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Bush Weighs More Troops. Isn't It Time for Demonstrations?

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I saw the 1979 film, "Hair," last night. I think Milos Forman made one of the most powerful anti-war films ever.

It ends with thousands of kids running to the Ellipse behind the White House ultimately creating a frozen tableau of anti-war youth which, in the film'a last shot, goes from color to black and white.

I was struck by the fade to B&W. I decided that the reason Forman did that was to say to the viewers, watching in 1979, that this film is about history. Going B&W makes the final shot look like the soldiers at Iwo Jima or some other "ancient" moment.

In 1979, of course, the idea that Americans would be sent off to die in pointless wars seemed like history.

Carter had just pardoned the draft-dodgers who had fled to Canada. The lesson of Vietnam had apparently been learned. No more stupid wars.

But here we are in 2007 almost and America is pursuing another lost war, just as pointless, and more destructive of American intersts.

But this time the public says nothing. Republicans like Bush and McCain want more troops (in contrast to Nixon who, when he saw the war was "lost," started bringing them home).

Bush may even get his troops. I can't see the Democrats stopping him and I'm not even sure that they have the authority to.

The results of the election were great. But anyone who believes the Democratic majority will end the war is deluded. Half the caucus still supports it.

A few weeks ago, on a beautiful Saturday, I went over to Walter Reed Army Hospital. The grounds were full of moms and dads pushing their amputee kids around in wheel chairs.

The kids, the soldiers, look like they are recovering from high school football injuries until you notice the missing limbs. They tend to look cheerful, maybe because they are out of Iraq and maybe because it's their job not to make their parents feel more terrible than they do.

I walked over to an officer and said "these boys are so brave. I can't believe the way they joke around with their families."

He pointed to a building across the lawn. "You should see the ones over there. The brain injured. They aren't joking around. It's a nightmare. The kids uou see are the healthy ones, healthy and whole."

Healthy and whole amputees.

It's all relative.

What are we doing? Why aren't we demonstrating against the very idea of more troops in every city and town in America. Why haven't we scheduled a Million Person March on the White House and the new Congress?

At this point, with support for the neocons' war in the 30's, anti-war demonstrations could flatout end any thought of sending over more kids.

Isn't it time?

Can it really be that because there is no draft, we just don't give a damn?


178 Comments

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There's something muddled here. On the one hand, it's preaching to teh choir: of course most Americans want out of this war, not to mention a near unanimity in a forum like this one. On the other hand, there's this "we" who are prolonging the war because we don't give a damn.

I keep thinking that the many here who think that if the Democrats shouted more loudly or started impeachment hearings, we'd be out of there just aren't old enough to remember the Vietnam war (which may be why a shlocky film like "Hair" can seem surprisingly fresh). How about Vietnam? It became vastly unpopular. But one forgets that Nixon still kept it going for five years. One can almost forget, too, that his impeachment hearings had nothing to do with whether he lied in prolonging the war (as with his "secret plan to end the war"), whether he committed war crimes by extending the war with bombings in Cambodia, or whether the administratin had defended or covered up atrocities as at My Lai.

Sorry to break the news, but presidents have a lot of power once war gets off the ground. We do have to keep shouting and screaming, and Senator Kennedy has a great quote in the paper today. We can get those investigations of intelligence coverups, cherry picking, and torture going. But will it make Bush do anything different? I doubt it, but at least it will be forever Bush's war, and we'll win more seats in 2008, and it'll be more likely to be known as Bush's war even after he leaves office and we "lose."

The only good knows is that we have a chance here, and also that the escalation isn't as parallel to Vietnam's as one often says. That was pretty much LBJ's hope of gaining ground. Here it's more like Nixon's postponement of any action period in hope someone else would inherit the loss.

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

"Isn't it time?"

What? Are you completely asleep at the switch?


Some of us have been there all along. Many and varied times and places in between the below. Glad you decided to join us. Will I see you in D.C. this time? Or will you just comfortably "blogiate."
Many of us took to the streets in 2002 when we saw this disaster coming -- at least 6 months before the actual invasion.

2002:
http://www.commondreams.org/headlines02/1027-06.htm

2003: http://www.cnn.com/2003/US/02/15/sprj.irq.protests.main/

2004: http://www.cnn.com/2004/WORLD/meast/03/20/iraq.main/index.html

2005: http://www.commondreams.org/headlines05/0924-06.htm

Where the hell have YOU been?

Note that its not too late to redeem yourself:

January 27, 2007 March on Washington
see website below for information and details:
www.unitedforpeace.org/calendar.php?caltype=1&bydate=2006-12-22

J. McCutchen

I think there's another coming up this March and United for Peace and Justice has a possibly more constructive action planned for next month. A Saturday March on Washington (1/27) will be followed by a Monday March on Congressional Offices (1/29)

J. McCutchen

OOPS.

Should have read. Yes UPFJ in Bushville. I've been going to these marches since August 2002. Now is the time for sure though especially if Bush presses his expected escalation of US war on Iraq

I continue to think that far too many Americans view the Iraq fiasco much like a college football game, where we all have to root for the home team, above all else. Never give up. Never concede the game. That isn't hard to do when no one you know, none of your relatives or friends is threatened with life altering injuries or death. So, I support the reinstatement of the draft. Once there is a draft all of our families and friends are equally threatened - that tends to clarify ones thinking.

Please, lets put our energy into stopping the foolish fiasco in Iraq, not into protecting our own loved ones by opposing a draft.

Hoppy in Sacramento

I've been to all the demos in DC, I think.

But we need ones like the 1969 Moratorium which were utterly mainstream and endorsed by the Democrats.

Ps, Haberarts,
I don't think "Hair" was schlocky at all. I think it was a great film. But we're all entitled to our opinions.

Why aren't we demonstrating against the very idea of more troops in every city and town in America.

I think there are a couple things going on here. First, protesting is something the dirty fucking hippies do. Even within the Democratic party, I get the feeling it's something to be looked down on, it's an association with the dirty hippie wing of the party.

(This, despite the fact that, if you ever go to a protest, you are immediately struck by just how "normal" everyone is, just how far from the dirty hippie stereotype that's out there. But the reality cannot compete with the myth.)

Second, I think we still have a problem of this war not directly touching enough people in our country. It's still a six degrees of separation thing for way too many people -- how many people do you know have been to a military funeral?

Finally, I guess there's a question of just how effective a protest can be in the age of digital hyper-mediated news and politics? The last few protests were turned into one-day media spectacles, to be forgotten the next day when a teacher who had sex with her 16 year old student becomes the lede.

Maybe what we need to do is organize a protest in Second Life. Or create a anti-war video and virally distribute it on YouTube. Not to evoke Baudrillard, but maybe a simulated protest is just as a effective as one in real life these days...?

Dissent Protects Democracy.

I'm not sure the draft as such is the answer to Congressional responsibility in oversight. A declaration of war is a solemn thing, but they managed to avoid it by calling it an authorization for the use of military force.

Ironically, if a draft were reinstated, a number of active military friends of mine would not re-enlist. For an assortment of reasons, they perceive draftees, at least with traditional service lengths and draft criteria, as a danger to their physical safety.

This view is complex. It was one thing to be a WWII draftee given the perceived national threat and consensus national response, but a very different thing in Vietnam. FTA was on Vietnam shirts, not WWII or even Korea.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

If you think this is a pointless war, then you are completely detached from reality. This isn't the sixties and the war against islamic fascism isn't Vietnam. In fact the better analogy to our times would be the 1930's rise of nazism threatening the world, and this war is akin to WW2. We essentially are in WW3.

J. McCutchen

It is not only pointless. It is counterproductive. It is the Greatest Strategic Disaster in US history.

J. McCutchen


Surge? Surge against whom? What is the mission?

Surge against Sadr? Against Badr? Take a look at this ARCView/GIS map by province depicting % of Iraqis who trust the government to protect them.

You will see the truth. It's Iran-i-stan baby!!!

That's what Bush hath bought with hundreds of thousands dead and hundreds of billions of your grandchildren's money. Not to worry. Condi sez it is an excellent investment America.

This isn't the sixties and the war against islamic fascism isn't Vietnam.

And just where are we fighting "islamic fascism"?

In Iraq? 

Dissent Protects Democracy.

Question: isn't LEL66 a troll, in that this is a progressive site dedicated, among other things, to opposition to the war.
This is not a place to argue WHETHER this is a stupid war but rather one to discuss how the hell American can end it.

In general, I think demonstrations on national issues have been overtaken by the events of other, especially Internet-based forms of communications. Civil rights demonstrations of the early sixties did have substantial effects, but I tend to think that political organizing and grass-roots efforts, coupled with more widespread electronic news gathering, had swung the pendulum by Vietnam.

Personal touch is an issue. I have friends coming, going, and in the theater. At one point, I might have been going myself for some infrastructure work. Still, I don't know how many people think often about friends on IED disposal duty, or hosing blood out of medical evacuation helicopters.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Coincidentally, National Public Radio had an interesting interview with James Lawson on Morning Edition this morning.   

 The Rev. James Lawson, a professor at Vanderbilt University, was a key player in the civil rights movement. He's also a forceful advocate of peaceful resistance to unjust policies.

The transcript is pending, but the interview is available for listening for those interested.  Lawson is in his upper 70s, and is serving as distinguished University Professor at Vanderbilt University, from which he was expelled in the 1960s.  His Martin Luther King Keynote Address of January 17, 2006 is worth listening to as well.  There seem to be no permanent victories in the contest against cruelty, violence, and injustice.  Perhaps our greatest mistake in the last 40 years was to believe there would be no more stupid wars. 

aMike

People who gave a damn enough to mobilize a movement about Vietnam were not motivated by the sort of cynical "America First" politics espoused here.

We actually wanted American aggression to be defeated in Vietnam and fully understood that this meant a victory for Vietnam. It was a positive movement looking to a better future.

People who care in that way don't actually look forward to jihadis and death squads winning in Iraq. The enthusiasm here is for ridiculing Bush. It doesn't translate into being serious about organizing demonstrations to promote a defeat for both America and Iraq.

The people who are organizing demonstrations about Iraq are simply not motivated in the same way as the people who organized the Vietnam protests.

I'll repeat reasons to oppose a draft. (1) I will not send unwilling Americans to die for a cause in which they do not believe. (2) I will definitely not send Americans to die for a cause I do not believe, and my doing so because I do not believe it would be worse still. (3) I would not assassinate Bush to end the war, so why would I assassinate my friends, my neighbors, and my countrymen? (4) Where do we get this idea that a draft prevents war? We had one in pretty much every past war. (5) Public opposition to this war in fact built far, far faster than to the Vietnam War. (6) A larger standing army itself encourages war. The shortage of troops now may be the only thing preventing Bush from a real escalation in Iraq or a frightening, immoral war in Iran. (7) People in power will still never have served, and their children will never serve. (8) It doesn't matter how fast public opposition grows: Bush and his ideologues are the problem.

The first step in imagining fewer wars is to imagine fewer armies.

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

Referring to "the war" can get misleading about what needs to be discussed. Iraq is a campaign within a theater of operations, a theater that is part of the national security strategy of the United States.

Attacking Iraq was one part of that strategy, and a part I consider extremely ill-advised. There are real, if sometimes overdramatized threats on the national level, and the wisdom of the overall strategy still needs discussion, with Iraq in context as a real but unpleasant part of it.

No, I don't think the site is dedicated to opposition to Iraq operations, or even progressive positions -- if one distinguishes progressive from liberal to left-centrist.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

But this time the public says nothing. Republicans like Bush and McCain want more troops (in contrast to Nixon who, when he saw the war was "lost," started bringing them home).

The public hasn't exactly said nothing. They just put a new party in charge of the Congress, making it quite clear in the process that the war was the key issue informing their votes!

The problem right now is that the new Congress has not been seated and is not in session. Bush is taking advantage of the transitional period to lay out his preferred options, and is trying to take control of the debate at a time when the people lack their voice in Washington. That's why it seems the pro-war, more troops factions still run the debate.

When the new Congress is sworn in, we will still have to deal with McCain, Lieberman, and some of the old guard Democrats who got us into this mess and who still have no good ideas for getting us out other than to go along with a "temporary surge".

But I think we will find that there are a number of new and vigorous voices in Washington, especially in the House, people who were elected on a platform of drawing down troops and bringing the war to an end. And there may be some old voices who were forced to listen during the election, and have had a change of heart about their earlier support for the war. They are not all going to be patsies.

So yes, we need to hold Congress's feet to the fire. But let's at least give them a chance to take their seats and start talking. I'm afraid a bunch of marchers in Washington don't mean much to the Congress. A member of Congress doesn't know which of those people in that mass are her own constituents, and even if they find out, it often turns out that the marchers just represent the usual suspects - groups and constituencies who have opposed the war from the beginning, and who don't carry a lot of political weight in Washington.

I believe a more effective tactic at this point is to organize a broader-based campaign to call and write your Congressional representatives, and to encourage your neighbors to write them, and say "no" to the surge, "no" to troop-level increases and "no" to all of the other desperate tricks designed to stretch the war out indefinitely, and place its terminus beyond a perpetually receding Friedman horizon.

While you're at it, demand that these representatives raise their skeptical antennae, and activate all their resistance to White House propaganda. Many of their predecessors were played for hapless suckers by stories of Nigerian uranium, aluminum tubes, mobile chemical weapons labs and other White House con jobs. The White House is about to embark on the same sort of campaign regarding Iran, to build its case for war. The "surge" is just a stall. Ultimately it knows that the only way to get the public to forget the current war is to distract them with a new war and a new sense of emergency. And it is already asking for the troops to move onto the next stage.

Let Congress know that in campaign 2008, "I was tricked" will not be accepted as an excuse. It is the Congress's job not to get tricked. Even more importantly, it is their job to make sure that our intelligence agencies are doing their jobs, and are not being used as conduits for passing on disinformation to the American public.

and you wrote about which protests? in particular urging others to go? Funny, I don't recall those columns...

Sure, 1969 in Washington. Big. "Mainstream." But endorsed by Democrats? uh... RFK was already dead, so was MLK. Who do you mean? George McGovern? Eugene McCarthy? Both symbols of the left-most part of the Democratic party. Teddy Kennedy and McGovern both associated themselves with the Moratorium by speaking on October 15 proposing that all troops should be withdrawn three years hence... by 1972.

But even before the '69 Moratorium we had to have a Tet offensive didn't we?

"1968 was the bloodiest year of the Vietnam War for the American Army. Approximately 11,000 Americans were killed and 45,000 wounded."
(http://www.vietnamdiary.com/tet_casualties.htm)

Sure. We oughta' wait for that again.

And if we wait for "mainstream" democrats to get on board? well that would be waiting for Hilary Rodham Clinton.... "our front runner" for 2008 and a real peacenik. Or Mr. Lieberman -- sure, he'll be on board soon won't he? Anti-war leadership all the way. Maybe Joe "send more troops" Biden?

Gimme a break.

While I'm at it, five more reasons: (9) The threat of death to a family member from a draft matters only if a lot of people die, as in Vietnam or WWII. Horrible as the counts are now, they're tiny by comparison. (10) Most Americans outside of cities like mine already identify with "the troops," hence the "support our troops" line. They're in places with lower-middle-class families that might include enlistees. (11) Any greater cry to "support our troops" (including our families) impedes defunding the war. (12) The papers have finally come around to reporting deaths, as in the awful headline today (deaths exceeding 9/11 toll), so the American awareness of the cost is already high.

Of course, I wish the article today with that headline also rubbed in that Iraq had nothing to do with 9/11, but it'll have to do.  

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

I'm afraid a bunch of marchers in Washington don't mean much to the Congress. A member of Congress doesn't know which of those people in that mass are her own constituents, and even if they find out, it often turns out that the marchers just represent the usual suspects - groups and constituencies who have opposed the war from the beginning, and who don't carry a lot of political weight in Washington.
In contrast to the national ones, a much smaller one in the Congressional district tends to establish that constituents do care about the issues.
I believe a more effective tactic at this point is to organize a broader-based campaign to call and write your Congressional representatives...
Broad-based with respect to the constituency, and that which affects the constituency. People in adjoining districts may not be voters today, but plausibly affect district voters. People affiliated with businesses and other groups that are headquartered elsewhere, but have significant activity in the district, will be noticed.
When it is demonstrated that some membership organization has people in that constituency, communications from "outsiders" get noticed. Whether or not you agree with its positions, take careful note of the National Rifle Association's techniques.
Rather than leaping immediately on an impeachment bandwagon, start more focused investigations reasonably within the scope of Congressional committees. Warrantless surveillance is relevant to Intelligence and Judiciary. Assorted committees touch on Homeland Security, variously in the transportation and domestic disaster relief areas, to say nothing of border security. Financial irregularities in contracting, be they in Baghdad or New Orleans, also contribute to establishing a trend.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

And we must stop the Islamic fascists with their science and technology of death, their V-2 rockets raining on England, their never seen before jet aircraft ravaging our bomber formations, their Wehrmacht invading countries across Europe, their Imperial Army sweeping south towards Australia, their panzer armies in Africa, their Islamic fascist tanks raining death in the steppes of Russia, their Islamic fascist U-boats threatening the freedom of the high seas, their Islamic fascist labor and death camps for inferior races......the similarities are clear to anyone who believes anything and knows nothing.

I wonder if most Americans are against the war in Iraq as people here mean the term. There is no doubt that Bush's conduct of the war is despised. Most Americans seem to be skeptical that at this point anything can be done to stop the Iraqis from killing each other so "why throw good money after bad." However, if the "surge", though too late, were to seem to work how fast the polls would reverse? Alternatively, if Iraq were to collapse and it resulted in chaos would Bush and the Republicans get the deserved blame or would those who advocated withdrawal?

Daniel A. Greenbaum

isn't LEL66 a troll, in that this is a progressive site dedicated, among other things, to opposition to the war.

If you mean that we're all supposed to be on the same page here re: the Iraq War, then, no, LEL66 is not a troll. There's no litmus test re: pro or anti war in terms of being able to contribute to this site.

If, though, you mean that LEL66 is purposely saying things to derail the conversation re: the war, then, yes, that's the definition of a troll.

The problem, obviously, is discerning someone's intentions.

Dissent Protects Democracy.

DWG, you are so fucking confrontational. I didn't write about them because I wasn't at TPM yet.

I don't believe you attended a single demonstration. I don't remember seeing you there.

Get off your high horse.

The enthusiasm here is for ridiculing Bush. 

Huh? 

Dissent Protects Democracy.

We did not hate America. The greatest gift that teh GOP's endless money and media control gave to the right was the creation of that lasting spin. Besides, the antiwar protests before the Iraq invasion and at the GOP convention in 2004, while arguably useless, were never tainted successfully even with that spin. (But I think they were useless anyhow and that Howard B.'s focused political agenda is exactly right.) 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

As a minor point, it would surprise the majority of nations in the Tripartite Pact that their goals were aimed at Naziism. Let us assume, however, that we don't oversimplify, and look at the 1930s, assuming one ignored the 1920s. As far as Naziism -- are you talking before or after 1933?

What would have you done, and when, to Japan? How would you have changed the law requiring the Army and Navy to supply serving officers as War and Navy Ministers, which gave the military effective control over forming governments and cabinets? How would you deal with the ritualized disobedience by junior officers, as gekokujo?

What about Italy? As demonstrated by the fall of Mussolini during the active war, they might be more open to changes in rule.

In other words, your analogy is dramatic but doesn't match well to the realities. There are no Islamic armies bluffing at the Sudetenland or making a more credible, still reversible threat to Czechoslovakia.

You also seem to regard war as the only solution, rather than addressing any of the causes leading to formation of imperialistic action potential. The Versailles Treaty contributed to the rise of totalitarianism in Western Europe.

Actually, I'm rather fascinated by your emphasis on war as a fairly general solution. Wasn't there a book espousing such, called My Struggle or something like that?

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Bush will do exactly what Nixon did with the North Vietnamese 34 years ago today with his Christmas bombing of Hanoi--kill as many Iraquis as ruthlessly as he can-- and there are not anywhere near enough votes in either the House or Senate to impeach/convict or stop funding for the next two years and twenty-five days. .

The greatest gift the antiwar movement gave to LBJ and Nixon was to allow itself to be hijacked by the hate Amerika crowd between November, 1967 and January, 1973. Mr. Arthur Dent on this thread being reflective of exactly that anti-American sentiment. Few people know that the first Mayor Daley, the ogre of the 1968 Chicago Democratic Convention, had actually urged LBJ in private to begin withdrawing U.S. combat troops in 1967. He would not make a public protest, however, because in his mind that would be unpatriotic, given all the perceived crazy radicals who were against the war. There is absolutely no excuse for how the Chicago police behaved during the convention, but the tactics of Hoffman, Rubin and Dellinger, and the Weatherman, did not hasten an end to the war. Instead they made it all too easy for the majority of voters to equate dissent with treason and violence. If 50,000 business leaders in suits and ties had politely dropped off letters to Congressmen and Senators calling for withdrawal in 1968, instead of 50,000 hippies and others the media, however wrongly, lumped together with them marching down Michigan Avenue appearing to want a confrontation with the cops, the war may not have ended any sooner under Johnson, but that police riot would not have happened. And it was that police riot which turned enough voters in crucial Missouri against Hubert Humphrey to give Nixon his electoral victory. Humphrey lost votes when he seemed to side with the police immediately after the convention, and he lost votes when he appeared to incapable of effectively controlling events in Chicago.

Street demonstrations are a complete waste of time, and will be similarly hijacked by those whom many voters consider anti-American. Last spring's experience with the immigration reform marches should have taught people just how counter-productive those demonstrations can be. If you want to stop the war, your time, energies, and resources would be far more effectively spent in financing and executing primaries against any candidate for House, Senate and President who does not publicly commit to a fund cut-off by a date certain in 2009.

J. McCutchen

How America Effed Itself

Check out this video "Bomb Saddam" (2003). Today's Viral Video at IraqSlogger tells you all you need to know.

One of the disturbing this about the way some people here discuss the war is that they seem to blame the Iraqi people for the disaster we inflicted on them.

The horrors there are a direct result of the US invasion.

Previously, there was a terrible regime which killed and tortured dissidents (like dozens of other countries world wide, including regimes we have both supported or installed) but since March 2003, Iraq is a nation in which mass murder is a daily occurence.

Blaming the Iraqis for that is very typically American and utterly wrong.

Thank you, Sage. While I often disagree with you on other threads, this is a superb analysis.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

I get really tired of hearing about all the rationalizations for the lack of demonstrations and other protests of this illegal and immoral invasion and occupation of Iraq. It simply isn't enough to be intellectually opposed to the war. It requires action in opposition. The "establishment" to dust off an old phrase genuinely fears sustained public demonstrations against not only the war, but any number of its ill-conceived policies. Thus, they are well pleased that there has been so little public demonstration of the vast opposition to the war.

In my opinion it matters little what rationale is provided for failing to take part in, encourage, help in organizing, etc... demonstrations in opposition to this war. I view it as a moral obligation to do so whether or not demonstrating actually "does" something to make a difference. How can people live with themselves and essentialy consent to this huge, ongoing war crime without demonstrating when they can in opposition? Having said that, I also believe there is plenty of historical evidence to suggest that such demonstrations do have a very substantial impact on policymakers--but only when they are sustained. The media coverage of major demonstrations will also now be very different than it was pre-war or earlier in the conflict. Chickenhearts that they are, they either downplayed or entirely failed to cover the truly massive and widespread opposition to the war, particularly before the invasion. They just refused to cover it, therefore, the impression that many had was (and remains) that nobody really is too fired up against th war.

The lack of a draft means that young people and their parents feel little or no threat of being asked to lay down their life for no good reason so that eliminates having a built in militant anti-war faction in the population. It does not, however, relieve the rest of us from our responsibility to oppose the war loudly, publicly, so the whole world can see--not once, but time after time. Isn't it the job of responsible, mature citizens to protect the lives and future of our young men and women? I can think of no better way of doing so than to stand firmly and publicly in opposition of putting them in any risk that is not completely necessary for the maintenance of our nation secutity. Nothing about this evil war was necessary at all. It was and is nothing more than a criminal enterprise, in violation of international law and, I would think, US law as the entire thing was based on a pack of known lies.

Repeatedly demonstrating large scale opposition to the war also galvanizes the opposition and helps to expand it which is another political benefit. It heightens the tension between the public and the bloodthirsty, callous adminstration and other supporters of the war and further erodes the position of all the politicians who continue to support the illegal and immoral war in both parties.

Demonstrations make clear that a significant number of Americans DO care and DO oppose this war which is helpful and provides hope to millions around the world who look to us for leadership and whose faith in the decency of Americans has been sorely shaken in the past 6 years. The bottom line is this, at some point in time the American involvement in the criminal destruction of Iraq will come to a halt. Who among us wishes to explain that while it went on we did nothing? No one I would hope. Writing letters or posting on the web is a good thing, but it isn't enough. The demonstration in Washington on 1/27 is a good opportunity for many to show their opposition. For those of us who cannot travel that far we can be on the streets wherever we live. I certainly will be there and with my whole family in tow. Who else will be there? I don't know, but I cannot be silent and it's important to me to be counted among those who were on the street to publicly and visibly demonstrate opposition to the slaughter and destruction our government has caused and continues to cause.

To me, large demonstrations take time away from things with a better chance of influencing policy. A fairly fundamental problem of large demonstrations is when the organizers put out an umbrella, under which individual groups may come, using the larger theme as a way to promote their own agendas.

Let me offer an example from memory, and I'm really not trying to support or attack either side. In the run-up to the largest Pentagon demonstration in October 1967, the DC Committee to Free Angela Davis endorsed the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam, but then went on to claim, at other rallies, that everyone in the antiwar demonstrations supported the Angela Davis protest.

If you feel some need to demonstrate to prove anything, do it locally so the connection to your legislators is very clear. I don't feel validated by participating in demonstrations. It is not important to me to be on the street to show anything in public, and that doesn't take anything away from my goals.

Indeed, in my lower-key communications, I take care with my rhetoric. I'm not sure I'd say as much bloodthirsty as uncaring, but I won't use either of those terms, or other emotional ones, if I'm trying to appeal to someone who has been through all the emotions of campaigning. Frankly, the contempt for the Constitution is the worst part, because it enables everything else.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

goodness. touched a nerve did we? ad hominem will get you no where.

I see -- so you never wrote or published anything anywhere before TPM? That would explain it....

or perhaps AIPAC was never interested in protesting military action?

DWG, man, you struck a nerve. I've going off to a corner somewhere.
You hurt me, man.

Please define this term: "the war against islamic fascism." Other than republican talking points, which are cirucular and require a genereal igonorance of reality, how can you correctly use "islamic" and "fascim" in the same sentence? What centralized islamic leader are you talking about?

On the other hand, using the "Bush agenda," --of subverting Constitutional protections, flouting valid laws, and trying to build a theocracy in our country-- and "fascism" together make eerie sense.

Jan Knaus

Could you please cite an example of this:

One of the disturbing this about the way some people here discuss the war is that they seem to blame the Iraqi people for the disaster we inflicted on them.

 Actually, since you make it sound like a trend, maybe 3 examples would be more helpful.

The only "blamed" people I have noticed here are the ones who started the whole shootin' match, ie: Bush, Condi, Cheney, Rumsfeld, and all the other neocons who had influence in the goal of attacking Iraq asap.

Jan Knaus

It seems to be a growing theme for both Democrats and Republicans. I had Gov. Vilsack use it on the Daily Show and Sen. Levin on one of the TV shows. It seems to presume the Iraqis invited us in and they owe it to us to stand-up and let us leave. Thus by us not setting a timetable the Iraqis won't take over in a timely manner.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

OK, I'll mediate that one. No need for MJ and DWG to go at each other's throats. Obviously emotions run high on this issue, and that is a GOOD thing!

I think MJ's post is extremely important, and it should not degenerate into a foodfight.

Is demonstrating in the streets the right thing to do? Excellent question. I don't know the answer.
My limited experience has disillusioned me a little. The last antiwar demo I was at, there was this banner behind me about saving penguins and right ahead some people were clearly agitated about Haiti. Both worthy causes, but I went there over Iraq, not penguins.

I agree with MJ that action is required: demos? letter campaign? Civil disobedience? Pressuring the new dems in power? I want to hear people's ideas.

One thing I'll say though. People who dismiss Vietnam-era demos as having done nothing to stop the war miss the point. They forced America to confront the morality of its actions and to ask the big questions (What empty talk is that about "freeing" Vietnamese while we keep black people at the back of the bus?)
They made America "grow up." Now we're back to the juvenile era where sheeplike we listen to our president say "Go shopping" and we do.

Application of military force may remove a "problem" but is never the solution.  That is what should be protested.  We "won" the military phase of the war at which point the military should have disengaged and political/diplomatic efforts should have been our "course to stay" to win in Iraq.  Instead of political solutions we got military operations like the one in Fallujah.  Until military options like "The Surge" are taken off the table, our troops are withdrawn and all our efforts in Iraq are focused on political/diplomatic solutions there are going to be many more Iraqi civilian casualties (due to the ethnic cleansing/genocide which is occurring) and many more dead, maimed and wounded US military personnel.

I am in favor of reinstituting the draft.  For a couple of reasons.  First, on principles, I have always felt defense of our country in "war time" should be a "shared sacrifice".  But secondly the apathy about the continuing carnage in Iraq shown by many Americans is a direct result of the fact that they don't have loved ones in the line of fire.  The defense of this country falls disproportionately on the shoulders of the poor and ethnic minorities.  If everyone's children were part of the defense of this country there would be large mass protests in the streets over the Iraq War and it's aftermath.

The American people sent a very clear message in November...it is time to leave Iraq.  Whether it is slower and measured or quick, we want to start winding down this war.  And a "surge" is not part of that process.  Bush can (and will) ignore the mandate of the people because he is a lame duck, has no regard for democratic principles and ignores the fact he is employed by the people.  The Congress isn't made up of lame ducks though and if they don't do something they will be replaced by a new bunch of politicos in '08 who will actually do what the people asked them to do...and if getting the will of the people to be heeded means impeachment (or "firing") of the president, so be it.

"FTA???"  "Fly to America?"  "Fun,Travel,Adventure?"  Howard, I delivered a West Point MacV Major to the Ton Son Nhut airport at the end of his tour (he barely survived 3 chopper crashes in his year in wonderland) and his parting words to me were "The VC are the best friends these people have!"  That was 1967, and he wasn't a draftee.  Come to think of it, I was the only draftee in my unit, but we all came to share a common idea of bullshit about the war.  I just think you can't draw that line in the sand betweem RA and US legitimately.  

Out of my basic training company, 99% US, only two of us were sent directly to duty instead of AIT at Fort Ord.  I asked the CO why, and his answer really surprised me.  "You are too old to be a good grunt."  He went on to tell me that the Army learned in Korea the importance of putting teenagers in harms way, because they believed they were immortal.  Since the Korean draft targeted older men, even some WWII vets, the CO told me that at any given moment the Army could only deliver a fraction of it's potential fire power, since the old guys were more interested in surviving than fighting.  As I recall, I was 23 at the time, and I was too old.

So I ask you, has there been an analysis or study of the percentage of RA v. US in the bodies shipped home from Vietnam?  Or the ages of the war dead? 

Neoboho

oleeb, I'm not rationalizing not attending demonstrations: I did attend them, and it sounds like the others here did, too. We're arguing that they failed to build a groundswell for political change. Maybe the same time in 2004 organizing against Rove's legal and illegal suppression of voters would have won. 

John 

http://www.haberarts.com/

"FTA???" "Fly to America?" "Fun,Travel,Adventure?"
Yeah, right. Explanation Numbah Ten. :-)
Your CO's point about the role of the grunt tends to be valid in conventional warfare, with some caveats I'll make shortly. You know the story of the young bull and the old bull? It applies -- sometimes, it was the older grunt that had the caution and experience to work with villagers in a situation that didn't call for personal weapons on rock-and-roll. I will give all due credit to the Marines and their Combined Action Platoons, where they'd do things like find out that some 18-year-old had been a 4H-club winner in swine husbandry, and suddenly became a valued advisor to hog farmers in the villages.
Draftees were only part of the Vietnam discipline problems, which certainly involved the rotation policies, officer ticket-punching, drug availability, and perceived lack of support. Some draftees performed brilliantly. I suspect there is such an analysis, but I'd have to research it.
In discussions with active soldiers, especially NCOs, part of their resistance to draftees is that they believe it takes about 18 months for someone to be reasonably effective in a combat or combat support unit. If the draft term stays at 2 years, it introduces constant turnover at 6 months at best, probably less some time for out-processing. They are a little more open to a draft for 3 years or more.
Again while I don't have the documentation, the longer-term training and unit cohesion is allowing smaller forces. I've been told that a Bradley dismount unit would be too small if it contained draftees at a lower level of training. With NTC and JRTC rotations plus MILES on base, the training difference between Vietnam and now is massively different.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Let me add something else about demonstrations. People asking us to scream more are treating them as an essential, pragmatic part of the political process. In practice, they're a sign that the political system has broken down, and we're prepared to dedicate years to change it. Think of the civil rights movement. The huge march that everyone remembers, with King's speech, was only part of many years of such mobilization, all this came about because we couldn't work through racist politicians and others, and it didn't bring a final answer. Blacks don't get a fair shake now. It was, in short, part of a process.

Ending the war in Iraq isn't like building that kind of change. It has to be done as quickly as possible, it has to connect to the discontent with Bush that the public feels now, and it has to pay off in new political leadership in the next election. So investigate the politicians you despise and back the ones bringing change.

Arguably, the Internet on the one hand and the centralized media control coupled with astroturf politics on the other have made certain conventional kinds of grassroots politics obsolete, but that's one I'd rather leave open for now.

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

You write:

One thing I'll say though. People who dismiss Vietnam-era demos as having done nothing to stop the war miss the point. They forced America to confront the morality of its actions

But you start off saying you don't know if demonstrations are the right thing to do. How is it that you can recognize what Vietnam Demos did but have problems with this, equally--if not worse moral debacle? Demonstrations are not the sole ingredient in stopping the war, but they are an important tool. Who cares if someone carries a sign about a penguin? The story and the message is about stopping the war! I cannot get over how people look for reasons not to do what is morally required--at minimum. You could substitute civil rights in the sixties for most of the reasoning why demonstrations might not be a good idea and see more clearly how utterly shameful, form a moral perspective, that sort of argument is. Should Martin Luther King have listened to those who told him not to demonstrate so much or at all an instead just write your congressman or work through the system which produced the moral degeneracy in the first place? Thank God he did not. Those same arguments employed today regarding the war in Iraq are simply arguments for doing nothing in the end because as a practical matter those who equivocate about demonstrations do nothing else of any consequence and only encourage others to do nohting as well.

Therefore, attending one or a handful of demonstrations several years ago was not enough and continued, sustained demonstrations against the war are required. That is something one could and should have known at the time. Without them, we are just playing parlor games from our comfortable perches. Hitting the streets is without question effective and without question a necessary ingredient in bringing the war to a quicker end. There's just no getting around it. If you don't like some of the people who show up then bring more of your kind, if you don't like the organizers then get involved and shape the organization. There's really no excuse for not hitting the streets until the war is brought to a halt.

Martin Luther King did things that were appropriate to the communications and political environment of the early sixties. Things have changed.

When someone coopts my protest to include a penguin -- and I am strongly supportive of penguins -- it does offend me. I've repeatedly brought up the idea of local demonstrations,which typically are more homogeneous about the cause, and you have yet to respond to them.

My morality, about which I am quite comfortable, is different than yours. I suppose I point to some Stoic and Utilitarian influences. When GWB speaks in the name of his concept of morality and deity, I get very nervous, and I am equally nervous when the opposition claims the moral position.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Should there be protests?  If there is a "surge" I say yes...but under those circumstances only as part of a larger strategy of impeaching the president, anything less will be "symbolic" and mean nothing.  The Americans spoke clearly in November...and ending the Iraq War was their message.  In fact a supermajority of Americans want to see this war end.  The American people are the employers of our polticians and if they refuse to do what we ask them to they should be removed.  A "surge" will run contrary to what the American people showed we wanted at the ballot box and should be responded to with protests calling for impeachment and removal of the president.

Demonstrations that are organized to have minimal disruptive effect on other people are not going to be effective. The big, effective demonstrations disrupted whole cities, causing local police forces to be captured on TV and newsphotos beating up some demonstrators. Also, masses of demonstrators were arrested, held in places like baseball stadiums for processing, again making the news reports and causing middle of the roaders to feel for the demonstrators. A major part of Ghandi and King's non-violent protest playbook was getting into the criminal justice system to force the authorities to mistreat them "on camera". We have nothing like that today except when Cindy Sheehan is active.

Hoppy in Sacramento

Boo!! The Boogie man will get you! Prattling about "Islamic Fascism" is just a hair more realistic than boogie man threats. I wonder why no one was going on about "Christian Fascism" during WWII or even during the IRA activities.

Hoppy in Sacramento

Whether demonstrations will or will not help might depend on the nature of the demonstrations. In the discussions of the Vietnam War era I did not notice mention of the North Vietnamese flags, or the chants of Ho Ho Ho Chi Minh. Perhaps outside of actual demonstrations there was the bombings of the lab in Madison Wisconsin and the brownstone in New York City. The result of this was that some of my high school classmates were beaten by the hardhats down on Wall Street and Nixon created the term Silent Majority.

If there were to be demonstrations now what would be the theme? What would be the political call of them? Get out now? Bush is a fool? Who cares about Iraq? Evil U.S. out of the ME?

Daniel A. Greenbaum

If your goal is to disrupt cities, including workers having nothing to do with the policies involved, you've certainly lost any support I have had, and you are certain to get backlash.

What do you do when police have gotten wise to the tactic and avoid mistreatment, just mass arrests for blocking traffic? Certainly in DC, there is experience to do that.

I still don't hear any response to my suggestions of local demonstrations; you keep pushing what comes across as guerilla theater.

I have seen "stop the city" protests in Washington blocking the access of medical personnel to George Washington University Hospital. The sooner such people are in stadiums, the happier I will be; the feeling I have for demonstrators that kept me from working, without knowing if I were involved in humanitarian or even antiwar activity, is utter contempt.

Picket all you want. As soon as you shut down legitimate activities, including the freedom of choice of other citizens, you are no better than Bush telling security forces to keep anti-Bush people out of the camera. You may be worse, because you aren't just going for media opportunities when you try to shut down a city.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

NO, no, no! Now you are confusing the good Christian Fascism with the bad Islamic Fascism. Then, of course, there is the middle of the road Hindu Fascism, Athiest Fascism, Zoroastrian Fascism, et al. Oh, my goodness, I forgot Bhudist Fascism, Shinto Fascism, Naturist Fascism, el al.

Hoppy in Sacramento

I think you need to look a material such as David Caute's "Year of the Barricades: a Journey through 1968" to get a handle on the "why no protests" question. (Of course there have been protests, but nothing like the magnitude of the late 60s.)  Caute enters some interesting terrains - like how the seemingly xenophobic American could be influenced by a seemingly spontaneous international uprising against the status quo.  But culture works opaquely, and mass media culture does also.

Here's an opposite anecdote - in 1961 I and a small circle of friends learned that there was going to be a Fair Play for Cuba demonstration in front of the Federal Building in San Francisco.  So we showed up, all six of us, but there was no one there.  Christ, did we feel vulnerable with our two placards and "Hands Off Cuba" buttons.  It was scarey.  The SFPD was pretty brutal with demonstrators and it was obvious that the odds were we would be clubbed, being only six in number. Gulp.  As we were milling around deciding to wait or leave, we saw an old man walking towards us down Van Ness Avenue, bouncing a tennis ball off the wall of the Federal Building.  When he was in earshot, he told us "Don't worry.  I remember when they were trying to get that Villa fellow down in Mexico.  The couldn't touch him with a ten foot pole!" With that assurance, we all went home.

So there must be some type of Windows in history that support, or even allow, protest movements.   And windows that don't necessarily address the specific issues at hand, but arise out of a complex series of events that may not even appear to relate in any way to the issues at hand.  It's a question of timing.  Caute shows us an overarching perspective of worldwide crises in 1968 - Mexico City, Tokyo, Paris, Chicago, Prague, Berlin, and etc.  But crises of what?  If you look at each local event, the issues cover a broad range: The SF State demonstrations were over the firing of faculty members and the cry for ethnic studies cirruculum; the Sorbonne students seemed to be advocating anarchism; in Mexico, students seemed to want to use the Olympics as a platform to attack the Dias Ordaz government's intimacy with the CIA; Tokyo students were protesting Vietnam and the US bases in Japan; And of course there was the Soviet invasion of Prague.  So what was the "crises" all about.  Pomo theorists point to "the collapse of totalizing ideology."  Perhaps it was the consequence of the Cold War - people just got fed up with the quasi-ideologies of the National Security State.

One other thing.  In the old days protest movement formed, and eventually decayed from internal battles among its leaders over "ownership or the movement."  What I noticed as the first anti-Iraq war movements began to mobilize was that they began with ownership battles.  I thought that was remarkable.  I'm not sure what that means, but I suspect that it does relate in some ways to the questions you are raising. 

Neoboho

As far as I have read, there is no ignorance test to determine if someone is a troll. But, generally speaking, trolls know what they are doing - disrupting debates and aggravating almost all of the debators. The ignorant are just, well, ignorant.

Hoppy in Sacramento

There are open racists in the Reublican party who advocate cutting off immigration for Muslims yet that doesn't stop Republicans from attending Republican events or espousing their positions. Your argument seems to be essentially that because someone once did some things you personally don't like at some demonstrations many years ago, that no one should demonstrate against this immoral war for fear of someone showing up that might say something that the right wingers won't like and then go howling about it for years as they have things like Vietnamese flags (as though that was a bad thing). And yes, Bush is a fool and a war criminal and yes, the US military needs to get out of the middle east right away amd yes, get out now!

I never suggested not working against the Iraq operation, which is not quite "the war". My arguments are:

  • Local demonstrations that convey messages of constituency positions to legislators probably are a useful tool, much harder to coopt.

  • Grass-roots lobbying is the most powerful tool besides running and supporting opposition candidates.

  • Given the changes in communications, politics, and attitudes, mass demonstrations are far less useful than in the sixties, especially when they are umbrellas with multiple messages.

  • Demonstrations that "shut down cities" build backlash, are counterproductive, and use force to substitute for the political process.


  • There are good and bad tactics, just as there are good and bad strategies. I consider mass demonstrations a bad tactic. I consider the Administration's strategy as a bad one, with mistakes in places beyond Iraq.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Rather than leaping immediately on an impeachment bandwagon, start more focused investigations reasonably within the scope of Congressional committees.
    There is no impeachment bandwagon, nor do I see any sign of one forming during the next two years. Of course any real impeachment process has to start with the House holding hearings about whatever issues might lead to impeachment charges. Those hearing do need to start. As you said, there are a plethora of such issues to pick and choose from. Then, if the testimony, under oath, obtained thru use of subpoenas, indicates that an impeachment is in the nation's best interest, an impeachment bandwagon can start.

    Or, we can just get a rich Democrat to "investigate" whether Bush is diddling the maid in Crawford, and vote an impeachment based on that. Unfortunately, the latter would be more likely to result in an impeachment.

    Hoppy in Sacramento

    I can and do disbelieve that street demonstrations are a necessary part of the solution. As another poster put it, "screaming more" is not an essential part of a political process. If you believe there is no political process left, we have nothing to discuss.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    I felt bad about the NCO's role when I was there. Due to sensitive politics, the butterbars were given much of their duties and authority.  I heard the NCO dropout rate was pretty high - some even giving up retirement because they were so pissed-off about having their wings clipped.

    I can't argue about your take on combat rediness.  When I took the graduation tests at the end of basic, the Sarge who was running us through the bayonet moves told us: "No forget what you've learned.  It doesn't work."

    Neoboho

    Sorry Howard, I have to disagree with both of you. Superb analysis can't be built on a foundation of misreadings of the situation.

    The majority will always be against any demonstration, even if it is a street demonstration in favor of motherhood and apple pie. People just don't like uppityness. Demonstrations are effective at forcing people to confront issues and that is always unpleasant.

    Hoppy in Sacramento

    Yup. Forcing a free citizen to confront issues on your timetable is a fine way to get me to oppose the issue. If someone blocks my way, they are committing assault and possibly battery, and I reserve the right to defend myself from a perceived threat.

    Maybe that latter attitude comes from doing news coverage of major sixties demonstrations, when, in a role that tried to be objective as possible, I had admittedly radical demonstrators try to beat my head on the wall of the Pentagon.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    While my mother was a weird example of being a WWII Navy chief involuntarily direct-commissioned into the Army, I've mostly dealt with officers until the last few years. Relatives tended either to be privates or senior officers. It's been a revelation to get to know some career NCOs, their knowledge, and their level of commitment. (For that matter, it's been enlightening to know one retired three-star, and see the differences in perspective of a general officer. I only regret that I never met a deceased inlaw, BG Noel Parrish, trainer of the Tuskegee Airmen).

    A friend, now in Iraq, is debating whether to extend for a third tour, or go to drill instructor school. Knowing his values, I really which he'd do the latter. He'd be one of the cadre you'd always remember, and ask yourself "what would he do in this situation"?

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Howard,

    "Ironically, if a draft were reinstated, a number of active military friends of mine would not re-enlist".


    American soldiers are being constantly applauded because they have heroically chosen to accept danger as their patriotic duty. They are praised for fighting for us. Wouldn’t such a person, out of their heroic and selfless sense of patriotism, continue to serve when it was even more important to the welfare of our country? I hope you can excuse the bit of sarcasm that was in fact intended in that last sentence. I trust you know that the reasons a person joins up are a bit more complicated than merely choosing to be a soldier out of selfless patriotism, and that the reasons often don’t much relate to that reason at all even though the volunteer is patriotic, but wouldn’t any good soldier honor, and be proud to serve with, a draftee who was there performing just as honorably and bravely as himself.


    . "For an assortment of reasons, they perceive draftees, at least with traditional service lengths and draft criteria, as a danger to their physical safety".

    In the past I have felt that your characterization of the Vietnam era draftee held a disparagement of him a person who had the necessary qualifications, as a person, to be a soldier, not just one who lacked the training to be as good a soldier as a volunteer. I hope I am mistaken and I feel certain you will correct me if I have been wrong or if you have changed your mind. I agree that a fourteen man rifle squad would be most effective if manned by fourteen battle tested veterans, also much more brutal, but a squad made up of three of those veterans and eleven relatively raw draftees would be much better than a squad made up of only three veterans.

    Some countries in the past have arrived at the point where they perceived the need for a bigger army than they could induce to volunteer. Our country could reach such a point


    This is a complex issue, no doubt. I am a person who was drafted at age nineteen, given 16 weeks of training, some further training as our unit was formed [something most replacements never got] and then sent to Vietnam as part of a rifle company during the time of our countries biggest commitment of troops. Seven months later I was a buck sergeant squad leader. I was almost completely unqualified for the job, but like they say, someone had to do it. Of course, most of my opinions come from that experience.

    The army at that time was overstretched, to say the least, and there were many more draftees around me than there were “volunteers”. The draftees held many “lifers” to be people who could not make it in civilian life and so stayed in the military. When it came down to common sense and an ability to get things done, if you saw a person demonstrate those qualities you were more likely to be looking at a draftee.

    As far as how the two groups compared in their response when the SHTF, I never saw a difference as a group. My platoon sergeant was the only person, to my knowledge, that I ever took an order from who had previously served in combat. He was a Korea War a veteran. We were very lucky to have him. Second Lts, as a group, were highly thought of. Captains, including my CO, were often considered to be way more interested in becoming a Major than in us. Nobody that I knew of worried much about winning the war. Any focus at our level was just about surviving the next encounter, which would almost certainly be when we were ambushed, or when someone stepped on a mine. One of the scariest times was when the medivac helicopters would be arriving. Hueys’ characteristic rotor thump would hide the sound of mortars being fired. When you were close to a Huey you couldn’t hear small arms fire. The Hueys were always attractive targets.

    The draftees in Vietnam were as good at soldiering as the ones who had joined. The army we had then could not win that war. The army we have now could beat “that” US army but it cannot win in Iraq, so for this type of war an all volunteer army has solved nothing.

    The draftees proved they were as good as the volunteers in Vietnam. If it is commonly believed in today’s army that draftees were inferior to volunteers in Vietnam, those believers have bought into a myth that somewhat dishonors those who didn’t want to go but who answered the call. Those who believe the myth did not serve with draftees in Vietnam, the last time draftees were in combat, so where did this myth arise from and why does it stay alive? [If it does]


    "FTA was on Vietnam shirts, not WWII or even Korea".

    I certainly heard the phrase. I said it many times. The only memorable time I remember seeing it written was on a latrine wall and signed,”Sergeant Berry Sadler”. I don’t know to what extent some soldiers in Vietnam began to refuse orders, and worse, but I think it was a tiny percentage and it happened mostly in later years when the vicious stupidity of staying in that war and being asked to kill while risking your own life became more and more obvious and a person was drafted while possessing that knowledge.


    The possibility of stupid actions by people in power, both here and in other countries, could send the world into a great war. The stupid insertion of our army into a war it could not win has greatly diminished its ability to win the kind of war that it could win while at the same time making both kinds of war more likely. We have also largely lost our ability to put up a strong bluff.

    You have agreed in the past that our current army is as large as we can build with volunteers under current conditions of incentives and maintaining high standards. Are you confident that events will play out so that we don’t need a bigger army in the near or distant future? How would you fill its ranks?

    If a country faces an existential threat and believes it needs a bigger army to deal with it, are there significant historical examples of a country not resorting to the draft to fill its army’s ranks?

    If the weight of opinion in this country was that we NEEDED a bigger army, the weight of the population would support it. The drafted soldiers would perform honorably and peer pressure and internal leadership at all levels would almost always take care of those who used dishonorable means to dissent.

    A draft is only politically impossible now because everyone knows that we have been stupidly lied into two calamitous wars.

    I, personally, would hope that if I was drafted into a war and knew it to be as wrong as I came to believe Vietnam was, or that I always believed Iraq to be, that I would have the courage to say FTA.

    Let me take one of your latter points first, one on which I think we have general agreement.


    If the weight of opinion in this country was that we NEEDED a bigger army, the weight of the population would support it. The drafted soldiers would perform honorably and peer pressure and internal leadership at all levels would almost always take care of those who used dishonorable means to dissent.

    Yes, if that weight of opinion is present. My major caveat: the draftee term would have to be at least three years, not the traditional two, to deal with the longer training requirements. That's obviously more of a commitment.

    In the past I have felt that your characterization of the Vietnam era draftee held a disparagement of him a person who had the necessary qualifications, as a person, to be a soldier, not just one who lacked the training to be as good a soldier as a volunteer.

    Mostly training time, but I do hear specific concerns of active troops, in the current operation, being concerned about serving with draftees -- unless those draftees are equally motivated.

    ...I agree that a fourteen man rifle squad would be most effective if manned by fourteen battle tested veterans, also much more brutal, but a squad made up of three of those veterans and eleven relatively raw draftees would be much better than a squad made up of only three veterans.

    You are going directly to one of the problems. There are no 14 man infantry squads. Light infantry uses 10, and mechanized infantry on a Bradley M2 has 6 (plus 3 that stay with the vehicle). There's no room for a larger dismount squad in the Bradley, which was controversial even in the Army. That said, those 6 men, at a sufficient level of training, can be effective.

    This is a complex issue, no doubt. I am a person who was drafted at age nineteen, given 16 weeks of training, some further training as our unit was formed [something most replacements never got] and then sent to Vietnam as part of a rifle company during the time of our countries biggest commitment of troops. Seven months later I was a buck sergeant squad leader. I was almost completely unqualified for the job, but like they say, someone had to do it. Of course, most of my opinions come from that experience.

    Now, it takes several years to get buck sergeant. There's no quick NCO school. Quite a few present troopers feel that the Vietnam practice led to unneeded casualties.

    You have agreed in the past that our current army is as large as we can build with volunteers under current conditions of incentives and maintaining high standards. Are you confident that events will play out so that we don’t need a bigger army in the near or distant future? How would you fill its ranks?

    Assuming a reduction of ill-conceived interventions, no, I don't see a need for a hugely larger force. Another 50,000 across the services, yes. Those increments, incidentally, would include a number of specialists (or junior soldiers to backfill specialist slots). Given the areas of deployment, quite a few people will need a year or more of language training -- not practical with two-year draftees that also have boot and MOS training.

    Those who believe the myth did not serve with draftees in Vietnam, the last time draftees were in combat, so where did this myth arise from and why does it stay alive? [If it does]

    Much of it is based on the assumption of a two-year draft tour and the amount of training, as well as the amount of active service and bonding to the culture, that is possible in that time. With 3 or 4 year draft tours, I think you'd find more acceptance among regulars.
    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Why are we fighting the 60s all over again? The last time I checked, it was 2006 and the problem was that our "Decider in Chief" was fighting a reckless and unjustified war in the Middle East. Debating whether or not to take to the streets over Iraq kind of misses the larger point. Iraq is a symptom of what I worry is a much greater problem: the hard right has taken control of this country and won't let go. I think we should be wondering what we should be doing if, after the new Congress takes session and begins to exercise its responsbility of overseeing the executive branch, it gets nothing from Bush but the back of his hand, perhaps to the point it becomes obvious Bush has no respect for the Constituion. I really have a sick feeling that Bush literally thinks he is the Decider and he determines everything. Talk about your Constitutional Crisis then.

    I agree with you oleeb and I am sorry if I gave the impression that demonstrations are a waste of time. I am not in a position to make that kind of judgment.

    I was just reporting that the last 2 demos I went to (NYC and DC) felt more like tailgate parties at a Grateful Dead concert. I was in high school in the late 60s and I remember antiwar protests quite vividly: just night and day.

    I just don't get the sense of urgency from the crowds. But maybe it's me.

    Today there are many other ways of being active (like this web site) and it's good to hear suggestions.

    Ahh, that old argument, how well I remember it from '68. Wouldn't want anything like a war to inconvenience anyone, so sorry, please carry on.

    '68 was when we shut down my high school in protest, and no, it wasn't because we were being drafted, it was because of......JUSTICE! It was an unjust, immoral war that was being perpetuated, in part, by the very fact that a lot of the people in this country were not being inconvenienced by it. So we forced the issue.

    You see, you really cannot seperate your convenient, safe, isolated life from the horrors being done in your name. The connections will be made one way or another. It seems to me better to participate in the most effective and powerful protests you can.

    Yeah, I think you've made a good point. There was something positive to be in favor of. And guess what, we were essentially right. Now, well who CAN be right in this mess?

    It seems to me better to participate in the most effective and powerful protests you can.
    Which aren't demonstrations, which, as far as I can tell, give lots of people an opportunity to be self-righteous while not doing the things that, for example, really affect Congress.
    I have heard, so far, zero responses to the idea of having focused local demonstrations. Your comment "we forced the issue" seems to speak of a desire to get media, and to override choice just as much as LBJ.
    When you talk about "inconveniencing" people that, for example, are doctors trying to get to work at a hospital, I hope you get really inconvenienced--and lie around in the ER that isn't staffed. Pity, but you got justice. That there was no one to stop your bleeding is a matter of lesser import. After all, you know what is best for everyone else and will force your priorities on them.
    Who says I am separating my life from the horrors? I don't see blocking streets as teaching me any more about the issue. They certainly didn't in Vietnam, compared to medical reporting from the battlefield, as well as military reporting that needed hammering on policymakers that things were simply not working.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Ok, this is a different thread, but let me say that no Libertarian arguments have had much sway on me, except one: military draft is slavery.

    I am a big believer in government. But before I let government kidnap my children to use them as cannon fodder, I need to be convinced that the alternative is the end of the world as we know it. Since I don't trust government ever to meet that threshold, I oppose the draft.

    All your arguments for are very good ones. But mine is overpowering. My argument is this questino: What gives anyone the right to enslave my children?

    hoosier: You forget that many Dems are more or less in agreement with Bush's policy in the middle east. Ok, they want a little more peace process and a little less shock-and-awe, but the Lieberman-Biden-Clinton axis was and still is for this war. So the problem is much larger than "the evil right wing agenda."


    Trust me: you ain't gonna see many Truman Democrats join MJ in antiwar protests.

    While it obviously isn't the length of time of a draft, when demonstrators decide to shut down my city and confront what they, unilaterally, decide I should confront, that's also a form of involuntary servitude.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Why don't we start demonstrating our feelings with the Democratic party? Where is our anti-war candidate? As long as we are going to vote for the enablers in both parties no demonstration makes a bit of difference. The American public is already ahead of both parties on this issue.

    To Noblesse Oblige:
    I agree you won't see any "Truman Democrats" at anti-war demonstrations. Since Truman Democrats, by definition, are in their mid to late 80's, they aren't my target group for marches.

    To Bluebell:
    You are absolutely right. If we had a candidate for President playing the Gene McCarthy, Bobby Kennedy, or George McGovern role, we would be in good shape.
    And, unlike the anti-Viet candidates, the anti-Iraq war candidate could be very centrist. It could be John Edwards (of the candidates, the onlr one who is currently unambiguously antiwar).
    I suspect that whoever carries the antiwar banner will win the nomination.
    The wordgame candidates can't win our primaries. I'm hopeful about Obama but I need to hear more.

    Howard,

    OK, I'll admit that I may have used provocative language but this:

    When you talk about "inconveniencing" people that, for example, are doctors trying to get to work at a hospital, I hope you get really inconvenienced--and lie around in the ER that isn't staffed. Pity, but you got justice. That there was no one to stop your bleeding is a matter of lesser import. After all, you know what is best for everyone else and will force your priorities on them.
    seems beneath you. It makes it hard to seriously consider your other ideas.

    I may be starting from a different point than you are and, to tell you the truth, it seems exhausting to repeat the old arguments again, especially since it appears to me that they were settled some time ago. Of course, I may be entirely wrong on that and it may be necessary and useful to do so, I just can't see it now. I'll just quietly lay here bleeding.

    I stand by those remarks. There were real problems of staff getting to GW Hospital because demonstrators were "shutting down the streets" over World Bank protests. In other cases, demonstrators did not restrain admittedly radical members that smashed small businesses. Again, I find this sort of demonstration an ego trip rather than a useful means of influencing policy, and it is an evasion of useful means.

    Involuntary detention is involuntary detention. If demonstrators block my way--not symbolically in a picket like I can choose to cross--they are, in my mind, no different than police barring public facilities without legal justification.

    How do you expect me to respond to being told that I must be forced to confront some issues that demonstrators literally don't know whether I'm immersed in just those issues (but not on the demonstrators' schedule)? As I've said repeatedly, local demonstrations that send a focused message can indeed send useful messages. Large-scale demonstrations that go outside places like the National Mall and try to shut down a city generate absolutely zero sympathy on my part.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Support Rep. Kuchunich's call to cut off all military funding to Iraq except to bring our military personnel home safely.

    Tom

    Large scale demonstrations are part of the mix. They demonstrate the strength of the anti-war movement, and they re-energize people in the anti-war movement. It takes one day out of my life. I hope to see everyone in Washington, DC on January 27th at the United for Peace and Justice rally. Show the new Congress they better get their butts moving on getting our troops out of Iraq, or we'll move their butts out and replace them with representatives who will get the troops out.

    Tom

    "You are going directly to one of the problems. There are no 14 man infantry squads. Light infantry uses 10, and mechanized infantry on a Bradley M2 has 6 (plus 3 that stay with the vehicle). There's no room for a larger dismount squad in the Bradley, which was controversial even in the Army. That said, those 6 men, at a sufficient level of training, can be effective". 

     Your knowledge of details adds zero to your argument if you don’t actually use that knowledge to address the point. That statement is completely non-responsive to the essence of my point. I could have used any sized unit and looked up the current details of its size or I could, as I did, just go with an approximation that did not alter the meaning of my argument.

     I must have been unclear so I’ll say it in a slightly different way. Six trained and experienced men will almost certainly handle a six man job. They will almost certainly fail at a thirty man job. That thirty man job should have thirty well trained and experienced men. If thirty are not available then twenty five less experienced men with some training and led by six qualified people would still have a decent chance at getting the job done.

     "Now, it takes several years to get buck sergeant. There's no quick NCO school".

     I started seeing what we called instant NCO’s towards the end of my tour. Some were fairly good, others, not so good. I arrived in-country as a PFC.

      "There's no quick NCO school".

       There will be if we suddenly need some quick NCO’s.

     'Quite a few present troopers feel that the Vietnam practice led to unneeded casualties".

     No shit.

    ...generate absolutely zero sympathy on my part.
    Sorry man, it's just not about you.

    I can see your point noblesseoblige.  But from where I sit as long as the defense of our country is left to a few there will be some, who not only won't care, but will try to encourage other people's sons and daughters to be used as cannon fodder in stupid wars.  If the sacrifice isn't shared the ones who don't share in it won't care of the costs when others are told to make the ultimate sacrifice.  And therefore there I see more Iraq Wars in our future.

    Keep in mind that there is a zero percent change that the "surge" (escalation) will "work".

    Tom

    I would agree they re-energize activists withing whatever their movement would be. I fail to see statistical evidence that they show national strength of a movement, even if they dump several hundred thousand people into DC, given the size of the electorate.

    What is the problem with having lots of coordinated local demonstrations, on the same day, which actually lets legislators see local positions? That shows them something.

    "We'll move their butts out" really doesn't convey a clear message, unless you propose to try to throw them out physically. With large demonstrations, there's no way for a Member of Congress to see significance to them. Oh, if the demonstrators, before the demonstration, presented petitions or letter-writing, that actually might send a message -- but that doesn't give the same adrenalin rush as a mass demonstration, does it?

    Even if I still lived in the DC area, you would not see me at the rally. If asked by friends and neighbors, I'd recommend they not go, and spend the same time in organizing written grass-roots protests or even scheduling discussions at Congressional district events.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    My local group, the Bryn Mawr (PA) Peace Coalition has been organizing local protests and going to large protests against Iraq since February 2003. So have thousands of other groups across the country. These tactics and others such as political pressure on representatives, letters to editors, etc. need to be embraced by more and more Americans. That is how you stop madmen like Bush.

    Tom

    I support all these things. My objection, in this thread, is to massive, shut-down-everything demonstrations in major cities. At any size demonstration, my criterion is "does it stop the freedom of nonparticipants to go where they will." If yes, it's a problem. If no, it's protected speech.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Howard, I would recommend all of the above. If each American did what he/she is comfortable with doing we could end this war. No one person has to use every tactic, although I like to do them all. If more millions of Americans did more millions of things we definitely can end this war.

    PS I mentioned this to Cindy Sheehan before she became prominent. Look at all she has done.

    PPS "We''ll move their butts out" is meant to convey the clear message to Congress that those up for re-election in 2008 who do not cut off funding for all military operations in Iraq (except bringing the troops home safely) will be voted out of office.

    Tom

    I hate to see the subject of demonstrations left without adding some more thoughts:

    When I was in the pre-Iraq invasion demonstration in San Francisco back in 2003, we had groups from churches, from left wing groups, including the local Communists, from pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian groups, from political candidate supporters groups, from pacifists, and even the obligatory "lets commit vandalism" groups. The message I got from that was the wide spread, across the spectrum opposition to the invasion. None of the groups fought each other in any way, keeping together with their signs and respecting other's signs. The police, who have become far more educated about Constitutional rights since the 60's just watched quietly, except for arresting the few vandals. This was and is a legitimate exercise or our right to public assembly and freedom of speech.

    Much of Cesar Chavez's success came from public demonstrations, some of which resulted in grievous bodily harm to demonstrators by police. Since those folks bled, it led the TV newscasts. And, that aroused much more support for Chavez's group, the UFW, than could ever have occurred otherwise.

    Back when San Francisco had the double murder of its mayor, George Moscone and a very liberal and gay city supervisor, Harvey Milk, an almost spontaneous demonstration occurred that night. It was a march on City Hall by candle bearing, very quiet people from all walks of life. We were a massive "mob", marching, sometimes singing, but mostly totally silent. By doing that we expressed our determination that never again would such an atrocity be allowed in our city. The right wingers who instigated the murders were silent too, and never really recovered their venomous attitude. Later, when a bungled trial resulted in Dan White, the murderer, being convicted only of manslaughter, most of the same group of marchers committed a violent street demonstration, which the police eventually quelled with excessive force, but once again the message was sent that such perversions of justice would not be allowed again in that city. San Francisco benefitted by those demonstrations.

    The desire to be able to live ones life without being bothered by people who object to the obscenities going on today or back in the 60's is not a reason for opposition to street demonstrations. Street demonstrations of a size that are a problem for other citizens only occur when a very serious problem is being addressed, and none of us have an inherent right to remain unbothered by those problems.

    I don't agree that demonstrations should be entirely local, aimed at our local representatives. My Congressperson is opposed to Bush's military adventuring. She will vote the way I wish on any bill that involves that misadventure. But, people living in neighboring Congressional districts don't have such an informed Congressperson. Big public demonstrations bring home to them the importance of the issue. Furthermore, if you live in a district where 60+% of the voters support Bush, you really need to see that it is not only OK to be against Bush and his activities, but it is the only honorable way to be, and seeing major public demonstrations on the nightly news does that.

    Hoppy in Sacramento

    Howard,

    I agree, in general, but if we're talking about trying to stop needless killing I'm not sure where Gandhi, Thoreau, and King would have drawn the line about inconveniencing people while respecting them while you're trying influence a loony like Bush while trying to get Congress's attention, etc.

    Tom

    Street demonstrations of a size that are a problem for other citizens only occur when a very serious problem is being addressed, and none of us have an inherent right to remain unbothered by those problems.
    So you are saying demonstrators have a unilateral right to block my physical freedom? Picket all you want. Get in my way in a public place, and rapidly get to the criteria for assault.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    ... in Rick Santorum's mind?

    Tom

    Assuming a reduction of ill-conceived interventions, no, I don't see a need for a hugely larger force. Another 50,000 across the services, yes.

     Call the number of soldiers in the US Army in 2002 the correct number needed to protect the US. Now, because our army is stressed to the breaking point in Iraq it is not available to respond to other threats to nearly the same extent as before our invasion so we must be vulnerable because of our commitment to Iraq. Otherwise that premise, that we needed that large army of 2002 to protect us, was wrong in the first place.

     

      This logic, it seems to me, could only be wrong if Iraq was, in fact, our only big threat in the world and Iraq is why we needed military expenditures equal to the entire rest of the world.

     

     Either we didn’t need that large army in the first place or we will be at risk until we get out of Iraq and rebuild that large army. Which do you suppose it was/is.

    Third alternative: the Army was not of a size to meet the requirements and constraints placed on it for the Iraq mission. In other words, the invasion should not have been attempted given the force size, or, more realistically, the poorly considered requirements of a badly designed occupation.

    All manner of units are being refocused into missions demanded by Iraq. I've had assorted reservist friends in, for example, field artillery units, activated and sent to Iraq to guard convoys--a traditional Infantry or Military Police mission. Air Defense indeed may have been overstaffed, but it's again been put on the base and convoy security missions.

    To some extent, we are at risk. Even more than the manpower issue is the diversion of resources away from Afghanistan and other foreign campaigns, as well as domestic infrastructure protection.

    -
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Let me try again. You don't have the option of a 14 man squad in a Bradley. Those 6 (plus 3 crew) are expected to do the same job as the 14 man (or smaller) squad in the older M113.

    They have more skills that have to be mastered, such as fire direction that used to be a specialist job, and reading the real-time position, logistics, and fire control computer displays. The goal has been to push enough information and information use skills that a squad might take an independent action that previously might have only been made at platoon or company.

    If the draft term stays two years, it's much less likely six people will have the necessary proficiency. There's no argument that Bradley squads are on the small side; Stryker squads have nine men and two crew.

    Given the complexity of new systems, trying to run them without adequately trained troops -- questionable in two year tours -- may get a lot of people killed.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    “Even more than the manpower issue is the diversion of resources away from Afghanistan and other foreign campaigns,…

    In Afganistan that IS primarily a manpower issue.

    It took a combination of a lot of things to turn the government against trying to "win" the Vietnam War which both parties supported originally. That included street demonstrations. Nixon's Vietnamization policy (which didn't work) was an attempt to calm down the public by starting to withdraw American troops. Bush is still in the politics of escalation phase which of course isn't going to do anything except increase casualties. Iraqification (which won't work) suppossedly has already started, but Bush hasn't linked it to actual troop withdrawals yet. He has the rhetoric ("we'll stand down as Iraqis stand up") but not the withdrawals. As the lunacy of the "surge" becomes more apparent the pressure on Bush and Congress to act will become greater.

    Mass demonstrations are one way to increase that pressure, but certainly not the only way.

    Tom

    Oh dear Lord in heaven. Please take a course in Reality 101 before you come back.


    Tom

    What point are you trying to make? It's not obvious to me.

    Tom

    If you attend any public events, such as ball games, or concerts, you are inconvenienced by the "mob" that is there. I assume you go carrying a club so those inconsiderate folks can't get away with inconveniencing you?

    I felt just as you do many years ago, and I even supported the Vietnam war for a few years, getting upset about the demonstrations. But, I eventually learned that I was wrong.

    Hoppy in Sacramento

    Thanks. Yes, we (people that organized to stop US aggression against Vietnam) WERE right, while the people wringing their hands about why they are not able to organize anything similar about Iraq believe, as you do, that nobody is right.

    I strongly recommend this classic article on The Collapse of the Armed Forces

    Its written from the perspective of somebody at least as keen on the US armed forces as hcberkowitz but explains clearly that disruption which went rather beyond inconveniencing people at demonstrations, to include fragging officers was central to "ending" the war.

    Its a useful antidote to people imagining that there is any parallel either between Iraq and Vietnam or between the protest movements.

    If people here actually believed the jihadis and death squads were fighting to liberate their country from American aggressors they would be organizing that kind of support for them doing so.

    But there isn't any way to believe that, so the mass hostility to the war dragging on inconclusively will never translate into a movement determined to end it by victory to the enemy.

    By going to a public event, I have a reasonable idea of the inconvenience level. One might be associated with a symphony, while a soccer game with visiting British hooligans would be another.

    I give an informed consent by voluntarily going to that venue. I do not consent to being blocked in a public place.

    This has nothing to do with supporting or not supporting Vietnam or any war. It has to do with public disruption. In particular, there is a different between the sort of disruption for which there are sit-ins and public arrests of conscience, the type with mobs in one's face, and the sort complete with vandals uncontrolled by demonstration organizers.

    What part of "I do not agree to have my freedom constrained by random people in places where I expect to be able to walk" is failing to communicate?


    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Could you elaborate on what you mean by "keen on armed forces?"

    I'm also unclear if you are comparing fragging with domestic demonstrations. Fragging was far more likely to reflect that an incompetent officer was going to get his own people killed, or possibly interfere with illegal activities of troops (e.g., black market) than having anything to do with protesting policies.
    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Certainly manpower, but also diversion of planning and intelligence staff resources, which I suppose is a manpower resource although specialized. I was thinking more of how Fred Franks, in his autobiography, demanded CENTCOM focus on Iraq while Afghan operations were at a peak. Think of generals' mindshare.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    [delete duplicate]

    I hope, HC, that you aren't in the category of those curmudgeons who get all indignant when you try to give them a flier or pamphlet at the polls.
    Half the people act like you are imposing on their precious privacy by handing them the list of teacher supported candidates or whoever.

    I'd guess that, once upon a time, Americans appreciated those of both parties who stood out there in the November cold work our democracy.

    No more.

    But, we aren't a very nice nation anymore.

    Someone should write a book: "If America Is So Great, Why is Everybody So Angry."

    Canadians, on the other hand.....

    To MJ:

    Don't be mean to Rachel!

    I hope, HC, that you aren't in the category of those curmudgeons who get all indignant when you try to give them a flier or pamphlet at the polls.
    No polling place where I've ever voted failed to:
    1. Have people giving out fliers
    2. Have them in a tightly regulated area, where they are prevented from blocking anyone.
    Somehow, I'm not communicating that I am objecting to masses that try to block my entering a street or a building. No, that isn't very nice. Depending on the local rules, it may be assault. It isn't protected speech.
    Picket in front of that same building or on the sidewalk of that street, and leave access or cheerfully move aside when a non-demonstrator wants to get by, and I'll call that protected speech.
    Why is it apparently so hard to distinguish standing witness to blocking access? Your example of well-mannered people cooperating within the polling venue process has little to do with screaming people blocking access to public areas. -- Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Your wrote:

    "you really need to see that it is not only OK to be against Bush and his activities, but it is the only honorable way to be, and seeing major public demonstrations on the nightly news does that.

    I agree with you completely! Well put!

    Yes, I agree tht there are good and bad tactics. I do not, however, share your opinion about major public demonstrations. Frankly, my opinion is that you're just flat out wrong about that. If you were to apply the same sort of worry and hand wringing over any tactic you could argue against it. MAjor demonstrations are blunt instruments and can do things that postings on the net cannot do including showing others how many people are against the war enough to show up in the street. All your thoughts amount to doing little or nothing to demonstrate massive public opposition to the war which equals standing by and letting it go on without any serious ojbection. Major public demonstrations literally demonstrate public opposition in a way no other form can. Localized protests don't accomplish much with massive demonstrations which they support. Wingers will always find something to harp about and criticize with big demos--who cares! And they would make it up if a few extremists didn't manage to show up. Think about what you write about backlash in terms of the civil rights movement in the 60's. Forcing the major confrontations with the status quo is the only thing that jolted people out of complacency enough to change the hearts and minds of millions of whites regarding race in America. When it comes to moral issues such as this, counseling moderation in order not to offend is simply advising to oppose just so long as it isn't effective. With all due respect, that just won't do.

    Frankly, my opinion is that you're just flat out wrong about that.
    Funny how that's my opinion of your position/
    Localized protests don't accomplish much with massive demonstrations which they support.
    While I have difficulty parsing that, I believe that localized demonstrations are effective in getting across policy, but do not help make those who believe in confrontation feel powerful.
    Today's environment is not equivalent to the civil rights movement of the sixties and direct comparisons do not work.
    When it comes to moral issues such as this, counseling moderation in order not to offend is simply advising to oppose just so long as it isn't effective. With all due respect, that just won't do.
    I didn't propose doing something not to offend. I said that I will oppose, with every resource at my command, activism that tries to shut cities down. I believe such activism serves little but activist egos.
    I doubt, however, we have any common ground to discuss. I believe in the political system, flawed as it may be. You apparently don't.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Howard, you are communicating very well.  Of course your point is a valid one, and I would not deny that.  Another example of a similar problem:  My city holds a marathon race once a year.  During that race they block off all crossings of the route of the race, preventing people from crossing that street, but there are no other ways to get to the other side, so it shuts down that part of the city until the marathon is over.   Also, when a police officer or fireman gets killed on duty the city tends to have an elaborate funeral, attended by thousands, and a long slow funeral procession along a major freeway or two from the church to the graveyard.  The last one I recall trapped me so I couldn't drive to where I had an appointment until I was over a half hour late.  Both are comparable to what irritates you and both irritate me.  So, it isn't that no one understands your position, we do.

    We simply have a difference of opinion about which is more important - your and others freedom to pass along or across a street unhindered, or the freedom of others to demonstrate for a cause that is deadly serious.

    This is clearly a hot button issue for you.  Just as "illegal immigration" is a hot button issue for others, and Palestinian rights is still another hot button issue for still others.  I can accept that - no problem. 

    Hoppy in Sacramento

    *offers hand* nice statement of principles. I like it.

    I lived in DC for many years and in the close-in suburbs for many more. It may have been the rather steady diet of blockages -- and, at some level, it was an unwillingness to have my life dictated by either the demonstrators or police. There was a time that I walked, with my detours, perhaps 12 miles each way to get from my apartment to my office, both in the District, as I was not willing to be intimidated.

    Let me offer another perspective. Believe me, while I can do a fair bit of construction things, I hate doing house maintenance. Too many cities have found that allowing broken windows and the like to continue signals the start of decline -- and no, I'm not talking about homeowner association "property value" crap. To me, blocking streets -- and yes, I do count marathons if they are during the workweek -- is also an indicator of decline, of lack of respect for residents.

    While I don't believe mass demonstrations are especially useful -- and I do think there is a value to local ones -- I also draw a sharp line between protest that blocks access and protest that does not. The former contains an element of intimidation of the man in the street; the latter does not.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    I meant that the author of the article, Col. Robert D. Heinl, Jr. was describing the collapse of the US armed forces in Vietnam from a perspective sympathetic to and knowledgeable about the maintenance of strong US armed forces rather than celebrating their collapse.

    It is not me, but Col. Heinl writing in the Armed Forces Journal who explained, that fragging was aimed at preventing competent officers from getting their own people killed by forcing them to engage an "enemy" that had publicly announced it would not engage US troops who avoided combat. (Not mentioned in the article but the usual technique was to play transistor radios loudly while "patrolling" the jungle to indicate you weren't looking for any trouble).

    As Col. Heinl explains fragging was not an isolated phenomena but related to "combat refusal", mutiny, sabotage etc as part of a broader anti-war movement that consciously engaged in sedition with the aim of ending the war by US defeat.

    Here are some excerpts from the article.

    "Frag incidents" or just "fragging" is current soldier slang in Vietnam for the murder or attempted murder of strict, unpopular, or just aggressive officers and NCOs. With extreme reluctance (after a young West Pointer from Senator Mike Mansfield's Montana was fragged in his sleep) the Pentagon has now disclosed that fraggings in 1970(109) have more than doubled those of the previous year (96).

    Word of the deaths of officers will bring cheers at troop movies or in bivouacs of certain units.

    In one such division -- the morale plagued Americal -- fraggings during 1971 have been authoritatively estimated to be running about one a week.

    Bounties, raised by common subscription in amounts running anywhere from $50 to $1,000, have been widely reported put on the heads of leaders whom the privates and Sp4s want to rub out.

    Shortly after the costly assault on Hamburger Hill in mid-1969,the GI underground newspaper in Vietnam, "G.I. Says", publicly offered a $10,000 bounty on Lt. Col. Weldon Honeycutt, the officer who ordered(and led) the attack. Despite several attempts, however, Honeycutt managed to live out his tour and return Stateside.

    "Another Hamburger Hill," (i.e., toughly contested assault), conceded a veteran major, is definitely out."

    The issue of "combat refusal", and official euphemism for disobedience of orders to fight -- the soldier's gravest crime – has only recently been again precipitated on the frontier of Laos by Troop B, 1st Cavalry's mass refusal to recapture their captain's command vehicle containing communication gear, codes and other secret operation orders.

    As early as mid-1969, however, an entire company of the 196th Light Infantry Brigade publicly sat down on the battlefield. Later that year, another rifle company, from the famed 1st Air Cavalry Division, flatly refused -- on CBS-TV -- to advance down a dangerous trail.

    "Search and evade" (meaning tacit avoidance of combat by units in the field) is now virtually a principle of war, vividly expressed by the GI phrase, "CYA (cover your ass) and get home!"

    That "search-and-evade" has not gone unnoticed by the enemy is underscored by the Viet Cong delegation's recent statement at the Paris Peace Talks that communist units in Indochina have been ordered not to engage American units which do not molest them. The same statement boasted - not without foundation in fact - that American defectors are in the VC ranks.

    Sedition – coupled with disaffection within the ranks, and externally fomented with an audacity and intensity previously inconceivable – infests the Armed Services:

    At best count, there appear to be some 144 underground newspapers published on or aimed at U.S. military bases in this country and overseas. Since 1970 the number of such sheets has increased 40% (up from 103 last fall). These journals are not mere gripe-sheets that poke soldier fun in the "Beetle Bailey" tradition, at the brass and the sergeants. "In Vietnam," writes the Ft Lewis-McChord Free Press, "the Lifers, the Brass, are the true Enemy, not the enemy." Another West Coast sheet advises readers: "Don’t desert. Go to Vietnam and kill your commanding officer."

    At least 14 GI dissent organizations (including two made up exclusively of officers) now operate more or less /31/ openly. Ancillary to these are at least six antiwar veterans’ groups which strive to influence GIs.

    Three well-established lawyer groups specialize in support of GI dissent. Two (GI Civil Liberties Defense Committee and new York Draft and Military Law Panel) operate in the open. A third is a semi-underground network of lawyers who can only be contacted through the GI Alliance, a Washing, D.C., group which tries to coordinate seditious antimilitary activities throughout the country.

    One antimilitary legal effort operates right in the theater of war. A three-man law office, backed by the Lawyers’ Military Defense Committee, of Cambridge, Mass., was set up last fall in Saigon to provide free civilian legal services for dissident soldiers being court-martialed in Vietnam.

    Besides these lawyers’ fronts, the Pacific Counseling Service (an umbrella organization with Unitarian backing for a prolifery of antimilitary activities) provides legal help and incitement to dissident GIs through not one but seven branches (Tacoma, Oakland, Los Angeles, San Diego, Monterey, Tokyo, and Okinawa).

    Another of Pacific Counseling’s activities is to air-drop planeloads of sedition literature into Oakland’s sprawling Army Base, our major West Coast staging point for Vietnam

    On the religious front, a community of turbulent priests and clergymen, some unfrocked, calls itself the Order of Maximilian. Maximilian is a saint said to have been martyred by the Romans for refusing military service as un-Christian. Maximilian’s present-day followers visit military posts, infiltrate brigs and stockades in the guise of spiritual counseling, work to recruit military chaplains, and hold services of "consecrations" of post chapels in the name of their saintly draft-dodger.

    By present count at least 11 (some go as high as 26) off-base antiwar "coffee houses" ply GIs with rock music, lukewarm coffee, antiwar literature, how-t-do-it tips on desertion, and similar disruptive counsels. Among the best-known coffee houses are: The Shelter Half (Ft Lewis, Wash.); The Home Front (Ft Carson, Colo.); and The Oleo Strut (Ft Hood, Tex.).

    Virtually all the coffee houses are or have been supported by the U.S. Serviceman’s Fund, whose offices are in new York City’s Bronx. Until may 1970 the Fund was recognized as a tax-exempt "charitable corporations," a determination which changed when IRS agents found that its main function was sowing dissention among GIs and that it was a satellite of "The new Mobilization Committee", a communist-front organization aimed at disruption of the Armed Forces.

    Another "new Mobe" satellite is the G.I. Press Service, based in Washington, which calls itself the Associate Press of military underground newspapers. Robert Wilkinson, G.I. Press’s editor, is well known to military intelligence and has been barred from South Vietnam.

    While refusing to divulge names, IRS sources say that the serviceman’s Fund has been largely bankrolled by well-to-do liberals. One example of this kind of liberal support for sedition which did surface identifiably last year was the $8,500 nut channeled from the Philip Stern Family Foundation to underwrite Seaman Roger Priest’s underground paper OM, which, among other writings, ran do-it-yourself advice for desertion to Canada and advocated assassination of President Nixon.

    The nation-wide campus-radical offensive against ROTC and college officer-training is well known. Events last year at Stanford University, however, demonstrate the extremes to which this campaign (which peaked after Cambodia) has gone. After the Stanford faculty voted to accept a modified, specially restructured ROTC program, the university was subjected to a cyclone of continuing violence which included at least $200,000 in ultimate damage to buildings (highlighted by systematic destruction of 40 twenty-foot stained glass windows in the library). In the end, led by university president Richard W. Lyman, the faculty reversed itself. Lyman was quoted at the time that "ROTC is costing Stanford too much."

    "Entertainment Industry for Peace and Justice," the antiwar show-biz front organized by Jane Fonda, Dick Gregory, and Dalton Trumbo, now claims over 800 film, TV, and music names. This organization is backing Miss Fonda’s antimilitary road-show that opened outside the gates of Ft. Bragg, N.C., in mid-March.

    Describing her performances (scripted by Jules Pfeiffer) as the soldiers’ alternative to Bob Hope, Miss Fonda says her case will repeat the Ft Bragg show at or outside 19 more major bases. Although her project reportedly received financial backing from the ubiquitous Serviceman’s Fund, Miss Fonda insisted on $1.50 admission from each of her GI audience at Bragg, a factor which, according to soldiers, somewhat limited attendance.

    Not unsurprisingly, the end-product of the atmosphere of incitement of unpunished sedition, and of recalcitrant antimilitary malevolence which pervades the world of the draftee (and to an extent the low-ranking men in "volunteer" services, too) is overt action.

    One militant West Coast Group, Movement for a Democratic Military (MDM), has specialized in weapons theft from military bases in California. During 1970, large armory thefts were successfully perpetrated against Oakland Army Base, Vets Cronkhite and Ord, and even the marine Corps Base at Camp Pendleton, where a team wearing Marine uniforms got away with nine M-16 rifles and an M-79 grenade launcher.

    Operating in the middle West, three soldiers from Ft Carson, Colo., home of the Army’s permissive experimental unite, the 4th Mechanized Division, were recently indicted by a federal grand jury for dynamiting the telephone exchange, power plant and water works of another Army installation, Camp McCoy, Wis., on 26 July 1970.

    The Navy, particularly on the West Coast, has also experienced disturbing cases of sabotage in the past two years, mainly directed at ships’ engineering and electrical machinery.

    The trouble of the services – produced by and also in turn producing the dismaying conditions described in this article – is above all a crisis of soul and backbone. It entails – the word is not too strong – something very near a collapse of the command authority and leadership George Washington saw as the soul of military forces. This collapse results, at least in part, from a concurrent collapse of public confidence in the military establishment.
    But many a thoughtful officer would be quick to echo the words of BGen Donn A. Starry, who recently wrote, "The Army can defend the nation against anything but the nation itself."

    Or – in the wry words of Pogo – we have met the enemy, and they are us.

    In Iraq it is the jihadis and death squads that are massacring the people, not the US troops. You cannot build a serious anti-war movement unless you actually want to defeat your own government and are comfortable with the other side winning. Nobody sane is comfortable about the jihadis and death squads winning in Iraq so nobody capable of doing it is trying to organize a serious anti-war movement, either within the US military or generally.