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The Iraq Catch-22

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Regardless of your feelings or beliefs about sending more U.S troops to Iraq, you must accept the painful truth that anything we do to salvage or strengthen the existing Shia-dominated government in Iraq redounds to the benefit of Iran. If we weigh in on the side of the Sunni insurgents we run a serious risk that the Shias will attack us in strength and, at least for the short time, cut our supply lines that run through the heart of Shia territory. Moreover, anything we do to militarily challenge Iran will weaken our influence in Iraq and jeopardize the mission of our forces in Iraq.

George Bush has made his choice and it is calamitous. He rejected out of hand the proposal to "Go Home". And dismissed the "Go Long" course of action, which would have emphasized counterinsurgency, public works vice combat, and diplomatic overtures to Iran and Syria. Instead, he has thrown his weight behind "Go Strong".

The key elements of the "go strong" plan are outlined in the accompanying analysis by Pat Lang (see Stalingrad on the Tigris?). What is not yet announced, but implicit in the plan, is a direct attack on Moqtada al Sadr and his militia, the Jayshi al Mahdi (JAM). During their meeting in Jordan last month, George Bush reportedly told Maliki in no uncertain terms that he would have to separate himself from al Sadr or become a casualty in the upcoming offensive against the bearded cleric. Ironically, Moqtada al Sadr has discouraged sectartian strife rather than egged it on and, among the various Shia clerics, is more receptive to working with Sunni counterparts to rebuild Iraq.

It is no surpise that Maliki returned to Iraq and is making a desperate bid to align himself now with Hakim and the "moderates" in the current government and is signaling he will abandon al Sadr. Bush, in his zeal for a deal in Iraq, is either ignorant or oblivious to the fact the al Hakim (a recent visitor to the White House) is closely aligned with Iran; in contrast to al Sadr who is more independent. Notwithstanding these facts the "Decider"-in-Chief" has rolled the dice and will try to rub out Sadr's JAM. He also is betting he can do so without provoking a full scale revolt among the Shia.

Ah, but here's the rub. When you attack al Sadr you elevate his status. He becomes the face of the Iraqi opposition. Unlike the Jordanian Zarqawi, who met his end in June, a martyred al Sadr becomes more powerful in life than in death. It is not a question of "will the Shia retaliate"? They will. And in the process U.S. forces will once again "make" news destroying neighborhoods and civilians in Sadr City as the insurgent forces melt away; just as we did and they did in Fallujah.

But unlike Fallujah, the Shia can hurt us and hurt us bad. The vast majority of the supplies--the food, water, bullets, and bandages--sustaining our troops in Iraq flow from Kuwait in the south along the highway the runs through the middle of Shia-controlled territory in Iraq. If the Shia retaliate, as they have in the past, our lines of communication will be in jeopardy, at least over the short term.

This is more serious than going without toliet paper for a couple of days. With the anticipated surge in troops to Baghdad the logistics demands will increase. That makes the supplies from the south more, not less, critical. The tactical challenge of keeping the resupply line open is daunting. In June of this year one in every 20 convoys was attacked while heading from Kuwait to Baghdad. Now that figure is approaching one in every five. Most of these attacks appear to be the work of criminal gangs intent on filling their pockets. But the ease and frequency of these attacks should keep military commanders up at night. A concerted effort could effectively shut down our resupply effort. Any one remember Jessica Lynch and her ill-fated colleagues?

We also need to accept the fact that the ethnic partitioning of Iraq is underway and the battle is focused in and around Baghdad. The Shia essentially control the east half of Baghdad. The Sunni control the west half. Scattered throughout the city (but primarily on the outer suburbs) are mixed Sunni/Shia neighborhoods. That's where the fighting is occuring So far the Shia appear to have the upper hand.

Early last week President Bush was touting the body count of insurgents and implying things were getting better in Iraq. But he failed to report that notwithstanding the insurgent bodies we are stacking up that the level of violence has continued to soar. The last three months in Iraq--September, October, and November--have been the most violent since George Bush announced Mission Accomplished. And December is on track to keep pace with this disturbing trend. With more troops headed into the fray more of our boys and girls will be added to the casualty lists.

Now that Bush has taken the Go Home and Go Long options off of the table we also should acknowledge that whether intended or not (and I believe it was intentional) the President has tied Bob Gates' hands, much to the relief of the neo-cons. Gates faces a senior military leadership roiled by dissent and disgust. Many are appalled that they are being blamed for the fiasco in Iraq because they followed the orders and dictates of Bush and his political appointees. Some, like Pete Schoomacher, have seized the initiative and are going to speak candidly without regard to the effect on their careers. Schoomacher, who was called back from retirement, really does not give a shit if he is rocking the boat as long as he his certain that he is acting in the best interest of his soldiers and his country.

I am waiting for the Congress to wake up and realize that no one in the military has done an assessment of our "progress" in the war. So far the only written assessments have come from the CIA and the National Intelligence Council. No one in either CENTCOM, SOCOM, JCS, or DIA appears to have done an analysis of the trends. If they have it is the best protected secret in the U.S. Governement. I think the Generals learned from the fate of the two CIA station chiefs who provided their stark assessment in the early days of the insurgency (they sent back what is known as an AARDWOLF) about the disastrous course of the war and wound up losing their jobs. So much for rewarding candor. The military leadership got the message and has shied away from putting in writing what many concede in private to be the case.

For now the focus is on Iraq, but do not imagine for a second that the neo-cons and their patrons in the Bush Administration have given up their quest to take down Iran. The dream is alive. Iran is the longterm obsession. What the Bushies in their zeal fail to realize is that their efforts to get control over events in Iraq are destined to backfire and will make it more difficult to contain the threat they claim we face from Iran. Bush and Cheney don't have a learning curve, it is a flat line.


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Picking a fight with Al Sadr might not be a good idea from an American perspective, but it's hard to argue the man and his forces don't deserve a rude awakening.

Al Sadr is as intolerant toward the Sunni's as any of the other Shia leaders.

If Al Sadr is destroyed, that might just even the playing field for the resumption of the civil war which would occur after the U.S. drawdown.

That seems to be the goal from Bush, right?

An SF officer and friend, who has spent 3 tours in Iraq, tells me different. al Sadr is not as intolerant as portrayed here. He's the face that we love to hate.

In a weird way, Moqtada reminds me of Fidel Castro and also of Hugo Chavez. Right now, all three of them stink and need to be dealt with. But, all three of them, when they were rising to power, mights have been turned to the US side. I'm not defending any of them by saying this, but it does strike me that all three of them, whatever they are now, represent missed opportunities. All three of them are now problems that didn't need to be prob;ems.

thosethingswesay.blogspot.com

Moqtada has 60K soldiers, by now vastly more experienced than the GIs sent into that hellhole. The US has tried twice already, and got a bloody nose each time.

The US military has proven its utter incompetence. It's truly pathetic: 3.5 years on, the sole superpower still can't control any district in Baghdad! I don't know any time in history an occupying force has been so ineffective.

At this point, the Iraqis should be training our troops.

The great Israeli military expert van Crefeld has called the US military an "incompetent abomination"
(it's even more colorful in Hebrew).

He would know.

Do you think the coming fight against Al Sadr is solely intended to draw an Iranian audience? A sort of Bull Run where the elite figures in Tehran can watch from the hillsides?

Clearly such a strike is intended to bolster the Sunni's. But at the expense of who?

Missed opportunities in what way?

What could have become of al-Sadr?

(Or Chavez or Castro for that matter?)

Some times diplomacy is the only option. Not talking with Iran, North Korea, Syria, or other hostile entities does not help this troubled world. We should show some strength of character in our relations with other countries not just the "its our ball" attitude of this administration. What Tommy Franks said about we being one attack away from seeing our Constitution being shred to pieces is more disturbing than our failed efforts in Iraq. We should always keep in mind that the history of the region is one of flux. We shouldn't have believed that we could change that.

We need to demand Congress cut off military funding for anything except arranging an orderly exit for our troops.

Tom

What U.S. military "mission" in Iraq? Didn't you get that "sovereignty" memo from (some years now) before? You sound just like Deputy Dubya Bush assuming that he still occupies an American colony and so we can "impose our will on them," as one of his first viceroys, L. Paul Bremer III indelicatly put it (before he lost track of NINE BILLION DOLLARS).

The U.S. military has no "mission" in Iraq except to get the hell out of that place before their blind, blundering incompetence gets themselves and the Iraqis hurt even worse. Frankly, our post-Vietnam experiment trying to substitute a mercenary foreign legion for a national army has failed just like the French one did.

As with the American War on Vietnam, the American War on Iraq has no purpose but its own perpetuation. Once again: "We are the unwilling led by the unqualified to do the unnecessary for the ungrateful" and "We're there because we're there because we're there because we're there." Lunatic Leviathan time again, fellow Crimestoppers. Pure bureaucratic ass-covering and careerism run amok. No rhyme or reason. Just bloodshed, destruction, and wanton waste any time and everywhere you look. Welcome back to IraqNam Redux Deja Vu All Over Again One More Time -- only faster because of substituting the Worst and the Dullest for the Best and the Brightest.

No one has yet invented a sounding line long enough to plumb the depths of our current stupidity; and I feel utterly confident that our history textbooks not long from now will emulate those of the Japanese who simply cannot bear the shame of remembering what their country did not too long ago and so simply say of the [last lost] war: "We somehow became unpopular. Then some bad things happened. But the future looks so much better now." Come to think of it, I believe our own textbooks already took that embarrased ostrich approach after the [last lost] debacle in Southeast Asia: the one that should have taught us not to do it all over again only worse and quicker.

Agreed.

Bush and the neocons see Sadr as a threat to US influence in Iraq. If there is anyone on the scene now who could potentially unite the Sunni and Shiite factions in opposition to the invaders and occupiers, it is Al Sadr.

They fear him and so they want him taken out. You know, the usual form of US diplomacy under the Bush Administration.

It's no accident either that the US MSM always added the prefix "radical cleric" to his name after Bremer shut down his newspaper for printing anti-US views.

Oh, there is a mission. Contrary to what the powers that be would like the sheeple to believe it's not about removing or preventing the threat of WMDs, or about bringing democracy to the Middle East and it's not about fighting terrorists.

It's about oil, about the US "goal of creating a client regime that was supposed to be the key to establishing the US as the dominant power in the Middle East" and about removing the obstacles to that end.

Getting out, despite what the American people want, will not be easy as long as the neocons hold positions of power.

J. McCutchen

Level the playing field? Al-Sadr is right now the single most popular and powerful political figure in Iraq. If you mean, putting most of the Shia in open insurgency against US forces along with the Sunnis so that they too can become battle hardened, you may be on to something.

Muqtada's nothing but another boogey-man for Bush but he isn't just another boogey-man. This one represents the only possible unifying bridge with the Sunnis which is why Iran's al-Hakim wants him out. Thanks to his forces there is some semblance of order in many areas that otherwise would have gone southn long ago.


With all this advance publicity (shades of Fallujah and the three month advance notice of Operation Together Forward!), I don't see much risk, however, that Sadr will become a martyr. Think Nasrallah.

An attack on al-Sadr would be second only to the invasion itself in bonehead adventures with US lives and dollars.

J. McCutchen


"For now the focus is on Iraq, but do not imagine for a second that the neo-cons and their patrons in the Bush Administration have given up their quest to take down Iran. The dream is alive. Iran is the longterm obsession."

For more information, see Steve Clemons's report on the WH effort to silence Flynt Levrett

Larry

What is your understanding of the relationship between Sadr and Sistani? Is Sistani still as important as when we arrived in Iraq? Would we drive Sistani to be more supportive of Sadr is we went after Sadr, at least unsuccessfully?

Daniel A. Greenbaum

I honestly think that they are just flailing. All options are disastrous. Leaving would cause a conflagration that would ultimately end in an anti-US Shiite state. They're trying to something, anything that would prevent that conflagration, and will let them keep their bases.

At his point, though, any option other than leaving makes the conflagration that will come when the US is forced out still worse. Any attempt to pick sides will make things worse. Continuing to arm and train both sides will make the civil war bloodier. Retreating to the FOBs would have the same effect as leaving, except that when the actual retreat comes, it will be more effectively opposed. I don't say this lightly--the situation is truly FUBAR.

But not leaving, even though it makes things worse in the long haul, holds the hope that they'll find that pony.

I'm in the middle of State of Denial. The degree to which these people engage in pure fantasy and wishful thinking is mind-boggling.

Daniel,
While Sistani retains his status as the most respected Imam, Sadr has used good old fashioned Chicago style politics and patronage to build his own base. Sistani has no stomach for the daily rough and tumble of Iraqi politics and al Sadr does. At least that's what I see and friends on the ground tell me.

Look for the Reichstag to burn after that one.

Armies are not formed to occupy other countries and build national character for them.  The US military is not equipped to do that either.  I don't fault the military for its performance in Iraq - the blame goes to Bush and the neocons.  Our military was given a job with little or no possibility of succeeding at it.

As hard as it is to do this, we need to turn our backs on the recent past, look at the current situation, and determine the best course of action now.  In my opinion that best course of action is to remove Americans from Iraq.  We cannot fix Iraq for Iraqis, we cannot "impose our will" on them, and we have nothing whatever to gain by keeping Americans in Iraq.  Iraq will become whatever Iraqis want it to become. 

Hoppy in Sacramento

I agree completely.

Some argue that there are reasons other than oil. Those reasons are only excuses. I believe that the answer “oil” is like a certain mathematical oddity. Multiply any number by nine and then add up the numbers in the result. If the result is greater than nine, add them again. The answer always reduces to nine. Always.

We have nothing, as a nation, to gain In Iraq except strategic control of oil and without the profit from oil the countries of the Middle East could not resist us.

In our correct judgment of the War in Iraq as both wrong and futile we should not forget how damned important oil is. We should attack the problem where we can overcome it, which is at home.

We should strive to overcome our dependence on foreign oil with “the moral equivalence of war”. A smart man said that years ago and our country should have understood its prescience and truth. A couple trillion dollars invested towards that end instead of in war would have been a good start.

"Iraq will become whatever Iraqis want it to become." A sad thing is that it promises to become just the kind of mess, like Bosnia or Darfur, that we and the international community, such as it is, usually then wants to or fails to address. Yet I can't think of anything better to do than to get our forces out while increasing talks with all parties, from Europe to Syria and other surrounding nations to parties within Iraq, on what goals and means they have for regional stability.

It's a disaster. We caused it by occupying Iraq, but we don't cause the uprising by being there; I suspect the OpEd today in The Times is right that things blow up whenever we leave the block or two we think we held, protected and built up. Conversely, we can't undo the damage by staying. I guess I'm saying that there is still a myth among a fraction of those of us supporting withdrawal that it will bring peace, and there is still a myth shared by the right and the Pottery Barn types that remaining will. And never mind the loony idea that a little more force will (or indeed is available to us). I suspect the Bushies no longer hold any myth themselves, and they merely hope to push the disaster onto the next president, so that someone else gets the recriminations.

John

http://www.haberarts.com/

Complete post from Missing Links

"On Tuesday of last week, car-bombers killed 70 laborers who were waiting for the chance for day-work, in Tarayan Square, in a Shiite part of Baghdad. As an expression of their outrage over this, a Sunni group including religious authorities issued a statement, described as a fatwa, in which they proscribed killing of Muslims and killing of Shiites in particular. The authorities included people connected with the Islamic Party, with the Muslim Scholars Association, and with something called the League of Islamic Unity, and apparently they were Basra-based. I don't think there was any widespread notice of this at the time, but this morning Al-Hayat says Moqtada al-Sadr sent a delegation to Basra for the purpose of thanking the officials for their statement.

Apparently referring to the same statement, Al-Hayat explains that group of Basra Sunnis, composed not only of religious authorities but of tribal leaders as well, issued a statement in which they denounced "the terrorism to which the Iraqi people are being subjected", and expressed support for the unity or Iraq geographically and with respect to its people. Signatories of this statement included named people representing the Association of Muslim Scholars, the Sunni Waqf (religious endowments agency), the Islamic Party, and a number of others from the Sunni community of Basra.

A spopkesman for the Sunni group warned of the spread of killings in Basra, but said Basra is different from other Iraqi cities, and what has happened in Baghdad won't be transferred here.

A report on this same exchange between the Sadr delegation and the Sunni group was carried by Aswat al-Iraq yesterday, and it said: The (above-mentioned) spokesman for the Sunni group added that there was a meeting between the Sadr representatives and the Sunni group, at which "a spirit of understanding and cooperation prevailed". He said they agreed on the need to support Iraqi unity, and to denounce terrorist operations and "anything that detracts from the unity and the fabric of Iraqi society".

I would like to underline his mention of "the fabric of Iraqi society", because it is the same phrase Al-Dhari used in his rebuttal of the Islamist at the Istanbul conference, when he warned him against turning the meeting into an anti-Shiite event. Shiites, he reminded the Islamist, are "part of the fabric of Iraqi society". (Quoted in this prior post, the last block-quote section at the bottom).

I think it is a good rule of thumb: If there is any reference to "the fabric of Iraqi society", readers of English-language newspapers and readers of the big blogs won't see it reported. I don't know why. We use "fabric" in exactly the same way. What could the reason be?"
[emphasis: s.e.]
---

Americans love to talk to each other about outsiders.

(yes, I'm back, after spraying multiple computers with a garlic broth made with holy water and, most recently, muttering about the interactions of Drupal and McAfee).

I agree, Hoppy, that nation building, much less "character building", is not within the scope of most military forces. Let's look at some examples of success, such as the post-WWII German occupation or the eventual solution to the Huk insurgency in the Phillipines.

WWII Allied planners very specifically considered combat troops inappropriate for a successful occupation force, and vice versa. The OPERATION RANKIN series of contingency plans for the different ways Germany could fall dealt with alternatives for stabilization in the immediate postwar period. A separate Constabulary was organized for occupation policing and security; civil affairs and military government units complemented the Constabulary.

In the Phillipines, President Magsaysay, with his US adviser reporting to CIA, USAF MG Edwin Lansdale, built a government that delivered services and offered meaningful amnesty for Hukbalahap guerillas wanting to rejoin the society.

Thomas Barnett also writes of the combat vs. nation-building dichotomy, with his distinction between "Leviathan" and "System Administrator". There's a reasonably good example of this in Sierra Leone, where British troops, in the role of Leviathan, took down the key insurgents and then were replaced by the ECOMOG peace enforcers under the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

The only US units that routinely train for something along the lines of nation-building are a subset of the troops under US Special Operations Command, principally Army Special Forces and Civil Affairs. The number available never approached what would be needed in Iraq.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Number 1, Bush and his cronies want to hold out long enough to blame our defeat (which has already happened, we just haven't admitted it) on the Democrats and the liberals.

Number 2, Bush and his cronies want the war to go on as long as possible, get as big as possible and get as bloody as posssible because the Bush family and its cronies make money on war profiteering.

You know, I'd like to attribute that much coherence to what they're doing. It's true that the neo-cons are working the stab in the back thing, but I am honestly disturbed, and really believe that Bush is just looking for a pony. He's gonna stick with this until he finds a pony.

There was, imo, manipulation of Reagan's idealism by the defense establishment on the Star Wars program. I'll grant you that a similar thing is happening here--that Cheney and the neo-cons are pushing the pony scenario. And I'll even agree that the advisors who are doing this are mostly after the money. But I don't think Bush is. Maybe it's because I'm reading State of Denial, but it really looks like Bush is simply not engaged in governing the country. Winning elections, yes. But governing, no. That's for the help to do.

Glad to see you back, Howard. 

Neoboho

Apropos your welcome return and its expected accompaniment by references to technical literature, have you read anything by David Kilcullen? He is featured in George Packer's latest in the New Yorker.

Kilcullen is an Australian Military official with experience in the field and he is emphasisizing his concept of "disaggregation". This means distinguishing insurgents by their particular social network, and not simply assuming they are politically and/or religiously coordinated with other groups. He also emphasizes the PR aspects, such as Hezbollah using part flags to designate houses damaged in Israel's Lebanon incursion. This move was good PR because it marked teritory (against NGOs); it said "We're here to help, before others" to the locals; and it said "Look how extensive our presence is" to the rest of the world.

He mentions an accidental western success against extremism following the 2004 tsunami in Aceh. A radical Islamic organization tried to set up an office and convert a a local separatist movement to its Islamic agenda. It seems that the swift arrival of aid in the form of US and Autralian troops, along with the expected resentment against meddling outsiders, helped prevent the Aceh rebellion from becoming part of jihad.

To join with your point, Kilcullen also argues that the goal in failed-state situations is to provide government, whole, not just troops. He gives a nod to National Security Presidential Directive 44, which created a State Dept Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization; "...it clearly envisages the need for whole-of-government capabilities in hostile areas."

Packer's article covers the awkward record of sociologists' efforts on behalf of US defense and foreign policy. (I happened to know a couple of folks in Project Camelot.) Partly because of the PR blowback from South American and Vietnam tinkering, social scientists have avoided contact with the defense folks.

Packer article and Drum comment.

Thanks for the welcome and the pointer. I hadn't been familiar with him, but quickly found his article http://www.smallwarsjournal.com/documents/kilcullen1.pdf?"Counterinsurgency Redux".

Kilcullen makes some very good points about the historical context for insurgency, and the differences in detail among insurgencies. I believe there is much value to studying insurgency in the past, but there must be caution not to assume that one insurgency will follow the model of another. Still, not being quite familiar with Mao's concepts of the three stages in On Protracted War makes any insurgency hard to follow -- even if current insurgencies, especially when major power forces are involved, are unlikely to progress far into Mao's Phase II.

It's not a given that insurgencies will be like other insurgencies under the same ideology. Communist Carlos Marighella's Minimanual for the Urban Guerilla describes tactics of use to Islamic fundamentalists also in urban areas. Kilcullen also identifies a class of insurgency operations in "failed states", as in Chechniya, Somalia, and presumably Iraq. It's worth noting that the recent Israeli movement into Hezbollah areas appeared not to consider some Chechen tactics going back, at least, to 1999.

I worked for CRESS, the successor organization to SORO, which sponsored Camelot. We might know some of the same people.
--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Anyone named Houk, from American U? While still in junior high school I played a SORO party--Houk's son, David, was our bass player. I remember SORO as a partying bunch, not the expected dull academics.

Kilcullen also points out that the Malay and other insurgencies, including Vietnam, offer limited lessons. It is precisely the individual character of an insurgency that needs attention, not its similarity to another.

This is a lame excuse. Then you can say the French army did great in WWII, except that it was not equipped to deal with Blitzkrieg. Or that the US did wonderful in Vietnam except that it was not prepared for the rumble in the jungle.

The Army is being asked to perform a task, and it performs miserably. If it's not prepared for it, then it should be. That's what militaries are supposed to do.

Plus there's been plenty of cases where occupation was successful.

Look I am totally opposed to this war and the civilians in charge should be impeached. I agree. At the same time, let's face the facts.

The US military is incompetent in 4th generation warfare and that's a fact. Too bad for the pentagon, because these are the wars of the future.

Not to mention Sy Hersch's point that the top command in the US military has never been weaker in memory.

Odierno is a certified incompetent buffoon!

Don't remember a Houk when I was at American U. Some of the research staff -- CRESS was just a name change from SORO -- would complain that the guy in Chile went off on tangents that no one wanted, especially, of course, after he got caught.

Now, I am trying to remember names. Michael Conley, maybe? James Eliot Cross? I think he was at CRESS; he was one of the guest lecturers for "Dynamics of Revolution", which, as opposed to the "Seminar in Unconventional Warfare", tried to look at the conditions in which insurgency would start. There was overlap, of course -- I do remember one calm lecture, in Roper Hall, about the pros and cons of carrying off your dead after an expropriation from a bank. The consensus seemed to be that it was best to leave dead bodies of your enemies, in a manner suggestive they were members of an underground.

I'm a very eclectic cook, without excessive modesty. There are things to learn from every cuisine, just as there are things to learn from every insurgency. I often wonder how much current insurgents have learned from the literature and even formal training, and how much is reinvented. There's not much ideological commonality between militant jihadists and Greek Cypriots or Russian anarchists, but there are tactical similarities.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

Wasn't the military asked to do the impossible in Iraq - to depose Sadaam and keep the Iraqi population quiescent while Bremer turned the place into a lab for conservative ideologues while we gave Halliburton lucrative contracts as we disbanded the Iraqi army, etc. ad nauseam.

Tom

I don't think the mission statement was that coherent.

--
Howard

*equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

J. McCutchen

"A colonial enterprise in a post colonial world....."


I hope that the next president picks Zbig for Natl Security Advisor.


See Zbigniew Brzezinksi on Charlie Rose 12/15/06
{video]

That part about no professional military assessment says it all. The wry joke "military intelligence is an oxymoron" is one piece of disinformation that has worked entirely too well.
You do realize you have inadvertently given the brush-cutting Crawford Cowboy (a.k.a. World Sheriff, The Decider, AWOL ) his best media moniker yet : " Calamity George "

"Europe" is considered as The West, and The West is the same as the crusaders and occupants. Europe is a used force.

You have to put your hope to Syria, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and maybe Turkey, maybe the other Arab governments, and maybe other Muslim governments.

It's a disaster. We caused it by occupying Iraq, but we don't cause the uprising by being there;

By now I've seen repeated reports for years along the line that coalition presense in any town makes life less secure for civilians. When there are no occupation forces, local militias are able to uphold some degree of law and order, which is beyond the capacity of Western troops. With coalition troops there the militias are either gone or busy defending themselves, and civilians are endangered both by increased lawlessness and by the actual fightings (including bombs from the air).

Right now I don't find any links, but I may return with such.

The coalition troops not only causes disorder in towns they "hold", they likely cause the uprising against the occupants by being there, but that is not the same as saying that peace would be the outcome a retreat from Arab lands (how unlikely such a retreat now may be).

In some countries, it is (or has been) the Army's duty.


If the Army isn't trained for occupation duties, then someone else must be.

The major thing to strive for right now ought to be to limit the damage as much as possible.

Can revolutions and civil war be avoided in neighboring countries?

Can a partition-war in Iraq between the (same) neighboring countries be avoided?

If not, can that partition-war be limited strictly to Iraq?

What are loss of voluntary soldiers' lifes compared to the great risks that are at stake - both in terms of local human sufferings and global effects of diminished oil export?

Good to see you roaming the tables of the Cafe Howard. I had an APB I was going to post to see if anyone had heard from you. Glad to see you're in good health and have returned.

As to you're response to Tom, I can't get this picture out of my noggin that I'm watching this long running FUBAR like Chief Bromden, i.e.; One flew east, One flew west, One flew over the cuckoo's nest.

But as I've said over and over when it comes to this Chump-in-Chief, it's bound to get worse before it gets worse.,,

~OGD~

J. McCutchen


Last June I predicted that within twelve months, the State of Iraq would cease to exist.... Many were aghast at the delphic disclosure

Missing: a functional Iraqi state - CSM

WASHINGTON - As President Bush weighs his options for forging a new Iraq policy, he faces this big conundrum: Many proposals call for greater reliance on and deeper development of the Iraqi state, but the reality is that the Iraqi state, in many respects, does not exist.

Kinda cheated. It didn't exist when I made the prediction!

The military seemed to be asked to depose Saddem and quickly get out of the ways as the naturally freedom loving Iraqis took over. It may even explain Rumsfeld's very peculiar blase attitude toward the looting and his comparison to the post-American Revolution period.

Daniel A. Greenbaum

If you said the "United States", or the "government of the United States", was unprepared to perform a task, I would not disagree. I will disagree that the task is not within the mission of the Army--more about that in a bit.

All too often, people overfocus on a piece of a broader problem. Over the years, there has been an evolution of the levels of responsibility and their direct scope. Most serious works use at least four levels, sometimes varying the terms:

  • Grand strategy: the highest level, under the fairly direct control of the head of government. In the US, this is the responsibility of the President. Grand strategy goes beyond Clausewitz's definition of war as the extension of national politics [policy] by military means. It encompasses military, diplomatic, information operations, economic warfare, multinational forces, economic development, covert operations, law enforcement, and assorted other disciplines. This level both establishes needs for national intelligence and is a major consumer of national intelligence.

  • Strategy: the overall direction of military forces on a worldwide basis, stating the conditions for victory or defeat against a particular opponent, allocating resources to major subordinate command, and coordinating the work of major commands. Strategy directs the overall military, as opposed to national, intelligence effort.

  • Operational art: within a theater of operations, the art of selecting where to place campaigns and battles, and developing the means by which the enemy will be brought to battle on the most favorable terms.

  • Tactics: the means by which combat units fight, and the means by which support units help them fight.


  • Within the above context, Iraq is a campaign, under the operational direction (simplifying command relationships) of GEN Casey's Multinational Force-Iraq, under the strategic direction of GEN Abizaid's Central Command, under the direction of the National Command Authority (Bush and Gates). One cannot assume Iraq is the "Global War on Terror". Taking this view lets one observe how a resource committed to Iraq can't support operations in Afghanistan or the Phillipines. It is the grand strategic level that commits resources to national ballistic missile defense but not to hardening the very vulnerable domestic chemical industry.

    The US military is incompetent in 4th generation warfare and that's a fact. Too bad for the pentagon, because these are the wars of the future.

    I need a better definition of precisely what you mean by 4th generation warfare before I can respond in any meaningful way. Further, I would note that an utterly ideal force still can get rotten top-level direction.

    Plus there's been plenty of cases where occupation was successful.

    Please cite them, and whether the day-to-day occupation duties were performed by combat troops, or some other organization, perhaps military, optimized for nation-building rather than combat. Please give your criterion for success, and what is acceptable as tactics against civilians -- what is considered a war crime. As an example of the latter, while US operations in the Phillipines around the turn of the 20th century broke Aguinaldo and other rebels, it committed a fair number of war crimes when doing so. Filo-US relations managed to improve in the next few decades.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Precisely -- although I would distinguish not the Army per se, but combat versus occupation forces. In Europe after WWII, the Constabulary was an Army force, but quite separate from the combat forces that broke the Nazis and the combat forces deployed against the USSR.

    In large conflicts, especially with the technology used by first-line combat forces, combat and occupation/nation-building are separate functions. This is not to say that an occupation force has no combat capability, but it will be limited to local situations, with regular combat forces brought in as needed.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Good summarization. Rumsfeld limited the force to something that could do that mission (and did), rather than the 300-500 thousand estimated by many military leaders (e.g., then Army Chief of Staff GEN Eric Shinseki) that would be needed to establish security for nation-building.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Not quite FUBAR. In the military lexicon of WWII:

  • SNAFU: Situation Normal, All F*cked Up.

  • FUBAR: F*cked Up Beyond All Recognition.

  • FUBAB: F*cked Up Beyond All Belief.


  • Serious students also include more localized phenomena such as BOHICA (Bend Over, Here It Comes Again). The overall situation, though, seems more FUBAB than FUBAR.

    Damning with faint praise, this Administration rarely micromanages operations to the degree LBJ micromanaged things in Vietnam, or, subsequently, Henry Kissinger gave tactical orders in the middle of the Mayaguez Incident. As far as directing the military, the current sins are more in the category of wishful thinking toward success and inadequate resources for a hurry-up problem.

    Still, Cheney and Bush (order deliberate) substitute PNAC ideology for historical knowledge of the region and of the characteristics of successful occupations. While Cheney thinks of himself at a level above that of major general, I tend to think of his skill set in the following terms:

    I am the very model of a modern Major-General,
    I've information vegetable, animal, and mineral,
    I know the kings of England, and I quote the fights historical
    From Marathon to Waterloo, in order categorical;
    I'm very well acquainted, too, with matters mathematical,
    I understand equations, both the simple and quadratical,
    About binomial theorem I'm teeming with a lot o' news,
    With many cheerful facts about the square of the hypotenuse.

    I'm very good at integral and differential calculus;
    I know the scientific names of beings animalculous:
    In short, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
    I am the very model of a modern Major-General.

    I know our mythic history, King Arthur's and Sir Caradoc's;
    I answer hard acrostics, I've a pretty taste for paradox,
    I quote in elegiacs all the crimes of Heliogabalus,
    In conics I can floor peculiarities parabolous;
    I can tell undoubted Raphaels from Gerard Dows and Zoffanies,
    I know the croaking chorus from The Frogs of Aristophanes!
    Then I can hum a fugue of which I've heard the music's din afore,
    And whistle all the airs from that infernal nonsense Pinafore.

    Then I can write a washing bill in Babylonic cuneiform,
    And tell you ev'ry detail of Caractacus' uniform:
    In short, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
    I am the very model of a modern Major-General.

    In fact, when I know what is meant by "mamelon" and "ravelin",
    When I can tell at sight a Mauser rifle from a javelin,
    When such affairs as sorties and surprises I'm more wary at,
    And when I know precisely what is meant by "commissariat",
    When I have learnt what progress has been made in modern gunnery,
    When I know more of tactics than a novice in a nunnery—
    In short, when I've a smattering of elemental strategy—
    You'll say a better Major-General has never sat a-gee.

    For my military knowledge, though I'm plucky and adventury,
    Has only been brought down to the beginning of the century;
    But still, in matters vegetable, animal, and mineral,
    I am the very model of a modern Major-General.

    I find it disturbing that I do know the difference between a Mauser and a ravelin.
    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    I thought the original chickenhawk was the guy who sang: "Stick close to your desk and never go to sea, and you may be ruler of the Queen's Navy" from that infernal nonsense mentioned by the modern MAJ-GEN. 

    J. McCutchen


    I am SO Effing GOOD

    I'll reply to myself! ;=P

    BAGHDAD (AFP) - Iraq faces "complete disintegration into failed state chaos" a respected think-tank has warned, urging the United States to adopt a radical change of strategy to end the crisis. The stark analysis from the International Crisis Group came as a Pentagon report confirmed that violence in Iraq has hit record levels and two weeks after a bipartisan US panel branded the situation "grave and deteriorating."

    The ICG's new report endorsed the Iraq Study Group's criticisms of White House strategy, but warned the recommendations of former secretary of state James Baker's panel would not be enough to stem the bloodshed.


    The End Is Here

    It's funny you mention that. I was just flipping through the archival papers of a guy who was a Lt. with the Army group designated to rebuild the food production industry (dairy, edible oils, processing factories, etc.) in Baden-Wuertemburg. Fantastic stuff - blueprints, assessments of damages, maps of delivery routes, photographs, etc.

    By no means was this guy a front-line soldier, but reading through the memos, he and his outfit were practically right on the heels of the combat soldiers, and immediately got to work re-building. So quick were they to re-build, that, according to one memo I found from October 1945(!), the top army brass thought they were done. The group argued that the job wasn't done, and the American taxpayer would be outraged if they didn't do the job right, so they kept working. I was incredibly nauseous when I found that memo, drawing instant comparisons to today's situation.

    On a related note - in reference to the above posts on Rumsfeld's blase attitude, etc. - I think a lot of the troubles in Iraq came from the Administration's failure to call a spade a spade right from the get-go. Along with the failure to acknowledge, or even use, the word "occupation" also came the failure to consider the responsibilities that an "occupation" entails, and thus, we have the delusion that our commitment to Iraq isn't anything except military in nature.

    Exactly. Even more today than in WWII, there are enough skills to be mastered by a combat soldier as not to leave time, other than for exceptional people, to have expertise in the food industry. Even beyond skills are what I'll loosely call reflexes -- the appropriate response to a threat in a true combat situation is different from the response to a threat in occupation policing. Within the Army, COL HR McMaster, who is more generally known for commanding a lopsided armor victory at the Battle of 73 Easting, is equally known for holding fire against some Republican Guard troops and using an interpreter and loudspeaker to convince them to surrender. While leaflet campaigns and the like are valuable strategic psychological warfare in a combat area, the first response of most combat troopers is to destroy the threat. They don't have the Occupation mindset, which is more like police, in building friends -- with combat troops as backup.

    In the Total Force concept, most support functions such as Civil Affairs [Note 1] were moved to the Army Reserve, with the idea that calling up reserves was a significant political step. A side benefit, however, was that many support skills have civilian counterparts: a welder or well-digger does comparable things in and out of uniform.

    Some reservists have been called up individually, not in their specialties but to give additional convoy escort and related roles.



    [Note 1] There is a very limited active Army civil affairs organization.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    but it really looks like Bush is simply not engaged in governing the country. Winning elections, yes. But governing, no.

    I have been saying this for years. It certainly shows. The man is completely incompetent. Naturally he has brought all of his incompetent friends along for the ride.

    Every criticism of our country’s lack of planning for, and execution of, the occupation of Iraq seems valid.

    Never the less, the use of the history of our occupation and rebuilding programs in Germany after WW II as an example of how we could have been successful in Iraq is a mistake. Until it is successfully done we cannot even assume that it is POSSIBLE for a western nation to invade a Middle Eastern country and install a form of government that is alien to its culture and friendly [and subservient] to the invading nation.

    The German army and the German people accepted defeat and occupation. The Iraqi people haven’t. I am reasonably sure that the Lt. who ran the food service program as well as any other members of his out fit never were fired on and never suffered any casualties from German dissidents who did not accept the occupation and who were willing to die if necessary to drive US forces from their country. Armed resistance to our occupation was extremely limited. Within a few months American soldiers were dating German girls.

    If that Lt. had been shot by a person in civilian clothes who then disappeared among a civilian population which protected him and encouraged his actions and our forces had responded by kicking in doors looking for the shooter, which they would have done, and in the process of looking for the right door to kick in other Americans had been shot, I think it is clear that the history of our occupation of Germany would have been different. The constabulary force would have used their guns and if, as is most likely, it became necessary, the combat troops, who had already come to have zero patience with being shot at, would be brought back to “maintain security”.
    The Germans were tough but when “major combat operations” were over there was enough common cultural background that we could deal with them and become friends with them and then allies.

    Don’t expect a Christmas truce this year or any near future year where our troops and the enemies who are trying to kill them lay down their weapons for a night of friendly celebration of a common holiday.

    Certainly, in the present climate, there is no way the population will accept an outside force. I bring up the historical factors both to identify what the Administration totally ignored, and that the mission required is not one for which Army forces were designed. A M1A2 tank may be a superb weapon, but it can't float and fight at sea. It isn't a failure of combat forces optimized for high-intensity and network-centric operations to fail in noncombat operations.

    There are no specific historical parallels, and I frequently cite the cases of the nascent democracies in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia -- political systems that took 40-60 years after independence to come to any serious attempt at a multiparty state. Those three countries, Arab but in the Maghreb rather than the Middle East, started as more homogeneous than Iraq.

    While the Administration seemingly did everything it could to cause resistance, simply dismissing the Iraqi Army being very high on the list, it is not true all occupations are instantly resisted by the majority of the population. Panama is one example; there was more resistance to Noriega than to Saddam, which could also be phrased with respect to the efficiency of those dictators' security forces. The short-lived British occupation of parts of Sierra Leone, while ECOMOG regional peace enforcers moved in, also is an example.

    I see no particular way in which Iraq ever would have taken on the characteristics about which Bush poses, but I don't want to say that all occupations are necessarily doomed. Had, for example, the Iraqi Army been de-Baathized and multinational Muslim forces brought in promptly, there would have been a better chance in a fundamentally ill-advised invasion. Just to make my position clear, I am and continue to be opposed to the original invasion of Iraq, as both ill-defined with respect to goals and with goals unrealistic in terms of US national objectives.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    It's gotta be tough to work the streets if you never leave your house.

    Hey Howard:

    FUBAR vs. FUBAB... The two key words you've used are "serious students" and the general public are far from that. To a trained eye it is FUBAB. On the other hand, the public can't recognize what's what. And that's exactly the way Cheney/Bush (I fully agree with your deliberate order) wish to keep it. Mushrooms grow better in the dark... And sheep don't sleep well on a full moon.

    ~OGD~

    Never the less, the use of the history of our occupation and rebuilding programs in Germany after WW II as an example of how we could have been successful in Iraq is a mistake.

    I disagree.

    The reason I posted what I did was to emphasize Howard's point of the need for two separate entities of combat and occupation, as was the successful method in the aftermath of WWII.

    Also, I did it to emphasize the speed at which they succeeded. As I noted, the occupation and repair forces were right behind the combat forces - beginning the reconstruction of infrastructure immediately, indeed for the express purpose of avoiding partisan violence - something that was not, but should have been, done in Iraq. I put the exclamation point next to October, 1945 above because the Lt.'s group is arguing for its necessity a mere 5 months after the German surrender in May - a situation any reconstruction contractor could have been in in August of 2003, that is if they weren't padding their wallets.

    Any argument that says that the Germans bowed to the occupation simply because they were beaten militarily is ludicrous - truly, it is this mindset that has those assholes in this Administration scratching their heads wondering why Iraq is failing. The Germans accepted an occupation because it immediately turned the water back on, put food on their tables, heat in their homes, and provided security. [Visions of John Paul Vann are dancing through my head]

    That said, an analysis of the US's failure to recognize the Iraqi's desire for similar things where it did recognize the German desire well before the invasion of Germany is another story, and well worthy of a deeper look.

    Greetings, Howard.
    I’m glad to find that your absence was due to computer problems and not personal or health issues.

    Yes,we disagree.

    I will try to defend my position by expanding on it, but if you wrongly compare my mindset to “those assholes in this administration” it will be hard to keep it polite.

    By the time the Germans surrendered in May 1945 they had already been suffering greatly for a few years from the direct affects of the war. They knew who started the war, which leaders had been criminally wrong, and they knew who won. They were ready for the war to be over. They cooperated in getting the lights turned back on and afterwards they did not blow up the generators. They did not attack the occupiers.

    That is not the situation in Iraq for reasons that go far beyond the reconstruction of their power grid. It seems a little ridiculous to have to enumerate any of these differences to support the point. Assuming you have noticed that this administration deliberately lied to get public support to invade a country that had not attacked us and was no threat to us, you might agree that the psychology/attitude of this country is different than that of Germany at the end of WW II.

    You emphasize the need for two separate entities for combat and occupation. I agree that the right entity is needed where occupation can be successful, I just disagree that the success in Germany means therefore that an entity can be formed that would be successful in any and all circumstance of occupation . Iraq is a place where we, the USA, could not do it. A dedicated group of insurgents willing to commit suicide if necessary to further their ends and who had a great deal of internal support and at least some external support has shown what it can do. It can leverage it’s power through gorilla tactics and cause a reaction that increases its numbers and support while eroding any support the occupiers have. A better run occupation would have been slower to devolve into chaos but would just as surely done so.

    Why am I so convinced? Any serious person who has paid any attention must know that it is one result of combat that most soldiers lose their human inhibitions against killing and go with their human urges to kill. It’s necessary and in a just war is justifiable, but some even embrace the urge. Some may differ, but I believe most of even the best get at least somewhat indiscriminate in their reactions. They can identify those who are positively on their team and everyone else is suspect. Even when not ruled by emotions that range from fear through anger to rage or some combination, they would much rather pull the trigger too quick than too late.

    Many seem to think that soldiers could be TRAINED to react in a productive way which is, they think, to act more like cops. The constabulary force. There seems to be a assumption that cops would react better to being shot and would not react in a way that would be instrumentalin creating more resentment to add to the resentment which started out already at a level that made many want to kill us . They would actually be able to help lower tensions.

    This belief in the efficacy of cops has been said many times at TPMC by many and I heard it expressed this morning on “ON the Point” on NPR. People seem to accept this as a given. Isn’t it obvious that right here in the USA that American cops dealing with an American population often go over the line to the point of enraging entire communities of Americans. Cops right here in America acting to keep American streets safe get itchy trigger fingers and kill innocent people or others who could have and should have been arrested. Cops beat prisoners in our jails and in our prisons. [ To whom it may apply, please spare the obvious retort. I’m not intending to brand all cops, I am saying that these things happen.] Cops often kill cop killers who they could have arrested. American cops operating on Iraqi streets would soon be defensive and would become brutal in an attempt to stop the insurgents from killing the Americans that the insurgents in Iraq surely would kill.

    One more thing. Check the numbers of troops that the experts say would be required to form this separate occupying force, or come up with your own prediction/guess. Think of all the generic and specialized training that would be required including teaching the language. Think of the expense and time it would require. Try to imagine the pentagon, on The Decider in Chief’s orders, starting to create this force. Even if such a force could work it would never be created for political and economic reasons even if the right people could be induced to volunteer for the training and service.

    It is a moot point. Since that force was not available, was not possible to create, and will never again become a reality unless we are, as a nation, totally mobilized and committed to a war and this force comes about during that time of mobilized commitment, it is not an option and there is no point in talking about it as an option that would lead, even possibly, to success.

    You may be assuming disagreement when none exists. Merely because the Decider is not the brightest bulb in the chandelier does not negate some points that should be understood for more rational military activities.


    I just disagree that the success in Germany means therefore that an entity can be formed that would be successful in any and all circumstance of occupation

    I am not saying that such a force would be successful in all circumstances; no military idea applies in all circumstances. Nevertheless, it does appear to be a truism, including peace operations as well as occupation after major fighting, that there are different skill sets between modern combat forces and nation builders.

    The German Occupation was under the COSSAC OPERATION RANKIN contingency planning series, and carefully examined assumptions about Germany. Some of these assumptions are worth reexamining, if for no other reason than a more detailed look at failed policies. A good example is the RANKIN CASE C alternative, which postulated a sudden collapse of the German government and military -- not totally dissimilar to the reality in Iraq.

    For that contingency, RANKIN CASE C's priority was the immediate establishment of security. Its means, which are different than what a modern force might do, was a three-division paratroop operation to take the Berlin airports and fan out from those drop zones.

    Check the numbers of troops that the experts say would be required to form this separate occupying force, or come up with your own prediction/guess.

    On the order of 300,000 to 500,000 by Shinseki's estimate, but I'm not sure a principally US force could have done it -- for language reasons if nothing else.

    Think of all the generic and specialized training that would be required including teaching the language.

    IIRC, the Basic Arabic course at the Defense Language Institute is 62 weeks. I am quite familiar with the language requirement--if the Administration wanted to do something for the long term, it would subsidize "hard" language instructions in the public schools. I had family friends deploying to Iraq, and the Arabic language lessons went into their CD libraries with the comment they might keep them alive.

    Are you somehow assuming I am suggesting a constabulary is the current solution?

    Think of the expense and time it would require. Try to imagine the pentagon, on The Decider in Chief’s orders, starting to create this force.

    I am very aware of it. Shinseki, Powell, and others were very aware of it.

    Even if such a force could work it would never be created for political and economic reasons even if the right people could be induced to volunteer for the training and service.

    Unless, of course, there is a full consensus on national mobilization, in the spirit of the Weinberger-Powell Doctrine. Now, whether that methodology would have been relevant to Iraq is a separate issue, but I am trying to deal with general national policy and the constraints on it.

    It is a moot point. Since that force was not available, was not possible to create, and will never again become a reality unless we are, as a nation, totally mobilized and committed to a war and this force comes about during that time of mobilized commitment, it is not an option and there is no point in talking about it as an option that would lead, even possibly, to success.

    You appear to be the only one suggesting it as an option for success. In no way do I believe it could be now.

    Your point about total mobilization is true, and points to the cowardice of the Congress in asserting oversight -- and accepting a "Authorization for the Use of Military Force" rather than the drama of a Declaration of War.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    You may be assuming disagreement when none exists. Merely because the Decider is not the brightest bulb in the chandelier does not negate some points that should be understood for more rational military activities.


    I just disagree that the success in Germany means therefore that an entity can be formed that would be successful in any and all circumstance of occupation

    I am not saying that such a force would be successful in all circumstances; no military idea applies in all circumstances. Nevertheless, it does appear to be a truism, including peace operations as well as occupation after major fighting, that there are different skill sets between modern combat forces and nation builders.

    The German Occupation was under the COSSAC OPERATION RANKIN contingency planning series, and carefully examined assumptions about Germany. Some of these assumptions are worth reexamining, if for no other reason than a more detailed look at failed policies. A good example is the RANKIN CASE C alternative, which postulated a sudden collapse of the German government and military -- not totally dissimilar to the reality in Iraq.

    For that contingency, RANKIN CASE C's priority was the immediate establishment of security. Its means, which are different than what a modern force might do, was a three-division paratroop operation to take the Berlin airports and fan out from those drop zones.

    Check the numbers of troops that the experts say would be required to form this separate occupying force, or come up with your own prediction/guess.

    On the order of 300,000 to 500,000 by Shinseki's estimate, but I'm not sure a principally US force could have done it -- for language reasons if nothing else.

    Think of all the generic and specialized training that would be required including teaching the language.

    IIRC, the Basic Arabic course at the Defense Language Institute is 62 weeks. I am quite familiar with the language requirement--if the Administration wanted to do something for the long term, it would subsidize "hard" language instructions in the public schools. I had family friends deploying to Iraq, and the Arabic language lessons went into their CD libraries with the comment they might keep them alive.

    Are you somehow assuming I am suggesting a constabulary is the current solution?

    Think of the expense and time it would require. Try to imagine the pentagon, on The Decider in Chief’s orders, starting to create this force.

    I am very aware of it. Shinseki, Powell, and others were very aware of it.

    Even if such a force could work it would never be created for political and economic reasons even if the right people could be induced to volunteer for the training and service.

    Unless, of course, there is a full consensus on national mobilization, in the spirit of the Weinberger-Powell Doctrine. Now, whether that methodology would have been relevant to Iraq is a separate issue, but I am trying to deal with general national policy and the constraints on it.

    It is a moot point. Since that force was not available, was not possible to create, and will never again become a reality unless we are, as a nation, totally mobilized and committed to a war and this force comes about during that time of mobilized commitment, it is not an option and there is no point in talking about it as an option that would lead, even possibly, to success.

    You appear to be the only one suggesting it as an option for success. In no way do I believe it could be now.

    Your point about total mobilization is true, and points to the cowardice of the Congress in asserting oversight -- and accepting a "Authorization for the Use of Military Force" rather than the drama of a Declaration of War.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Howard,

    We have discussed this same issue before and i think we are now closer to agreement on more points than ever in the past. Some further differences may be overcome if you notice that I was responding to Al MacKenzie.

    You appear to be the only one suggesting it as an option for success.

     I think I made it fairly clear that I don't believe it is an option for success.

     In no way do I believe it could be now.

     In our past discussions you argued that it could have been an option in the beginning. That is where we still disagree.

    No, I don't think I ever argued expressly for it. I argued that if the ill-advised decision to invade Iraq was taken, both US and third-nation occupation forces were the only possible means of avoiding complete chaos.

    The idea of invading an Arab nation and imposing democracy generally requires pharmacological assistance to take seriously, unless one is a PNAC ideologue or a voter in a soundbiteocracy.

    I mention the WWII examples more to show the bankruptcy of Bush Administration thinking, which, in the best style of a five year old putting his hands over his ears, avoided any contradictory opinion. History does not always predict outcomes, but ignoring it is dangerous.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    I will try to defend my position by expanding on it, but if you wrongly compare my mindset to “those assholes in this administration” it will be hard to keep it polite.

    Please forgive my language. I intend to keep this civil. However I will attack the message, but never the man - and that's all.

    I interpreted your previous post

    The German army and the German people accepted defeat and occupation. The Iraqi people haven’t.
    as inferring that the Germans accepted occupation because they were beaten on the battlefield. Even if it wasn't your intent, I believe it is precisely this mindset that contributes to the Administration's assumptions that an orderly society would spring up naturally after "Mission Accomplished" with no further effort except to monitor profit-driven contractors.

    Now..

    Pretend with me for a moment that the Allied Forces didn't have reconstruction forces under direct supervision of Eisenhower. Suppose they holed themselves up in massive fortified bases within Berlin, Cologne, Bonn, and Mannheim, only to come out to make a political statement back home. Suppose they themselves weren't tired of fighting, and didn't wish to prevent any further loss of life. Pretend they weren't willing to negotiate. Pretend that after x years German people still found it dufficult to find a job, feed their family, and have a home. Suppose the occupying forces tried to build a democratic government from the top down instead of from the bottom up.

    Pretend that a vast majority of the occupation forces were ignorant of German culture and didn't speak a word of German, and a huge chunk of those that did were fired for being gay. Pretend that among the populace, most think if they're captured, they'll be tortured or will disappear completely. Pretend that the occupation forces squandered the moral high-ground after the discovery of the holocaust.

    Now tell me there wouldn't be a violent uprising.

    However we are in agreement. This war (er, occupation) is FUBAR. The above was not an exercise in how to get us out or how to recover. This was an exercise in exposing how badly this invasion was conceived in the first place. Now, assuming that this Administration isn't stupid enough to not consider what was successful in the past and apply it to the present, it completely exposes their ulterior motives for starting this war. There was a way to do this right (even if it ultimately failed), had all the moral rhetoric about Saddam and the interest of the Iraqi people been in good faith: it involves the entire country, with rationed materials, a draft, and many other associated sacrifices. It didn't happen, hundreds of thousands are dead, and the members of this Administration should pay for it. Heavily. Because my children are going to pay for it later, long after this Administration is gone.

    Holy crap, Howard, you left me in the dust. I started this post at 6! I guess I shouldn't have stopped for dinner.

    Denmark, a country I am pretty well informed about and connected to, provided a Muslim governor for one of the southern occupation zones, actually Denmark's ambassador to Damascus. Many countries in Western Europe have, aswell as Canada and the United States, plenty of Iraqi and other Arab immigrants who could have been effectively put in use in the planning of, in the actual occupation and in rebuilding.

    Both language and culture competence would have been of crucial importance if this endevour ever was intended to succeed.

    We should not forget that plenty of people who knew Iraq held the view that if this experiment were to succeed anywhere, Iraq was the most likely place - with its secularism, large well educated middle class, and many connections with the West.

    If security had been provided at once (which would have required a much larger number of Arab, or at least Muslim, participants in the occupation forces) and if reconstruction had been done at once, it may not have been a doomed project.

    But already at the lootings it was clear that the leadership of the invasion didn't care about its success.

    That is a difference if compared with Germany.

    One thing that sometimes is forgotten in America is the millions of Soviet troops present in Central Europe at that time. It was not because the Germans loved Jews or Negroes or Communists that the occupation armies weren't targeted. The allied (including the Soviet Union) had enough troop strenght to dominate. That's the crucial difference compared with Iraq.
    ...and there was planning.

    And, the allied actually were targeted. For instance in the Baltic Countries anti-Communists fought against the occupants for years.

    J. McCutchen


    No I hope I didn't suggest that any Sadr strike was intended for an "Iranian" audience. I rather think it a last gasp very desperate and dangerous officials in our National Command Authority.


    I think it is a recipie for disaster for many reasons, not the least of which is that while we are "bolstering the Sunnis", we are still attacking them through out al-Anbar, Baghdad, Salahdin, and Diyala provinces.

    Perfect illustration of the idiocy of trying to divide and conquer, an imperialist strategy in a post-imperial world, not to mention in the middle of a @&#@(@# civil war.


    Get us out...get us as far away as possible...

    J. McCutchen

    Larry's Catch22, as I am sure he would agree, is nothing new. We've been there for at least 2 years now. Time is running perilously short and we have none left for a national leadership in denial about the failure of the US venture in Iraq.


    It is a forlorn hope I know, that barring some Holiday Miracle at Versailles on the Potomac, CheneyRoveBush will ever take the bull by the tail and look our problem in the face. If they should manage or when circumstances on the ground rouse them from their fantasies, they will sooner or later confront Gen Odom's Six Brutal Truths About Iraq

    Pay the Piper now or pay him more later. That's been obvious for years...back in the day before Bush broke the US military, and the bill just keeps getting bigger

    I think we agree more than disagree except on the idea that the occupation could have been handled successfully.

    I will continue to think that the reasons I gave are at least a significant part of why the Germans accepted the occupation until I hear convincing arguments to the contrary. JMOlofsson offers some interesting points but they don't change my ultimate conclusion. The fact that isn’t disputed is that the Germans DID accept the occupation. The Iraqis have not. The question is why didn't they.

    I will also continue to believe that, for the reasons I already stated, that those same policies that worked in Germany would not have worked in Iraq even if begun immediately at the beginning of the occupation.

    I can only think that you did not read my response carefully
    .
    You ask me to imagine a scenario in which the occupation could have been screwed up so badly that Germans would have revolted and you give as an example the way we have acted in Iraq. I certainly agree that the same treatment of Germany would have likely caused violent uprising. I simply do not accept that because we acted correctly in Germany and it worked and because we acted stupidly in Iraq and it hasn’t worked that we can then conclude that there was a correct way to act in Iraq that would have worked. The situations have too many differences to compare in that way.

    In this discussion that is really the only point I am trying to make clear. It is my opinion and belief that it was impossible from the beginning to successfully occupy Iraq when it was decided by the Decider to invade it.

    As to my mindset relative to that of the administration, it may well be that the administration thought since other European countries had accepted occupation after they, by which I mean both the people and their army, were defeated that the defeat of Saddam and his army following the illegal and discrdited invasion of their country would lead to the capitulation of the Iraqi people. I am not surprised that the Iraqi people rejected our occupation and continue to fight and I believe that some of them, and then more of them, and then a lot of them, would have fought us regardless of our policies during occupation. Our stupid handling only expedited the growth of the insurgency. It would have happened anyway. Our current administration could have been so ignorant that they did indeed think that the success of our European occupation showed that an occupation of Iraq would just naturally work out and they’d worry about how later.

    I also think most of the administration and most of the neocons are chicken hawks and I am not surprised if a chickenhawk thinks that a people would just naturally capitulate once the army was defeated. The chicken hawks cannot imagine that people with a choice would actually take a personal risk. It is not as if the chicken hawk’s decisions might cost them their own lives. They have probably never even been punched in the nose in a schoolyard scuffle. If their sending out the troops doesn’t work and they are completely discredited they can always accept a choice government appointment or position at the AEI or a teaching assignment at a university where they will continue to be treated with respect and even admiration by some. They are perfectly willing, no, make that eager, to play the great game so long as they believe they cannot personally lose

    I expect that I am at least as angry as you at the fact that our children will pay the price for the arrogance and stupidity of the people who got us into this mess.

    Unless you want CheneyRoveBush to jump up that bull's tail end,  they should grab it by the nose.

    Time isn't running periously short. It ran out on this idea (invading Iraq) before it even began.

    Tom

    I think we agree more than disagree except on the idea that the occupation could have been handled successfully.

    Agreed.

    I will also continue to believe that, for the reasons I already stated, that those same policies that worked in Germany would not have worked in Iraq even if begun immediately at the beginning of the occupation.

    Let me ask you one thing. At the most basic levels, do you think that Iraqis are any different than Germans?

    The "most basic level" is not germane (sorry). Disregarding trivial things like digestion, if Iraqis are the equals of anybody, why did they need special help, our intervention?

    At levels that matter, Iraqis are of course different than Germans, with one sector feeling an immense stretch of history behind them (Assyrians). Another important difference was that Germany was a self-formed nation, with essentially full coherence, culturally and politically. What worked in one part of Germany would work everywhere. A final difference is that the cause of the "effect", defeat, was clear, and it was the whole country's responsibility. The "cause" of Iraq's invasion by the US was George Bush.

    Otherwise, I tend to agree that an occupation could have been both humane and helpful. The root of the problem is, of course, the lack of legitimacy for the intervention. The same thinking that would have produced an effective occupation would, if pursued honestly, argued against the intervention in the first place. Thus an effective occupation was impossible before it began.

    The "most basic level" is not germane (sorry).
    Indeed. Forgive my ambiguity. I meant on the level of humanity. Food, Water, Shelter, Security.
    At levels that matter, Iraqis are of course different than Germans, with one sector feeling an immense stretch of history behind them (Assyrians).

    This is a completely different matter than humanity. This is language and culture. This can be learned about by education, and is an absolute must if there is genuine interest in helping people at the most basic human level.

    Another important difference was that Germany was a self-formed nation, with essentially full coherence, culturally and politically.

    Isn't that just a matter of understanding a country's culture, language and history?

    The same thinking that would have produced an effective occupation would, if pursued honestly, argued against the intervention in the first place.

    BINGO!

    Thus an effective occupation was impossible before it began.

    Not impossible. A enormous waste of resources, money, lives, and time. But not impossible.

    "Can revolution and civil war be avoided in neighboring countries?" This is the Big Narrative drivingall thyis waiting for The Big January Pronouncement? The Big Reason we can't leave etc.

    Perhaps revolution and civil war are exactly what the region requires.

    We're wandering through a thicket of definitions when we basically agree. I use "impossible" to mean "extremely unlikely".

    Reminds me of Dennett's discussions of free will, such as when we say someone could have acted differently. Usually, the differences needed, in the person and the circumstances, are intrinsic and multifarious and are thus unlikely to have been reasoably open to different outcome. So here, while an occupation of an arbitrarily chosen country can be achieved humanely and effectively, it will of course be in a context that may or may not be conducive to effectiveness. The blind ambition and bullheadedness of Bush guaranteed there would be no reasoned discussion of the messy details.

    So in a very limited sense an effective occupation was possible. In the real world, it was not.

    I can not know for sure what you mean by “the basic level” but I will try to answer your question with an example of what I believe about the people in question.

    I can imagine how the German population came to accept their occupation and to cooperate with their occupiers. What I imagine coincides with history as I understand it. This makes me believe that, given the similar experience of defeat of our army and our country, even the United States could accept the occupation by a government which had a similar cultural background and who could be expected to treat us humanely and help get us back on our feet economically.

    On the other hand, I can imagine that if we were invaded for no good reason [or even a good reason] by an Iraq which was powerful enough to defeat our army and occupy our country and to move into Washington D.C. and direct the formation of a new form of government completely foreign to us and which we knew was intended to make the United States a client state of Iraq, that significant numbers of our population would not accept it. I think that they would find that our country had not been defeated, only our army. I would be amazed if some of us didn’t take up arms to resist the occupiers.. I would expect this no matter what programs the Iraqis set up to appease us.

    As Iraqi forces moved through our towns and cities I would expect some of our citizens to take shots at them. I would not expect others to try to subdue those people and turn them over to the Iraqis. I would expect the Iraqis to shoot back and then organize operations to try to find the American insurgents. I would expect the Iraqis to be at least as brutal in their responses as have been US troops in their responses in Iraq. I would expect that reprisals would happen against the families of suspects. I would expect the violence to escalate. I would expect that US citizens would continue to fight and get better at it and get more organized. I would not be surprised if Canada and Mexico covertly helped us. I think we would make it too hard and too costly for Iraq to continue. I think we would eventually beat Iraq. I think it would become obvious that the invasion was a huge immensely costly mistake because it never had a chance to succeed.

    I think that nationalism, patriotism, religiosity, and the will to fight are real forces. I don’t believe that our country has a monopoly on those forces. think they are so common that they could be called "basic" to humans.

    Tom Wright and I just had a pretty good hash-out of where we're coming from in this respect. I think we're all coming at the same conclusion but from differing angles. Take a look above and tell me what you think. Cool discussion. I'm also interested in how thin the thread is gonna get...

    J. McCutchen



    Surging To Defeat In Iraq
    W. Patrick Lang and Ray McGovern

    We're wandering through a thicket of definitions when we basically agree.

    Absolutely.

    However, definitions are incredibly important. (it depends on what your definition of "is" is). Impossible means no chance whatsoever. Highly unlikely means there is a chance, however slim. It is through the public's assumption of definition that enables politicians to do that voodoo that they do so well.

    It is Bush's insistence on the interchangeability of belief and knowledge that alarms me the most.

    The blind ambition and bullheadedness of Bush guaranteed there would be no reasoned discussion of the messy details.
    Definitely, which is all the more reason to question his motives.

    But, I think you're right. The discussion about an ideal occupation cannot realistically have an ideal occupation as its goal. It's more like a physics experiment conducted in a vacuum. In reality, it is truly impossible. However, success will be measured by how close one can get to ideal, which is, of course, affected by the dexterity with which real-world variables are dealt in relation to the ideal. But all this requires a common, solid, and singular definition of the ideal in the first place.

    My theory is that Bush's ideal had more to do with war-profiteering and revenge than it did to relieve the people of a brutal government, which is one, why he is failing, and two, why he won't tell us what his definition of the ideal, the "job," or "victory," is.

    It has been a good discussion. My only problem with it is that I am a slow and sloppy typist and that, coupled with my inability to make my points concisely, makes it somewhat of a chore.

    I want to add that my feelings about the possibility of success in Iraq predated the invasion. I was not at TPMC at that time so I am not on record here, but I predicted exactly the course it would take though I didn’t foresee the use of command detonated explosives. It seemed so obvious and only reinforced my feelings of contempt for the people responsible and the people who should have seen how it would go and didn’t try to stop it. My friends who had to put up with my rants now think I was fairly prescient. They generously overlook [as I do] all the times I have been wrong.

    I expect we will share thoughts and ideas in the future and I look forward to it. Sometimes when I am in a hurry I scan down the posts and read those that I expect to offer something. I always read Tom’s.

    Happy Holidays and New Year to all.

    Preemptive shot--don't go there; it drops to single-syllable eventually.

    J. McCutchen


    A fine series...just a little slow in production. From Fabius Maximus @ D-N-I.net

    More paths to failure in Iraq: Part III of a series

    Yeah, I'm slow too, hence my useless "holy crap, Howard" post below, which now looks strange floating by itself.

    As for me, I'm new to the game altogether, and just recently grew the stones to start conversing with the superior minds here at TPMC - one of the only places I've found with a high percentage of intelligent debate.

    Happy Holidays to you and yours.

    See you on another thread.

    On December 19, 2006 - 10:40am jexster said:

    J. McCutchen

    I am SO Effing GOOD

    I'll reply to myself! ;=P

    One thing that's perplexed me is why all your posts are adressed (or whatever???) to J. McCutchen. Maybe time to change your habits?

    /Tuomas

    But already at the lootings it was clear that the leadership of the invasion didn't care about its success.

    That is a difference if compared with Germany [1945].

    The grinds of justice may be slow.
    It's strange, and a rather bad omen, that the American debate at the moment seems focused on detail issues, such as relatively marginal adjustments of troop size.

    I had, for a time after the Congress elections, hoped that focus would shift to restoring the American Constitution, Rule of Law, and congress' oversight function. It's rather amazing, after all, that America that is held to be a democracy have pursued a war and occupation for many years already, and no national leader or newpaper seems to find it crucial to investigate and inform the electorate about the ultimate goals of this exercise.

    /Tuomas

    As a (former) student of Arabic language, which has given many reasons for me to discuss this kind of issues with Arabs, I have one comment to this:

    I am convinced that the Iraqi nation, just like the German nation in 1945, could have accepted defeat and looked up to the victors as (in some way) superiors. [And please, do not forget that in East Germany it was the Soviet Army that represented the victors.]

    A brief half-year's stay in the U.S. has also convinced me that the American nation is home for more prejudices and denigration against Iraq and its people than I believe was the case against Germany in 1945.

    So to sum it up, I have strong suspicions that it wasn't the Iraqis' alienation to the West, but the West's alienation to the Arab world, that was one ultimate cause for the recent development in Iraq.

    /Tuomas

    You have company in your disappointment, but it's early yet. Many legislators will have to find a way to save personal face for their previous support of war policies.

    Watch for the hearings. They will be the means of raising the deeper issues, such as the false pretenses for war.

    Let me ask you one thing. At the most basic levels, do you think that Iraqis are any different than Germans?
    Subject to the caveats below, yes.
    I start with a historical context. While there certainly were German states, the German nation dates only to 1871. Even after the formation of the German Empire, Prussia certainly had a dominant role. Still, there was more in common among Bavaria, Saxony and Prussia than among the Ottoman provinces of Mosul, Baghdad and Basra, to which the British gave independence in 1932.
    I learned my limited German from a teacher proud of the purity of her Hamburg North German, and I will grant that a Bavarian dialect can be hard to understand -- sort of like watching attempted English communication between people from Maine and Louisiana. As different as those dialects may be, however, they aren't Kurdish and Arabic.
    German unification, after the Franco-Prussian War, did have a sense of national identity that I've never seen in Iraq. German Christians certainly had disputes, but nothing approximating the Sunni-Shi'a conflict. There were no sects in Germany with powerful outside patrons.
    As flawed as it may have been, Germany had the experience of the Weimar Republic, and knew firsthand the dangers of a faction manipulating eletions and a parliamentary system. There is no equivalent in Iraq.
    German culture fits into a Western system; Iraqi culture, if there really is a distinctive one, does not. Even if every occupier spoke fluent Arabic, there would be more cultural differences than between Americans and Germans -- and make no mistake, there are, even in modern business, cultural differences between US and German customs.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    German culture fits into a Western system; Iraqi culture, if there really is a distinctive one, does not. Even if every occupier spoke fluent Arabic, there would be more cultural differences than between Americans and Germans -- and make no mistake, there are, even in modern business, cultural differences between US and German customs.
    You are without any doubt right in this!

    I am not quite as agreeing when it comes to differences between Protestants-Catholics vis-a-vis Shiites-Sunnites, but on the other hand, that is not particularly important to pin point either.

    However, then we come to the fun part, the nit-picking:
    (I'm sure you can handle it!)

    The construction of 1871 was in no way a nation.

    A German nation existed long before 1871.

    "Creation of nation" may be better used for the unification of Italy or the seccession of Finland from Sweden. [Both occurred in the 19th century.]

    Neither was it a unitary state that was created in 1871. But, as you hint at, maybe it's best described as a unified empire under Prussian leadership.

    A German empire had existed before also, particularly in the view that counted the Empire under Prussian leadership as the Second Reich, and the Holy Roman Empire (of the German nation) as the first; a view that was popular with, among others, the Nazis.

    There is no doubt that a national awareness existed in Germany (of 1945) that can't be said to have any counterpart in Iraq (of 2003), but differences between Slavs and Germans can be seen as comparable to the differences between Kurds and Arabs, and the differences between Catholics and Protestants can be seen as analogous with the differences between Shiites and Sunnis.

    And of Germany was in the 1940s made a large chunk for the Poles, a large chunk for the Protestant Prussians (East Germany) and a somewhat uneasy union between Protestant and Catholic parts of Germany between which no reasonable borders could be drawn.

    A similar outcome for Iraq would be a large chunk for the Kurds, a large chunk for the Shiites, and then a rest-Iraq that has a too intermixed structure between Sunnis and Shiites where no reasonable borders can be drawn.

    As it looks right now, if that happened, it would be almost a miracle. The more likely outcome right now seems to be much worse. A couple of million Germans died after the war while they were transferred from old German territories that were to become Poland or Russia or Lithuania. And that was during an orderly evacuation and no civil war or anything.

    How many Iraqis will die when trying to escape from ethnic cleansing, torture, civil war, and maybe the next invasion of a foreign army?

    /Tuomas

    My first flash thought, on thinking of Slav and German vis-a-vis Iraq, was to imagine a Sunni corridor to Basra somehow tunneling through Gdansk. Bad, bad image.

    You are correct that there is a concept of German nationhood that goes back well before 1871, although I would argue that different "Germans" considered themselves the heart of a nation. Let us assume, for the sake of argument, that we have a recognizable German nation under Arminius. I'm perfectly willing to recognize a "nation" around the Tigris-Euphrates area, going back to the Assyrians or Akkadians.

    There certainly were areas in and out of German influence, be they Alsace-Lorraine or Poland. Nevertheless, there was a reasonably consistent area of German culture, to which I cannot equate a consistent area of Iraqi culture. What we see today as the Sunni area can reasonably trace back to ancient Mesopotamia, but I can't make the same argument for the south. I can't make the same argument for the Iraqi part of Greater Kurdistan.

    Where modern Germany does go back to the 1871 Empire, the results of Versailles, WWII, and East-West unification, I can't see the homogeneity in a British-defined collection of unrelated Ottoman provinces.

    In other words, I don't see Iraq becoming a stable and consistent area comparable to the admittedly changing borders of Germany. I see Iraq splitting into several areas of varying stability.

    There's enough difference between Arab and Persian Shi'as that I don't see the south becoming part of Iran, although Iran will have an influence. Perhaps a Ba'ath resurgence might link Sunni areas with Syria, although I'd be surprised to see the power to enforce that. While Iraqi Kurdistan is the most stable area, there's no simple answer to the issue of Greater Kurdistan and, at a minimum, Turkish and Iranian objections.

    While it isn't the most cheering parallel, the Maghreb Arab states of Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia are arguably troubled democracies with multiparty elections. It took them 40-60 years after independence to get to that fragile state, and they are generally more homogeneous than Iraq. Those states are probably the most relevant examples. While there is considerable liberalization in Kuwait, it's a very special case of a country that feels it was liberated by a coalition dominated by the US and UK. Jordan also may have parallels, but both Jordan and Kuwait have royal houses that have considerable popularity.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Actually, I can't find anything important to disagree with you about.

    ...possibly with ONE exception. You may be understood as if the U.S. do not have an interest in adressing the many different nations' worries about Kurdistan. I think the U.S. really has, and the only way I can think of for the U.S. to live up to this interest would be to foster the best thinkable relationship with the Kurds of ex-Iraqi Kurdistan, including military bases and including lots of infrastructure financing that in the end would make the Kurds somewhat dependent which, I hope, would make the Syrians, the Turks and the Iranians less worried since they would hope that the American influence would, somehow, guarantee that that ex-Iraqi Kurdistan didn't try to instigate too much trouble on the other side of its border.

    The independence of ex-Iraqi Kurdistan was the most slam-dunk foreseeable outcome of the invasion (given the legacy of the no-fly zone). The Kurdistan-issue was at the heart of the pre-invasion deliberations. If not in Washington, at least manywhere else.

    /Tuomas

    From what I've been reading, it appears as if the strategy is going to be for U.S. forces to tacitly assist the Sunni minority.

    A major battle against Al Sadr would accomplish this feat, and any subsequent Saudi involvement would certainly be for the Sunni's.

    Perhaps Bush is of the opinion that if he cannot gain leverage over Tehran through bantering, he might as well reinforce their religious enemy to see if a response can be elicited by, as Tolkien would call them, the Shadow to the East.

    Howard,

    Absolutely agreed. With respect to culture, history, and language.

    I'll learn not to ask such an ambiguous question in the future.

    I was actually trying to draw out a conversation about fundamental differences with respect to the human need for Food, Water, Shelter, and Security. There isn't a difference between Germans and Iraqis in this respect.

    As such, American occupiers actually gave a damn about the humanity, these basic needs and lack thereof, of the Germans (which is absolutely related to similar culture, language and skin color), and as such they busted their butts to have a successful occupation, which they did. Whereas with the Iraqis, American occupiers don't, apparently, give a damn about their humanity, don't care that they lack these basic human necessities, don't care to learn the language, culture, and history, and thus we have a FUBAR occupation. Had they learned the language, culture, and history, we likely wouldn't have a war in Iraq at all.

    I believe a genuine interest to help people [one of the BS reasons for starting this war] at the most basic levels absolutely requires education about said people's language, culture, and history. The conversation above seemed to be heading in the direction that the Iraqis, or people in the Middle East in general, are inherently incapable of accepting help at all. Hence the question.

    The conversation above seemed to be heading in the direction that the Iraqis, or people in the Middle East in general, are inherently incapable of accepting help at all.
    I might argue that the invasion and occupation have gone through mere FUBAR into FUBAB, but that is rather nuanced. IIRC the numbers, the US Embassy in Baghdad has a staff of 1000. Of those, 30 have at least some conversational Arabic, and 6 are at the Foreign Service Institute fluency level 4 (full professional fluency) and level 5 (equivalent to a well-educated native). The Army may actually be a bit better.
    Apropos of the Army, I have a soldier friend over there on his second tour (well, and some shorter deployments, plus his soldier wife's separate Iraq tour). He doesn't especially like Iraqis, but he is the sort of professional that takes every opportunity to know his environment. A convert to Greek Orthodoxy, he is rather critical of Islam--but his criticisms always are thoroughly researched. He's an Engineer, but has been on various urban patrols, and, while he doesn't smoke, always carries cigarettes for the Iraqis -- he says that a bit of respect gets great cooperation, but that he wants to be perceived as the personification of death if threatened. He has utter contempt for the fiasco at Abu Ghraib, one of his many comments being that the most effective full-time interrogator he knows always is in perfect uniform, begins interviews with ceremonial servings of green coffee and mint tea, and can utterly disorient a prisoner by offering bread and salt, fully aware of its symbolism.
    Before the consulting opportunity turned out to be a fraud--a separate issue involving a charming confidence man who is running around impersonating a retired Air Force general--I expected to be spending a fair bit of time in Kuwait and occasional visits to LSA ANACONDA. Most interesting, and the thing where I feel the greatest loss, was an opportunity to help the Kurds set up their own university.
    During that time, I did have some opportunity to research Kuwait and talk to some Kuwaitis, and there is a country that recognizes being helped, has positive feelings to the US, and is moving, in its own way, to considerably more democracy. Kuwait, of course, was only occupied by the Iraqis, and legitimately liberated by true Coalition forces. It fascinates me that Kuwait is the only Arab country, at least in the Middle East proper, to have an animal rescue league, which even tries to adopt Iraqi dogs. I was to have been accompanied by my cats.
    It's useful to think about why Kuwait is friendly, Iraq hostile, and Saudi Arabia in conflict.
    Digressions, I suppose, but the greatest problem with not knowing the culture and history was the wishful assumptions, mostly consistent with PNAC, of the popular Iraqi reaction to an invasion. I couple lack of knowledge of Iraq specifics with the undercurrents of anticolonialist and pan-Arab sentiment in the area. These resulted in failures at the level of national strategy. These failures were compounded by apparent lack of knowledge, or ignoring, historical success and failure with occupation and counterinsurgency.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    IIRC the numbers, the US Embassy in Baghdad has a staff of 1000. Of those, 30 have at least some conversational Arabic, and 6 are at the Foreign Service Institute fluency level 4 (full professional fluency) and level 5 (equivalent to a well-educated native). The Army may actually be a bit better.

    It's obvious to me that the planners (and a majority of the executioners) of this debacle couldn't possibly stand in front of any random Iraqi and see an [or at the very least a potential] equal. This, unfortunately, is reflected in the fact that 97% of the US Embassy staff in Baghdad has something less than "some conversational Arabic." IMO it's part of the Administration's bad parent policy of "do as I say not as I do," which tells me they think anyone who's not them is a sheep. They also apply to their constituents. You can't say they're not consistent in that respect.

    ...one of his many comments being that the most effective full-time interrogator he knows always is in perfect uniform, begins interviews with ceremonial servings of green coffee and mint tea, and can utterly disorient a prisoner by offering bread and salt, fully aware of its symbolism.

    That's heartening, as weird as it sounds. But I wish the interrogator was the rule rather than the exception. BTW, what's the significance of bread and salt?

    Bread and salt starts as part of the Bedouin guest ritual. The more specific meaning -- and think of this in the context of a prisoner with all the uncertainties of a prisoner -- is that "you are under my personal protection, as a guest, until the next day."

    Again, such interrogation techniques are not new. Perhaps the best open-literature soure on both effective interrogation, and the analysis and correlation of human intelligence data, is Sedgwick Tourison's Conversations with Victor Charlie: an Interrogator's Story. Back from August, here's some Other references. Tourison emphasizes how the best interrogators develop relationships -- perhaps formal, but relationships -- with prisoners. He has some interesting comments on "hard-core" prisoners, sometimes being transferred to South Vietnamese control, to whom he'd say "I know you won't give me anything specific, and I'm not going to try. But will you talk to me, man to man, about your philosophy and your observations on the war and the people in it?" Frequently, the latter did open discussion -- and no, it didn't give specifics, but a lot of cultural understanding that helped in the future.

    I know perhaps a dozen or so conversational phrases in Arabic, plus more theological and historical terms that I can't pronounce. Recently, I had a hospital stay [Note 1], and was having some problems with the assigned physician. Luckily, they changed to a new hospitalist, who seemed to be Pakistani. He offered some ideas on how I'd improve, and I muttered "Inshallah".

    Did you ever see a man apparently bounce off an invisible wall? "What did you say?" As he left, he said a courteous goodbye in Arabic, and I reflexively responded, rapidly running out of vocabulary unless I needed to order dinner. For the rest of my stay, he couldn't do enough for me, and the nurses commented he had developed a notable special interest.

    I don't have strong feelings about JROTC in high school, or even recruiters when given the same access as others in a career program. Still, I believe a better strategic investment would be subsidies for critical language instruction in the public schools. In the fifties, IIRC, there were subsidies for Russian instruction, mostly at the college level, but the younger you start language instruction, the better.




    For those who might wonder, I was already having computer access problems to TPMcafe before my sudden hospitalization. After the gastroenterologist had his camera safari through my nether regions, I now have photographic evidence that, at least once in my life, I was not full of it. We're still not sure why I started bleeding, but we hope it was a one-time thing. At least I'm now under Massachusetts healthcare access.

    --
    Howard

    *equal opportunity offense to both extremes*

    Godspeed General Schoomacher

    === Watch for the hearings. They will be the means of raising the deeper issues, such as the false pretenses for war. ===

    I wish I could agree, but I honestly doubt that this will happen. The DC Insider Dems are moving quite effectively to regain control. My guess is that we will see a few symbolic hearings, but nothing very deep. And cetainly no overall confrontation with the Bush Administration. The Kool Kidz don't want such unpleasantness in "their town", and I suspect the Dems will play along.

    sPh

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