ourselves avoid facing up to our role in US militarism. It is our demands for resources and finished goods at cheap prices which underlies our muscular foreign policy. If you want to be greedy and wasteful at least cut out the hypocrisy.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

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You're right, that is confusing. I should have said that for every dollar you send to the government that is used for discretionary spending, 52 cents of the dollar goes to the military.

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Well, Ellen, that's why we have elections -- to make sure the gov looks out for our interests. If you believe they only look out for corporate interests -- you should vote them out. It is a bit cynical though. Let me give you and example: the Doha trade talks. The Bush admin has offered to make deep cuts in our farm subsidies -- in response to demands from the 3rd world who view them as unfair trade practice. This offer is contingent on the EU matching the cuts in their subsidies -- which they have refused to do. It will hurt our ag industry for sure, so corporate interests did not trump in this case.

If it was Bush holding up the talks, the roar of criticism would be defeaning. (like his intransigence on Kyoto). However, you've heard only muted cricism of Europe's position, even though it is clearly hurting 3rd world countries. So, is Europe a unilateral imperialist bully or are they looking out for their interests?

I offer up this example to show you how biased the int'l community is regarding American policy and why I discount most of the criticism. When Europeans talk about multilateralism -- what they mean is they want America to consult with them on every major issue and compromise, while they do what they want. If those are the rules, why shouldn't we go our own way?

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i'm well aware of historical empires, and America doesn't resemble any of them. If you disagree, share your list with us of former empires we mimic.

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RD, how can you say we've never defended anything? Did you miss the chapter on the Korean War or the Cold War? Your comment is sort of insulting to those engaged in those conflicts.

Korea has no natural resources we really need. We could've let them go red. Why didn't we?

Why have we repeatedly defended Taiwan and risked war with China? Taiwan is insignficant on the world stage.

The only reason you can make a comment like this, is because you don't live in these countries threatened by war. If you did, you'd see the American military in a different light.

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El Campesino beat me to it. His rebuttal below is excellent and underscores what I am saying: Johnson has a biased POV that skews and ignores historical facts to advance a foregone conclusion.

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But anyone who has read Johnson's book The Sorrows of Empire would know that he specifies what is distinctive about the American Empire. And I would presume that the same applies to his other books.

Which is why the original response was such a blatant straw horse argument: you created your own image of what Johnson must have meant when he said the word Empire, and used that to explain why you did not bother reading his work, wherein you would find that the argument you provided is without foundation.

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I know what empire means in the popular vernacular -- and so does Johnson, which is exactly why he used the word. When you read the title of the book, a negative impression is formed, regardless of Johnson's "re-definition" of the word. It's interesting that America is only referred to as an empire by those on the far left of the political spectrum. The majority of voters are never going to vote for anyone who refers to our country as an "empire". Those who refer to the country in this way weaken any other good arguments they may have.

Read El Campesino's post. He slams Johnson's theories, and he uses direct quotes from the book. Johnson is the real emperor here -- with no clothes.

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great post, El. Powerful facts no one can refute.

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So why did we go into Korea and Vietnam? Did we need their natural resources? Were they good markets for our finished goods?

I hypothesized the other day that we get into wars about nothing because capitalism makes the zeitgeist for such actions a natural thing. We had nothing to gain in either of these wars and if you really believe they were about stopping the communist menace than you need to examine your assumptions.

Here's a link to my essay and the associated comments (not all of them in agreement):

Does Capitalism Require Warfare?

Don't confuse social policy with attitudes about the individual soldiers. This is a trick that the right uses all the time to squelch debate. Soldiers can be noble in their intentions and behavior even when the cause they are fighting for is morally ambiguous.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

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An argument based on the political popularity or unpopularity of a thesis is not an argument about whether it is correct or incorrect. It is, at most, an argument over whether it ought to be expressed in the same way by those who aspire to holding political office.

And, certainly, if someone actually cares for the American Republic and aspires to gain political office, I would certainly argue against using Johnson's language ... the deliberate obfuscation of the state of affairs that he points to is far too effective to make progress through a head-on assault. Someone that completely eschews the entrenched hypocrisies of American politics would have tremendous difficulty penetrating the mass media with his or her argument intact.

But to the main point ... while no long lived Empire has ever been organized almost exclusively on military bases located in putatively independent nations, that system has been a quite common element in imperial systems.

Certainly what prevented it from dominating the Roman Empire was the ongoing tendency to convert protectorates into provinces in order to squeeze larger incomes from those areas for Romans or to quell efforts to use the autonomy of the protectorate to gain actual national independence.

However, the fact that this dominant system for maintaining the influence of the metropole today was a marginal system in notable empires in history does not imply that the US is not an Empire. It may, for example, simply imply that the US Empire is going to be more ephemeral than some of the examples I gave above.

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"Ever since the rise of the capitalist model there have been continual wars"

That's interesting, rd. I guess the capitalist model goes all the way back to the Pelopenisian wars -- or beyond that to the Old Testament David and Goliath story.

You can say Korea was a war about nothing, because your village was not overrun by the North Koreans. Your family wasn't carted off to brutal labor camps.

Korea was a war of aggression perpetrated by the Communist north without provocation. Even Stalin's papers reveal extreme anger with the North for starting the war. As i write this there are 250,000 North Korean's locked up in a gulag the size of Rhode Island, living in hellish conditions. If it wasn't for international intervention, there would be millions of South Koreans incarcerated alongside them. But maybe you're right, RD -- that's really nothing at all.

Dear Brook Dataski:

As do the structural limitations of most "conversational" boards, TPMCafe demands that participants boil down and synthesize their arguments. Paradoxically, this compulsion frequently leads to overly broad assertions or at the least, to assertions which time and space do not afford the luxury of mounting supporting arguments. Such comments are left naked and easy prey to those who wish to pick out the weaker parts and cross swords, thereon.

When you've been here a bit longer, I'm sure you'll recognize the protocols and offer your personal gloss on the subject at hand rather than limiting yourself to thrust and parry.

Love,

Ellen

 

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:)

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Ms. Ellen, i didn't know you were a real live cybercop -- and a lady at that. I'm not smart enough to understand everything you just said, but i like the way you said it. :)

i'm well aware of historical empires, and America doesn't resemble any of them. If you disagree, share your list with us of former empires we mimic.

How about the Russian empire? (Not the Soviet Union, but the Russian empire of the czars.) Both the United States and Russia expanded across a continent, fulfilling a sense of manifest destiny and relying on internal population movement. Neither sent colonists abroad but instead attracted people from its realms of influence to the metropole.

Also, I think that it distorts the historical record to refer to the United States as "mimic[king]" another empire. To take a frightfully prosaic example, just because I've grown up to resemble my mother doesn't mean I got there through imitation.

That said, I agree that the term "empire" is not exact. Any word applied to something aside from its original context is, in many ways, an analogy. Quite seriously, though, what would be a better word?

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1. It is considered bad form to down rate a comment because you disagree with it. Look at the verbal equivalent of the numerical score. Spraying a discussion with replies is also considered rude.

2. The Korean war was about nothing from the point of view of the US. You haven't explained why it was necessary for the US to get involved in a civil war in Korea or Vietnam. Perhaps you feel that the US has a right/duty/necessity to police the world. This is a standard neo-con argument these days: "We are bringing the benefits of democracy to the oppressed". If this is our guiding philosophy you need to explain why we chose to apply this policy so selectively. Why have we done nothing about the 20 or so civil wars and totalitarian regimes that have arisen in Africa for the past 50 years? Why are we still doing nothing about Darfur, for example?

3. As to my conjecture on the relationship between capitalism and warfare: that there may be other forms of government which also foster aggression doesn't mean such a relationship doesn't also exist. I also differentiated between colonial wars over land or raw materials and wars over nothing. I wondered if Korea and Vietnam (and perhaps Iraq) belonged to this second category. You ignored this distinction.

--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape

And analogical reasoning is just another term for "magical thinking."

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rd,by constantly replying to this discussion, are you confessing to rudeness? Don't worry; you're forgiven.

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