Who and Why — The Concert of Democracies
Lots of comments here on the ideas that Jim and I, amongst others, are pushing. Some of them are supportive; most are not. But we’re grateful for all of them (well, almost all of them…). Jim’s addressed some of the issues that have been raised, and a good many other issues are covered in our American Interest article (which, I should make clear, differs in many key ways from what the Princeton Project has proposed). I urge people to read it as well. Here, I’ll confine myself to two big issues that have repeatedly come up: who and why?
Bruce, Eddie-george and others ask the important question of who would be members of the Concert of Democracies, and who would decide which countries can join. This, of course, is vital — draw the circle too narrowly and you exclude countries that have good reason to think they belong in; draw it too broadly and you include countries who many other members feel don’t belong at all.
So what are the criteria for membership and who gets to decide whether they apply? The latter is simple — at least down the road — which is that the members of the concert decide who gets in — as well as who should be thrown out. That’s how all clubs work, whether it’s the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, or the Lion’s Club.
As for the criteria, which will determine the countries that can become members in the first place, this admittedly gets tricky. It’ll be vital to avoid the kind of wrangling about membership criteria that Bruce worries about. Political scientists may want to devote years on this question, in the real world it would paralyze the organization from the start. But it doesn’t have to be this way. We have a pretty good sense of the kind of countries that clearly should become members as well as the kind that clearly should not. In member countries citizens must enjoy both fundamental political rights (not just to vote, but also to organize and participate in government) and basic civil rights (to speak, assemble and freely practice their religion) — and those rights must be guaranteed by law and enforced by an independent judiciary. Moreover, the commitment to uphold individual rights and govern by the rule of law should be so rooted in society that the chances of a reversion to autocratic rule are for all practical purposes unthinkable.
There are lots of data bases and qualitative and quantitative assessments that could be used to evaluate the degree to which countries around the world meet these criteria. Our assessment that nearly five dozen countries would be acceptable members of the Concert comes from examining Freedom House data on political and civil liberties as the Polity IV database compiled by the University of Maryland’s Center for International Development and Conflict Management. But since most data sets come up with similar results, we can in some sense rely on the old Potter Stewart rule — that when it comes (in this case) to democracy, you kind of know it when you see it.
Now to the second concern — why create this organization? What would it do? And how would it do it better than institutions that already exist? Important questions all. We’re not interested in creating a new organization for its own sake or to duplicate what already exists. What the concert would do is offer a way for the United States to work with other countries to address problems that neither it alone nor existing institutions have been able to address. Currently, these problems are either ignored or dealt with in an ad-hoc fashion by a temporary coalition of the willing. The concert offers another alternative, a complement to existing institutions, to try to address some of these problems.
And which problems are we talking about? Well, let’s get concrete. One would be to implement the responsibility to protect, in Darfur and other places. Another would be to impose sanctions on Iran if it continues to resist the demands of the Security Council. A third would be to interdict shipments of nuclear and other proliferation-related materials from North Korea or other proliferating countries (currently the province of an ad-hoc arrangement called the Proliferation Security Initiative). More broadly, a concert, whose members would account for the vast bulk of annual foreign assistance outlays, could get serious about poverty reduction and infectious diseases, promote democracy and human rights, and advance a vision of a better and more hopeful world in which countries view their sovereignty not just as a right to be defended but as entailing real responsibilities toward both their own citizens and the security of those in other countries .
Now, it’s possible — maybe even likely — that concert members may not agree on how to deal with any of these issues. Or even when they do that they won’t act (as might be the case in Darfur). As James Traub, Bruce Jentleson, and others argue, national interests (parochial or otherwise) often do trump common values. So while certain democracies may not agree on how or whether to address a particular issue, some of them may be able to make common cause with other non-democracies. And when that’s the case, then, by all means, let’s get the job done. As we’ve stated before, a concert of democracies must be seen as one more basis for cooperative action, not the only basis.
At the same time, we do strongly believe that democracies are more likely to act together in more instances than are larger agglomerations of nations that also include non-democratic countries. The United Nations record speaks for itself. Part of the reason we think so is common values. But another part — which Daniel Greenbaum rightly pinpoints and which Tod Lindberg underscores — has to do with the United States: America is much more likely to act in concert with other democracies to address these kind problems than it is to act in concert with non-democracies. Americans view democracies as far more able and far more legitimate partners than non-democracies, and they are therefore much more inclined to listen and even to defer to these partners than they are to non-democracies or organizations that include all sorts of countries. It’s what differentiates NATO from the United Nations.
It is this reality that should entice the world’s other democracies to take the idea of a concert seriously. The concert offers them an opportunity to influence Washington — to guide it, even to constrain it — in ways that neither ad-hoc coalitions of the willing nor the United Nations ever can. It’s this reality that should give democracies around the world plenty of reason to try and make the concert work.














Well I'm going to be the crazy wingnut here and state the obvious: why would a Concert of Democracies have any better shot at making headway on these problems than the United Nation has? The simple fact is that all these issues are hard and they intersect with the countries that would make up a Concert of Democracies in different ways. So it's not at all clear that a Concert could have any more success in achieving consensus than any other grouping of nations that look out primarily for their own interests.
Take the proliferation issue. Most countries, including non-democratic ones, embrace the idea of keeping nukes out of the hands of rogue regimes like the North Koreans. Yet doing something about it requires having export controls in place and, more importantly, military assets available to intercept transportation. Are those assets more likely to be deployed for the purposes of non-proliferation than if the authorization came from existing multilateral agencies? Don't know for sure, but it seems unlikely.
Don't get me wrong - I think a Concert of Democracies is a good idea. But only as part of a radical overhaul for the UN, not as an additional agency. The UN needs to be split up into those elements that need global participation and which work well more or less (e.g. WHO, UNDP, IBRD, UNHCR etc.) and those that are dysfunctional and pointless, like the General Assembly. The Security Council ideally should be replaced by the Concert idea, except that to exclude China and Russia from it is a non-starter, so you're back to square one there.
Perhaps the simplest approach is just to make democracy a prerequisite to be a decision maker in some parts of the existing UN apparatus. The Human Rights Commission is the obvious place to start, but UNDP might be another.
December 15, 2006 6:57 AM | Reply | Permalink
Is there any indication of non-American interest in this project? So far, the debate seems to be confined to Americans - if there's to be any real hope of getting a CoD established (and I think it would be a good thing) then contributions from European and other colleagues are indispensible.
Much of this debate seems to be focused on selling CoD to a U.S. foreign-policy audience. But what if we throw this party and no one comes? We all know America's global popularity is not what it used to be, and that many stable democracies view the U.S. with mistrust verging in some cases on fear.
And of course there already is a concert of democracies, with about half the total membership envisaged for CoD. It's called the European Union. It's stable, very intrusive on its members' internal affairs, very expensive, vastly helpful in raising its less fortunate members economic condition and stabilizing the shakier polities, and punches way below its weight in foreign policy (apart from the effects of the accession process). The lack of Europe in this discussion is striking, because a CoD will have to compete for resources and projects with the EU more than the UN. Why would Germany (say) pay for foreign-policy projects strongly influenced by American goals, on top of its existing EU dues? Would France even consider such a thing?
It looks like CoD is more outward-looking than the EU - in that Americans are unlikely to accept the kinds of limits on sovereignty that are required for EU membership, and are more interested in coordinating action to induce positive change in the non-CoD world (from the softest humanitarian touches to the most robust interventions). That, along with its global membership, could be the basis for differentiating EU and CoD. But the issues are much more complicated (can a Concert with meaningful membership requirements really stay out of its members' internal affairs? should it even try?) and need to be debated with a truly international group.
December 15, 2006 7:00 AM | Reply | Permalink
Perhaps the founding principle should not be democracies acting in concert but states joining in order to decide what a democracy is. That is, begin as a forum that looks for codifiable principles. A statement of Principles of Democracy like the Declaration of Human Rights would then be the founding document and action plan. It becomes a plan because any idea for action is tested against it.
A public Statement is also offered to the rest of the world for consideration, and the opinion returned is its legitimacy. Because the Declaration of Human Rights is self-contained and free-standing, who was involved in its development is irrelevant. Similarly, a well-designed Statement of Democratic Principles will not be weakened by signatories with questionable credentials.
BTW, seems to me that the determining difference between this and the EU is that the latter starts as a parochial interest group and is only incidentally a group of democracies.
December 15, 2006 7:33 AM | Reply | Permalink
So let's see. The US finally realizes that even though it can go anywhere in the third world and bust heads by itself, it can't do this is several places at once. "Why not sucker some other countries into doing this for us", say the neo-liberal pundits.
Is there anything stopping France, Germany, Italy, Russia or China from stopping the massacre in Darfur? They certainly could take over the central government and install a new regime which would stop supporting the fighting using only a few thousand troops. If they wanted political cover they could use NATO. Why don't they act? Would having them in a new "concert of democracies" make any difference?
History has shown that unless a country's 'vital interests' (read access to raw materials) are at stake no one else give a damn about what goes on internally. How many examples do we need: the Jews in WWII, Rwanda, Congo, Cambodia, East Timor, etc.
Only a group of academics could seriously believe that states would act on humanitarian grounds. Even Kosovo, the one case that seems to be an exception, could be considered as self-interest to prevent intervention by Russia or other eastern (or Muslim) states. So the US involvement had some self-interest - preserving our relationships with the emerging former Soviet oil states.
How about a front page article from someone who can rebut all this academic navel gazing, Josh?
--- Policies not Politics
Daily Landscape
December 15, 2006 7:44 AM | Reply | Permalink
So basically a bunch of self-appointed "concert" members will use the claim of being "democracies" to legitimize the exercise of raw power in furtherance of US goals, contrary to and outside the international legal structure and the UN.
Gotcha.
December 15, 2006 8:07 AM | Reply | Permalink
Our assessment that nearly five dozen countries would be acceptable members of the Concert....
The real and most important question is: do any of these other countries want anything to do with *us*?
Even if this was a good idea, there are years of re-building bridges ahead.
(And...are you still really sticking with "Concert"? It's awful...)
Dissent Protects Democracy.
December 15, 2006 8:12 AM | Reply | Permalink
In simpler form: no nation large/powerful enough to be a meaningful member of a "concert of democracies" will every relinquish enough of its sovereignity to make a meaningful difference in anything difficult.
Setting aside the overall discussion about Iraq, look at the operational situation of the coalition: the US and UK are about as close partners as any two nations can be, and their respective armed forces have worked together since the 1890s. But neither is willing to relinquish complete operational control of their soldiers to the other.
sPh
December 15, 2006 8:15 AM | Reply | Permalink
Marko: "Is there any indication of non-American interest in this project?" rdf: "Is there anything stopping France, Germany, Italy, Russia or China from stopping the massacre in Darfur?" Yes, or to turn it around, is there any indication of an American interest? Seems to me that these neo-libs can't accept that an obstacle to progress in the Mideast or Darfur might be us. So rather than re-assess the fine principles for a concert of nations in the U.N. charter, which Hoppy has kindly cited, and stop Bolton types from bulldozing the U.N. plaza; rather than demand we start talking to our NATO allies; and rather than demand we re-assess our militarism and the self-interested quote-unquote realism behind it, they'd just like a new set of allies. At least Jonah Goldberg is honest enough about his craven principles to offer one in Pinochet.
John
http://www.haberarts.com/
December 15, 2006 8:21 AM | Reply | Permalink
I am quite pleased (and flattered!) that you have acknowledged my comments, and I owe it you to read the Princeton Project in full. As a result, part of me is disinclined to comment further until I have done that.
But there are certain thing that stick out in your posts that give me real concern that we are fundamentally at odds from the outset. Couple of examples here:
That's a really strong assumption. I'd like to believe it to be true, but honestly, after the pre-Iraq War diplomatic antics and 2004 GOP election rhetoric (both of which were broadly embraced by millions of Americans), I need a lot of convincing.
However, let's assume it is true. In which case, why the need for a Concert? If we are already automatically inclinded to work in concert with other democracies, does formalizing this condition in fact add much value to anyone? Or worse, would it terminally change and compromise the nature of what is essentially voluntary co-operation at the moment (now NATO has served its Cold War usefulness)?
And:
Another very strong assumption. Based on what we saw ahead of the Iraq War, again, I have great difficulty taking this at face value.
However, in looking for a unifying thread through your post, I still kind of arrive at the same point I always do in these discussions. In what respect do the issues we would like to see addressed not get broadly covered in the Charter of the United Nations? In short, why isn't the Charter your point of reference, especially as with it you can point to the all the various deficiencies of the UN itself and the member states in meeting the ideals set out in 1945. So whilst I can agree to read the the various literature AA alumni are putting together, I'd still be interested to know what weakness you see in the Charter, and how your ideas might improve matters. (Ps. in my estimation there's one glaring weakness in the Charter, but I'm not keen on throwing you that bone until I am clear on your arguments!)
And finally, geopolitical restructuring as you propose will, in my view, have little effect absent a serious global economic development plan. As I have previously remarked, the Greatest Generation understood this a heck of a lot better than we appear to today. The Marshall Plan, the foundation of the EU (which contrary to an earlier comment was fundamentally, and remains fundamentally, an economic union), the Bretton Woods institutions, were as integral a part of the post-war plans as any of the UN bodies.
So yep, I need to read some more, but I remain unconvinced we either need this Concert or that it can lead to substantial progress; I remain deeply skeptical that we might be able to sell it - either domestically or to other democracies; and I think that absent a "Marshall Plan", it won't affect much geopolitical change.
And finally, I will continue to channel Amartya Sen, for my money currently the most important writer on global socio-economic and political issues. You might begin to sway my views if I can see you're taking cues from him.
December 15, 2006 8:53 AM | Reply | Permalink
Ivo
Obviously the world is not all that upset with the United States as there is no real effort to confront it. It seems that the biggest complaint is that countries that have relatively small militaries, European countries and Japan aren't all that interested in spending their money when they can rely on the United States.
Is there really any evidence that Europe's concerns over Iraq or Iran has anything more to do with oil? They get a lot more oil from the Middle East than does the United States.
Will your Concert work in areas such as trade? Part of the problem with globalism as Joseph Stiglitz points out often is the relative dishonesty of the very countries that would be members of this Concert. Would you use this group to force its members to open up their economies despite the desire of many to go back to the 1950s?
On issue after issue World desires the U.S. to take the lead and many Americans want to know where the rest of the world is. Thus in Dafur who will confront China and the Sudanese government? How will the Concert work to bring in the rest of the world or do you expect much of the world to confront the democracies?
Daniel A. Greenbaum
December 15, 2006 8:56 AM | Reply | Permalink
There may be found many different interests contributing to transnational support for the Coal and Steel Union and its later evolvements, but since the involved countries were democracies - and this not only incidentally - and since their electorates considered tyranny and wars to be their major threats, there can't really be said to be much incidential about the intertwining of a democratic credo into the Union's ideological raison-d'être.
December 15, 2006 8:59 AM | Reply | Permalink
Listen: America's position in the world right now is the worst it's been. And more to the point, American self-respect (bar a few indignant shouters on the right) is at a new low. We are facing real economic troubles which may preclude even the most basic social reforms (healthcare top of list). We are facing (particiularly if the Shiites go after those Saudi oilfields, as many are saying they will do) huge price hikes in oil (something which Democratic majorities may get blamed for BTW). We are facing a denouement of l'affaire Iraq which -- no matter how you look at it -- will be a disaster.
The "Concert" sounds an awful lot like the mad templates the Bush administration accepted from its think tanks and laid upon the world. It's very tempting to put on new clothes and rush out to a party when life at home is in a terrible mess. Our system has been seriously damaged and needs every brain at Brookings, Princeton and beyond to stay home and help put it back together again. We need to fix us, not them. Before we rush out and try to persuade the world to follow our lead, we need to learn again how to treat each other respectfully here at home and abroad.
December 15, 2006 9:00 AM | Reply | Permalink
Fair enough that democracy is not incidental to the extent that only democracies would join in this manner. But the goal was not simply the joining of democracies for possible future action; it was for immediate internal efficiencies that make the EU more competitive globally.
December 15, 2006 9:18 AM | Reply | Permalink
I do disagree that the world isn't "all that upset" with the US Daniel. I see Chavez's message resonating in the rest of the Americas with new leftist regimes being put in place that are definitely more hostile to Washington then they are friendly. Traditonal allies like France have been very critical of us. And our standing in the Middle-East, while never great, has been severely tarnished.
December 15, 2006 10:00 AM | Reply | Permalink
This post from Daalder is essentially an admissiont that the new organization would serve no purpose. What does he suggest it would be able to work on?
Specifically:
-- Darfur
-- Iranian Nuclear Program
-- North Korean Proliferation
Generally:
-- Coordinating Foreign Aid
-- Poverty Reduction
-- Responsible Sovereignty
Disregarding whatever the hell is meant by Daalder's conception of responsible sovereignty, there is no current concensus among democracies about action to be taken regarding Darfur, Iran, or North Korea, and there is no good reason to think that a new organization would have the ability to build concensus where the UN and multilateral coalitions have failed. If the liberal democracies of the world don't want to work on Darfur right now, having a new organization isn't going to make them want to work on it.
Fundamentally, if this organization is to function in a manner that Daalder et al want it to function, there is no way the United States would ever sign on to it. It would be a brand spanking new League of Nations, and it would suffer the same fate. Here's why: the US is not going to compromise its sovereignty to support an international organization that it cannot effectively control. For this new organization to function as desired, it would need to be able to issue decisions that are legally binding on its members. The decisions would have to be legally binding because if they were not, individual states that disagreed with the organization would simply go outside of its framework to negotiate individually with problem states. Furthermore, it could not permit some states to have a privileged position within the organization such as the P5 members enjoy in the UN, because its undemocratic and illegitimate. Thus, legally binding decisions would be issued by a majority of the organization in which the US would find itself but one of apparently 60+ states. Sorry, but we're not going to be down with that.
BUT! Daalder argues, "We'll transform the concept of sovereignty in such a way that the US will be willing to compromise it."
To which the rational man responds, "You don't say."
Now that is the problem of this "responsible sovereignty." Look folks, just because you can put words together in a sentence, that does not mean that they carry any meaningful content when so arranged. The concept of sovereignty in its most broadly accepted form is precisely that individual states are not subject to external control or international intervention. In order to have a conception of sovereignty that is "not just as a right to be defended but as entailing real responsibilities toward both their own citizens and the security of those in other countries," one would have to give up the essential aspect of the concept.
And for Daalder et al it is either entirely give up the concept of sovereignty or design a two tiered concept of sovereignty where in-group states get the old sovereignty while out-group states get the new one. That option would be an assertion unseen in and unacceptable to the existing world order.
So, now it seems the proposed organization is not just useless, it is conceptually unworkable.
December 15, 2006 10:02 AM | Reply | Permalink
We have a pretty good sense of the kind of countries that clearly should become members as well as the kind that clearly should not. In member countries citizens must enjoy both fundamental political rights (not just to vote, but also to organize and participate in government) and basic civil rights (to speak, assemble and freely practice their religion) — and those rights must be guaranteed by law and enforced by an independent judiciary. Moreover, the commitment to uphold individual rights and govern by the rule of law should be so rooted in society that the chances of a reversion to autocratic rule are for all practical purposes unthinkable.
What if a government adheres to all these principles but wants to set-up a communist (in a Marxist model not the Soviet one) or socialist type of government? Would they, hypothetically, be eligible for inclusion in the CoD Ivo?
December 15, 2006 10:13 AM | Reply | Permalink
Re: We are facing real economic troubles which may preclude even the most basic social reforms (healthcare top of list).
If we are facing "real" economic troubles (as opposed to fake or imaginary ones?) then I would say that far from being precluded, major reforms become necessary and, yes, a good deal more politically feasible. The New Deal is an obvious historic case in point (and I doubt we are facing anything remotely on the magnitude of the Depression, or WWII for that matter).
Re: We are facing (particiularly if the Shiites go after those Saudi oilfields, as many are saying they will do) huge price hikes in oil
Highly dubious. The Iraqi Shi'ites can barely defend themselves, the Iranians may have desires for regional hegemony, but lack the military force to obtain it that way, and everywhere else the Shi'ites are a small minority.
Re; something which Democratic majorities may get blamed for BTW
As long as George Bush is in the white House the buck will stop there. Fairly or not Americans hold their presidents responsible for anything that goes wrong in public affairs.
December 15, 2006 10:34 AM | Reply | Permalink
Libertine
To be clear I agree the world is furious with Bush. Bush has been a disaster in every way possible. However, Bush is an anomaly when it comes to American foreign policy. Thus if we have president after president that resembles Bush then the situation might change. This is one of the greatest fears of another serious attack on American soil, Bush will be the norm not the exception.
It is also why I think the Concert of Democracies, in theory is a good idea. It keeps the U.S., the necessary country, involved in the world but with mechanisms better suited than the U.N. to control the actions of the U.S. Daniel A. Greenbaum
December 15, 2006 10:54 AM | Reply | Permalink
OK...so you were referring to how the world viewed the US pre-Bush and assuming that POV would return post-Bush? For argument's sake I'll accept that leap of faith Daniel.
But in many ways the problems we face in the world are because of our continuation of Cold War foreign policy positions even after our Cold War adversary was defeated. We continue on with an imperialistic policy trying to steer more and more countries into our sphere of influence to the benefit of only us. We are not the superpower we used to be, granted, but we are still the pre-eminent world power and this CoD seems to be a new vehicle to allow us to try to control other governments like we did in the Cold War only with new justifications.
I don't think we need a CoD. I prefer to stick with the UN as imperfect as it is. And when the US shows leadership, like it did in the first Gulf War, the UN can operate fairly effectively...the key is the US showing leadership more than it has in the recent past.
December 15, 2006 11:41 AM | Reply | Permalink
It stikes me in reading through the discussions from the carious pro-CoD authors is that the one issue that is really driving the calls for a Concert of Democracies is the Darfur crisis.
Might not there be some other way of addressing this issue without forming a major separate organization and alliance of democracies? Some sort of self-standing "duty to protect" project chartered through the UN that could break the logjam, and which has no particular ideological edge? If this could be done in such a way that it was clear that what is being formed is not an all-purpose military-economic power bloc about whose strength others must worry, and which would therefore provoke resistance, it would have a greater chance of success.
My sense is that part of the holdup on acting in Darfur is that the Darfur issue has become entangled with other issues of regional competition, power struggles and clashing national interests. Making progress on the issue requires disentangling the issue from those other agendas to the greatest extent possible. The CoD it seems to me, only entangles the issues further.
December 15, 2006 1:31 PM | Reply | Permalink
The UN, like the LoN, can not be more than its members want it to be. If an important member, like the U.S., has given up on the UN, it seriously weakens that organisation.
And any such weakening is not reversed rapidly, also if its causes would disappear.
December 15, 2006 1:44 PM | Reply | Permalink
Global competitiveness may seem the most important aspect seen from the other side of the Atlantic, but it was hardly what made the hearts tick in Europeans who had fresh experiences of Third Reich or Soviet Union dominance.
December 15, 2006 1:47 PM | Reply | Permalink
Seemed natural to assume the EU was an outgrowth of the EEC, the European Economic Community. I'll accept being wrong if that's not the case.
December 15, 2006 2:17 PM | Reply | Permalink
Yes, of course it was!
But what made the idea of the supra-national Coal and Steel Union acceptable in the first case? Greed, peace longing or fear of tyranny? Consider for instance how Greece, Portugal and Spain were encouraged to apply for membership after the fall of dictatorship in these countries, or the later codified Copenhagen Criteria for applicants:
At this time, the Wikipedia article on the Union's history is good. As always with Wikipedia, however, there are no guarantees it will remain so.
December 15, 2006 3:45 PM | Reply | Permalink
Point taken.
December 15, 2006 8:15 PM | Reply | Permalink
Ivo, you verified my suspicion. The "Concert of Democracies" is only intended as a means of using military and economic force to compel other nations to do whatever we wish them to do, primarily to sell us their natural resources cheaply, and by us, I mean US corporations. I have to say, I don't see this as a moral position for our country to pursue.
The UN was formed to provide a framework for nations to settle their differences by negotiation, diplomacy, and moral persuasion, instead of by killing each other's citizens. That is a moral position for us to adhere to. Not one person posting here has any acceptable reason to put US corporate profits ahead of the lives of citizens of any country. No Concert of Democracies will ever have my support until that basic idea is universally accepted.
Hoppy in Sacramento
December 15, 2006 9:04 PM | Reply | Permalink
I don't think a Concert of Democracies would be able to replicate what the UN already does. It wouldn't do humanitarian relief any better, either, and it would be a wash with regard to legitimacy.
The UN has a function far more important than humanitarian relief. It prevents disputes and incidents from escalating into major world wars. What if there'd been no UN when Russia shot down the airliner? Or when the US did? Or when NATO bombed the Chinese embassy? Or when Russia and China shot down American spy planes? I don't think a Concert would've been able to diffuse situations like that.
No Concert of Democracies is going to make enough people care about Darfur to cause the democracies in question to do anything about it. The sun used to never set on the British Empire, for heaven's sake. Ditto for France, Spain, Portugal, and the Netherlands. Any one of these formerly imperial nations could handle Darfur all by itself. They choose not to because as they evolved into democracies, stopped fighting one another, and abandoned their former colonies, Europeans became wealthy and comfortable. They don't want to be shipped off to Africa. Some people care enough to join worthy relief organizations like Medecins Sans Frontiers, or whatever. But they don't number enough to change their governments' policies.
Finally, a word on legitimacy. Politics will always be a struggle among competing interests and legitimacy, whatever that means, will always be in the eye of the beholder. Neither Saddam Hussein nor Slobodan Milosevic nor the Somali warlords were the least bit impressed by the "legitimacy." Superior firepower, or lack thereof, proved decisive. No Concert of Democracies is going to change this calculus either.
All in all, I'd say this Concert idea is a worthy academic effort that's just not going anywhere.
-- Good people can have honest differences of opinion. Bipartisanship is impossible so long as Republicans are neither.
December 16, 2006 1:03 AM | Reply | Permalink
If what you say is accurate why is Bill Clinton so popular around the world? Why does the world seek to emulate the United States in many ways? What is the serious counter to the United States?
I would suggest that the anti-Americanism is more prevalent among elements of Americans than it is around the world. The world is rightly worried about Bush's unilateralism. Not just in Iraq but over their general attitude. However the older Bush and Clinton were both multilateralists and could enlist a fair amount of support around the world.
Just look at Somalia and Bosnia. The world stood by, especially Europe until America acted. There was no criticism of the United States.
In Latin America the biggest problem is that after 9/11 America has either ignored the region or treated them as terrorism. Then there is the Lou Dobbses and those on the Left who think Mexicans coming into the U.S. is the greatest crisis since the Civil War.
None of this has to with a Cold War attitude or policy. I do agree with you that if the U.S. is attacked again. The world and Americans have every reason to fear. At home we will long for the liberalism of the Patriot Act and the rest of the World will be seen as our enemey.
Daniel A. Greenbaum
December 16, 2006 7:50 AM | Reply | Permalink
Daniel...
Why did/does the world like Clinton? Because Bill Clinton is one of the more charismatic leaders of his time. And it had very little to do with America and almost everything to do with Bill Clinton.
Somalia and Bosnia are a mixed bag. Yes the US stepped up and showed leadership. The efforts in Bosnia were impressively effective and the ones in Somalia were equally not. I don't view that as a US failing but it does underscore the flaws of the UN in terms of being consistent in their efforts. But between Kuwait (my lone praise for and only noteworthy accomplishiment of the Bush, Sr. administration), Bosnia and Somalia it shows that the UN can act assertively when the institution operates as intended. I see this as a case being made to stick with the UN and not one for needing a CoD.
I think Latin America was a problem before 9/11 that was made worse by 9/11. For far too long the region has been exploited for it's resources by American multinationals under the guise of our Cold War anti-communist policy. Very few in the region have benefitted while the vast majority of the people have reaped very little socio-economic benefit from their resources. So there has been a push back and the people of the region have chosen leaders like Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales and others on the left who want to see the wealth of their nations benefit all the people of their nations more, instead of it being syphoned off and funneled north. I see this as an issue for the OAS to address and again I do not see a need for a CoD in this case.
I am actually not afraid of another attack even though another one is likely. The policies and rhetoric of the GWOT are trying to make Islamic extremists a bigger threats then Soviet Communism and Fascist Germany of the 30's and 40's...combined. We are looking to continue our imperialistic Cold War policies by inventing a new grave threat to our republic and free peoples everywhere. Islamic extremism is a threat and it should be dealt with by the world vis-a-vis the UN but it doesn't threaten Western Civilization as we know it. A CoD, which is an exclusive body which will not be representitive of the world community as a whole, will be far less effective dealing with the problem then the UN can and will be if the US will abandon our unilateralist foreign policy and seriously re-engage ourselves in the work of the institution.
December 16, 2006 9:00 AM | Reply | Permalink
I think the organization not being more then what it's members want it to be is a good point. The UN was established in the years following WWII. The world had just ended the second of 2 global wars and wanted to insure that a 3rd one wouldn't happen in the future. In that regard the UN has been a complete success. And in weakening the body the world would run the risk that another "hot" war on a global scale could occur. The UN plods along in dealing with many of the issues facing the world, as would any body so diverse, but it serves very important puposes nonetheless and in my estimation it's effectiveness should not be undermined in the least.
December 16, 2006 9:47 AM | Reply | Permalink
When there is evidence of large scale support for American that is only person. When there is evidence of opposition to America that is proof of bad American policy? How did the first Bush put together a virtual global coalition to oust Iraq from Kuwait?
Having watched three thousand poeple murdered people my eyes I am not willing to wait for the U.N. I disagree tht Islamic extermism does not threaten the West but without the power of an industrial nation they are not likely to succeed. Especially as I imagine if the U.S. is attacked again much of the Middle East will cease to exist. Afterall the U.S. being attacked again is less a threat to America than it is to the rest of the globe.
Daniel A. Greenbaum
December 16, 2006 11:45 AM | Reply | Permalink
Good point, Libertine. Though, in a lot of ways, the Chavez influence on Latin America, which can't be ignored, has not produced Chavez clones. I mean, look at de Silva in Brazil -- a populist, for sure, but far more moderate. A lot of the left wing winners in Latin America this year are more properly "progressive" and not very radical. In a lot of ways, they're what I hoped Chavez would have been.
I happen to respect Chavez, by the way, despite some huge disagreements and worries...
thosethingswesay.blogspot.com
December 16, 2006 12:49 PM | Reply | Permalink
The whole time I was reading this post and the comments I kept wondering, "Why do we even need a CoD?" (Terrible name, by the way).
The only answer I can come up with is that China won't be in it.
That's not, actually, a bad answer. Everybody's talking about the human rights abuses in Darfur. But there's not enough talk about who's behind it. It's China. They're supplying the petrodollars and are putting up a Dubai style city in Khartoum while the rest of Darfur suffers.
At the moment, China is taking a very realpolitik view of the world. I don't actually blame them for that. They have to do it because they need the resources. But they're investing heavily in Africa while most of the world's attention is elsewhere, China is turning that entire continent into a client state.
Since China has veto power in the UN, the UN is helpless to even regulate China's activities. A powerful and rich international group that doesn't include China might be able to provide a check on China's ambitions. I think we need one of those.
thosethingswesay.blogspot.com
December 16, 2006 1:27 PM | Reply | Permalink
China is doing in Sudan what the US did in Saudi Arabia. And, they are doing it for much the same reason. When we back off in Saudi Arabia and support the ordinary citizens of that country in their desires to enjoy the freedoms of democracy without the heavy hand of the Saud family on their head, then and only then can I see us being qualified to criticize China's activity in Sudan.
The difference between China's exploitation of Sudan and our exploitation of Saudi Arabia is that our government did it to benefit some really big corporations in our country, and China does it to benefit those who have their fingers in the till in the government. But, in both cases it is exploitation.
Hoppy in Sacramento
December 16, 2006 3:07 PM | Reply | Permalink
Wait a minute. Here's what you think we'd accomplish through the "Concert of Democracies" (among other things):
And here -- according to the economics correspondent at the Guardian -- is a piece of the history of our behavior during efforts to accomplish the same ends at the UN: Why would we suddenly turn into angels because we're leader-members of a new organization? Don't we first need to conquer the bad habit of abusing our power?December 17, 2006 8:18 AM | Reply | Permalink
WOuld countries that insist that God Chose Them to Rule over people of a different religion, and in which members who are not members of that religion are relegated to second-class status and routinely subjected to discrimination, and in which the military occupies the lands of other people and has been for the last 60 years expelling and murdering them, be allowed to participate in this "Concert"?
How about a country whose CHief Executive has the unfettered right to order anyone - including citizens - to be summarily arrested, without recourse to the courts, and held indefinitely and even tortured?
Or whose chief executive has declared that nuking other people is an "option"? Will that country be allowed to participate and lord over everyone else?
Get real.
December 17, 2006 9:25 AM | Reply | Permalink
Yeah there has definitely been, politically, a leftward in the rest of the Americas Destor. Some like Chavez are farther to the left than de Silva but most leaders in our hemisphere are politically moving away from where have have been for the last 6+ years.
I respect Chavez too if for no other reason for making a stand about what he feels is in the best interests of his country. And I have respect of the Venezuelan people when they chose him to lead them again. The elections there have been free and open as any and Chavez appears to have won fair and square...as long as it is mandated by the people it is legitimate.
December 18, 2006 10:00 AM | Reply | Permalink
Any new organization of states will still have to deal with the abovementioned sovereignty question. Politics is about power and since no organization will possibly allow a single entity to wield more power than either itself or at least its closest ally, no organization will possibly be able to wield enough power to affect change in the places it is needed.
Also, would a coalition of self-professed democracies have a mandate to pass resolutions on the state of those states that are not members because they have not been deemed democracies by the lucky few? If so, would those states that are not democracies have a right to comment on the democratic nature of an organization that is trying to enact policies against/for them without in fact democratically including them in the organization itself? Isn't the idea of a coalition of democratic states formed to solve problems in non-democratic states a little bit hypocritcal? Something of an assumption of our own infallibility?
Since the major question resonating throughout all of this discussion is that surrounding the exercise of power, maybe it makes more sense to create an organization without ANY power as a means for those disenfranchised states, ostensibly non-democratic, to have a forum in which their greavences can be discussed without being held accountable by more powerful states and as a method by which the democratic states that wish to change them can air potential solutions without the spectre of powerful security council members vetoing their solutions.
Whichever way, it is evident that the formation of this organization is hinged upon only one thing - can it differentiate itself in some functional and practical way from the organizations that already exist? If not, there is no reason to bring it into being.
December 18, 2006 3:46 PM | Reply | Permalink